What people do the Mari belong to? The most famous Mari


The Mari stood out as an independent people from the Finno-Ugric tribes in the 10th century. Over the millennium of its existence, the Mari people have created a unique unique culture.

The book tells about rituals, customs, ancient beliefs, folk arts and crafts, blacksmithing, the art of songwriters, guslars, folk music, includes lyrics, legends, fairy tales, legends, poems and prose of the classics of the Mari people and contemporary writers, talks about theatrical and musical art, about outstanding representatives of the culture of the Mari people.

Included are reproductions from the most famous paintings Mari artists of the XIX-XXI centuries.

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Introduction

Scientists attribute the Mari to the group of Finno-Ugric peoples, but this is not entirely true. According to ancient Mari legends, this people in ancient times came from Ancient Iran, the birthplace of the prophet Zarathustra, and settled along the Volga, where they mixed with the local Finno-Ugric tribes, but retained their originality. This version is also confirmed by philology. According to the Doctor of Philology, Professor Chernykh, out of 100 Mari words, 35 are Finno-Ugric, 28 are Turkic and Indo-Iranian, and the rest Slavic origin and other peoples. Carefully studied the prayer texts of the ancient Mari religion, Professor Chernykh came to an amazing conclusion: the prayer words of the Mari are more than 50% of Indo-Iranian origin. It was in the prayer texts that the parent language of the modern Mari was preserved, not influenced by the peoples with whom they had contacts in later periods.

Outwardly, the Mari are quite different from other Finno-Ugric peoples. As a rule, they are not very tall, with dark hair, slightly slanted eyes. Mari girls at a young age are very beautiful and they can even often be confused with Russians. However, by the age of forty, most of them are very old and either dry out or become incredibly full.

The Mari remember themselves under the rule of the Khazars from the 2nd century BC. - 500 years, then under the rule of the Bulgars for 400 years, 400 years under the Horde. 450 - under the Russian principalities. According to ancient predictions, the Mari cannot live under someone for more than 450-500 years. But they will not have an independent state. This cycle of 450–500 years is associated with the passage of a comet.

Before the collapse of the Bulgar Khaganate, namely at the end of the 9th century, the Mari occupied vast areas, and their number was more than a million people. These are the Rostov region, Moscow, Ivanovo, Yaroslavl, the territory of modern Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod, modern Mari El and the Bashkir lands.

In ancient times, the Mari people were ruled by princes, whom the Mari called oms. The prince combined the functions of both a military commander and a high priest. The Mari religion considers many of them to be saints. Saint in Mari - shnuy. For a person to be recognized as a saint, 77 years must pass. If, after this period, when prayers are addressed to him, healings from diseases occur, and other miracles occur, then the deceased is recognized as a saint.

Often such holy princes possessed various extraordinary abilities, and were in one person a righteous sage and a warrior merciless to the enemy of his people. After the Mari finally fell under the rule of other tribes, they no longer had princes. And the religious function is performed by the priest of their religion - kart. The supreme kart of all Maris is elected by the council of all karts and his powers within the framework of his religion are approximately equal to the powers of the patriarch among Orthodox Christians.

Modern Mari live in the territories between 45° and 60° north latitude and 56° and 58° east longitudes in several rather closely related groups. Autonomy, the Republic of Mari El, located on the middle reaches of the Volga, in 1991 declared itself in its Constitution a sovereign state within the Russian Federation. The declaration of sovereignty in the post-Soviet era means the observance of the principle of preserving originality national culture and language. In the Mari ASSR, according to the 1989 census, there were 324,349 inhabitants of the Mari nationality. In the neighboring Gorky region, 9 thousand people called themselves Mari, in the Kirov region - 50 thousand people. In addition to these places, a significant Mari population lives in Bashkortostan (105,768 people), in Tatarstan (20 thousand people), Udmurtia (10 thousand people) and in the Sverdlovsk region (25 thousand people). In some regions of the Russian Federation, the number of scattered, sporadically living Mari reaches 100 thousand people. The Mari are divided into two large dialect-ethno-cultural groups: the mountain and meadow Mari.

History of the Mari

The vicissitudes of the formation of the Mari people, we learn more and more fully on the basis of the latest archaeological research. In the second half of the 1st millennium BC. e., as well as at the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. e. among the ethnic groups of the Gorodets and Azelin cultures, the ancestors of the Mari can also be assumed. The Gorodets culture was autochthonous on the right bank of the Middle Volga region, while the Azelin culture was on the left bank of the Middle Volga, as well as along the Vyatka. These two branches of the ethnogenesis of the Mari people well show the double connection of the Mari within the Finno-Ugric tribes. The Gorodets culture for the most part played a role in the formation of the Mordovian ethnos, however, its eastern parts served as the basis for the formation of the Mountain Mari ethnic group. The Azelinskaya culture can be traced back to the Ananyinskaya archaeological culture, which was previously assigned a dominant role only in the ethnogenesis of the Finno-Permian tribes, although at present this issue is considered differently by some researchers: it is possible that the Proto-Ugric and ancient Mari tribes were part of the ethnic groups of new archaeological cultures. successors that arose on the site of the disintegrated Ananyino culture. The ethnic group of the Meadow Mari can also be traced back to the traditions of the Ananyino culture.

The Eastern European forest zone has extremely scarce written information about the history of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the writing of these peoples appeared very late, with few exceptions only in the latest historical era. The first mention of the ethnonym "Cheremis" in the form "ts-r-mis" is found in a written source, which dates back to the 10th century, but, in all likelihood, goes back one or two centuries later. According to this source, the Mari were tributaries of the Khazars. Then kari (in the form "cheremisam") mentions the composition in. early 12th century Russian annalistic code, calling the place of their settlement of the land at the mouth of the Oka. Of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the Mari turned out to be most closely associated with the Turkic tribes that migrated to the Volga region. These ties are very strong even now. Volga Bulgars at the beginning of the 9th century. arrived from Great Bulgaria on the Black Sea coast to the confluence of the Kama with the Volga, where they founded the Volga Bulgaria. The ruling elite of the Volga Bulgars, using the profit from trade, could firmly hold their power. They traded honey, wax, and furs coming from the Finno-Ugric peoples living nearby. Relations between the Volga Bulgars and various Finno-Ugric tribes of the Middle Volga region were not overshadowed by anything. The empire of the Volga Bulgars was destroyed by the Mongol-Tatar conquerors who invaded from the interior regions of Asia in 1236.

Collection of yasak. Reproduction of a painting by G.A. Medvedev

Khan Batu founded a state formation called the Golden Horde in the territories occupied and subordinated to him. Its capital until the 1280s. was the city of Bulgar, the former capital of the Volga Bulgaria. With the Golden Horde and the independent Kazan Khanate that later separated from it, the Mari were in allied relations. This is evidenced by the fact that the Mari had a stratum that did not pay taxes, but was obliged to carry out military service. This estate then became one of the most combat-ready military formations among the Tatars. Also, the existence of allied relations is indicated by the use of the Tatar word "el" - "people, empire" to designate the region inhabited by the Mari. Mari still call their native land Mari El.

The accession of the Mari region to the Russian state was greatly influenced by the contacts of some groups of the Mari population with the Slavic-Russian state formations (Kievan Rus - northeastern Russian principalities and lands - Muscovite Rus) even before the 16th century. There was a significant deterrent that did not allow to quickly complete what had been started in the XII-XIII centuries. the process of joining Russia is the close and multilateral ties of the Mari with the Turkic states that opposed Russian expansion to the east (Volga-Kama Bulgaria - Ulus Jochi - Kazan Khanate). Such an intermediate position, as A. Kappeler believes, led to the fact that the Mari, as well as the Mordovians and Udmurts who were in a similar situation, were drawn into neighboring state entities in economic and administrative terms, but at the same time retained their own social elite and their pagan religion .

The inclusion of the Mari lands in Russia from the very beginning was ambiguous. Already at the turn of the 11th-12th centuries, according to The Tale of Bygone Years, the Mari (“Cheremis”) were among the tributaries of the ancient Russian princes. It is believed that tributary dependence is the result of military clashes, "tormenting". True, there is not even indirect information about the exact date of its establishment. G.S. Lebedev, on the basis of the matrix method, showed that in the catalog of the introductory part of The Tale of Bygone Years, "cherems" and "Mordovians" can be combined into one group with the whole, Merya and Muroma according to four main parameters - genealogical, ethnic, political and moral and ethical . This gives some reason to believe that the Mari became tributaries earlier than the rest of the non-Slavic tribes listed by Nestor - "Perm, Pechera, Em" and other "tongues, which give tribute to Russia."

There is information about the dependence of the Mari on Vladimir Monomakh. According to the "Word about the destruction of the Russian land", "Cheremis ... bortnichahu against the great prince Volodimer." In the Ipatiev Chronicle, in unison with the pathetic tone of the Lay, it is said that he is "most afraid of the filthy." According to B.A. Rybakov, the real enthronement, the nationalization of North-Eastern Russia began precisely with Vladimir Monomakh.

However, the testimony of these written sources does not allow us to say that tribute to the ancient Russian princes was paid by all groups of the Mari population; most likely, only the western Mari, who lived near the mouth of the Oka, were drawn into the sphere of influence of Russia.

The rapid pace of Russian colonization caused opposition from the local Finno-Ugric population, who found support from the Volga-Kama Bulgaria. In 1120, after a series of attacks by the Bulgars on the Russian cities in the Volga-Ochya in the second half of the 11th century, a series of counter-attacks of the Vladimir-Suzdal and allied princes began on the lands that either belonged to the Bulgar rulers, or were only controlled by them in the order of collecting tribute from the local population. It is believed that the Russian-Bulgarian conflict erupted primarily on the basis of the collection of tribute.

The Russian princely squads more than once attacked the Mari villages that came across on their way to the rich Bulgarian cities. It is known that in the winter of 1171/72. the detachment of Boris Zhidislavich destroyed one large fortified and six small settlements just below the mouth of the Oka, and here even in the 16th century. still lived along with the Mordovian and Mari population. Moreover, it was under the same date that the Russian fortress Gorodets Radilov was first mentioned, which was built a little higher than the mouth of the Oka on the left bank of the Volga, presumably on the land of the Mari. According to V.A. Kuchkin, Gorodets Radilov became a stronghold of North-Eastern Russia on the Middle Volga and the center of Russian colonization of the local region.

The Slavic-Russians gradually either assimilated or displaced the Mari, forcing them to migrate to the east. This movement has been traced by archaeologists since about the 8th century. n. e.; the Mari, in turn, entered into ethnic contacts with the Perm-speaking population of the Volga-Vyatka interfluve (the Mari called them odo, that is, they were Udmurts). The alien ethnic group dominated the ethnic competition. In the IX-XI centuries. The Mari basically completed the development of the Vetluzhsko-Vyatka interfluve, displacing and partially assimilating the former population. Numerous traditions of the Mari and Udmurts testify that there were armed conflicts, and mutual antipathy continued to exist between the representatives of these Finno-Ugric peoples for quite a long time.

As a result of the military campaign of 1218–1220, the conclusion of the Russian-Bulgarian peace treaty of 1220, and the founding of Nizhny Novgorod in 1221 at the mouth of the Oka, the easternmost outpost of North-Eastern Russia, the influence of the Volga-Kama Bulgaria in the Middle Volga region weakened. This created favorable conditions for the Vladimir-Suzdal feudal lords to conquer the Mordovians. Most likely, in the Russo-Mordovian war of 1226-1232. the "Cheremis" of the Oka-Sura interfluve was also drawn in.

The Russian Tsar gives gifts to the mountain Mari

The expansion of both Russian and Bulgarian feudal lords was also directed to the Unzha and Vetluga basins, which were relatively unsuitable for economic development. It was mainly inhabited by the Mari tribes and the eastern part of the Kostroma Mary, between which, as established by archaeologists and linguists, there was a lot in common, which to some extent allows us to talk about the ethnocultural commonality of the Vetluzh Mari and the Kostroma Mary. In 1218 the Bulgars attack Ustyug and Unzha; under 1237, another Russian city in the Trans-Volga region, Galich Mersky, was mentioned for the first time. Apparently, there was a struggle for the Sukhono-Vychegda trade and trade route and for the collection of tribute from the local population, in particular, the Mari. Russian domination was established here as well.

In addition to the western and northwestern periphery of the Mari lands, Russians from about the turn of the 12th-13th centuries. they began to develop the northern outskirts - the upper reaches of the Vyatka, where, in addition to the Mari, the Udmurts also lived.

The development of the Mari lands, most likely, was carried out not only by force, by military methods. There are such varieties of "cooperation" between the Russian princes and the national nobility as "equal" matrimonial unions, companyism, subordination, hostage-taking, bribery, "sweetening". It is possible that a number of these methods were also applied to representatives of the Mari social elite.

If in the X-XI centuries, as the archaeologist E.P. Kazakov points out, there was “a certain commonality of the Bulgar and Volga-Mari monuments”, then over the next two centuries the ethnographic image of the Mari population - especially in Povetluzhye - became different. The Slavic and Slavic-Meryansk components have significantly increased in it.

The facts show that the degree of inclusion of the Mari population in Russian state formations in the pre-Mongol period was quite high.

The situation changed in the 1930s and 1940s. 13th century as a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion. However, this did not at all lead to the cessation of the growth of Russian influence in the Volga-Kama region. Small independent Russian state formations appeared around urban centers - princely residences founded back in the period of the existence of a single Vladimir-Suzdal Rus. These are Galician (arose around 1247), Kostroma (approximately in the 50s of the XIII century) and Gorodetsky (between 1269 and 1282) principalities; at the same time, the influence of the Vyatka Land grew, turning into a special state formation with veche traditions. In the second half of the XIV century. the Vyatchans had already firmly established themselves in the Middle Vyatka and in the Tansy basin, displacing the Mari and Udmurts from here.

In the 60s–70s. 14th century feudal turmoil broke out in the horde, weakening its military and political power for a while. This was successfully used by the Russian princes, who sought to break out of dependence on the khan's administration and increase their possessions at the expense of the peripheral regions of the empire.

The most notable success was achieved by the Nizhny Novgorod-Suzdal principality, the successor to the principality of Gorodetsky. The first Nizhny Novgorod prince Konstantin Vasilyevich (1341–1355) “ordered the Russian people to settle along the Oka and along the Volga and along the Kuma rivers ... where anyone wants”, that is, he began to sanction the colonization of the Oka-Sura interfluve. And in 1372, his son Prince Boris Konstantinovich founded the Kurmysh fortress on the left bank of the Sura, thereby establishing control over the local population - mainly Mordovians and Mari.

Soon the possessions of the Nizhny Novgorod princes began to appear on the right bank of the Sura (in Zasurye), where they lived mountain Mari and Chuvash. By the end of the XIV century. Russian influence in the Sura basin increased so much that representatives of the local population began to warn the Russian princes about the upcoming invasions of the Golden Horde troops.

A significant role in strengthening anti-Russian sentiments among the Mari population was played by frequent attacks by the Ushkuiniks. The most sensitive for the Mari, apparently, were the raids carried out by Russian river robbers in 1374, when they ravaged the villages along the Vyatka, Kama, Volga (from the mouth of the Kama to the Sura) and Vetluga.

In 1391, as a result of Bektut's campaign, the Vyatka Land, which was considered the refuge of the Ushkuins, was devastated. However, already in 1392 the Vyatchans plundered the Bulgarian cities of Kazan and Zhukotin (Dzhuketau).

According to the Vetluzhsky Chronicler, in 1394, “Uzbeks” appeared in the Vetluzhsky Kuguz - nomadic warriors from the eastern half of the Jochi Ulus, who “took the people for the army and took them along the Vetluga and the Volga near Kazan to Tokhtamysh.” And in 1396, a protege of Tokhtamysh Keldibek was elected kuguz.

As a result of a large-scale war between Tokhtamysh and Timur Tamerlane, the Golden Horde Empire was significantly weakened, many Bulgarian cities were devastated, and its surviving inhabitants began to move to the right side of the Kama and the Volga - away from the dangerous steppe and forest-steppe zone; in the area of ​​Kazanka and Sviyaga, the Bulgar population came into close contact with the Mari.

In 1399, the cities of Bulgar, Kazan, Kermenchuk, Zhukotin were taken by the appanage prince Yuri Dmitrievich, the annals indicate that "no one remembers only far away Rus fought the Tatar land." Apparently, at the same time, the Galich prince conquered the Vetluzh Kuguzism - this is reported by the Vetluzh chronicler. Kuguz Keldibek recognized his dependence on the leaders of the Vyatka Land, concluding a military alliance with them. In 1415, the Vetluzhans and Vyatches made a joint campaign against the Northern Dvina. In 1425, the Vetluzh Mari became part of the many thousands of militia of the Galich specific prince, who began an open struggle for the grand prince's throne.

In 1429 Keldibek took part in the campaign of the Bulgaro-Tatar troops led by Alibek to Galich and Kostroma. In response to this, in 1431 Vasily II took severe punitive measures against the Bulgars, who had already seriously suffered from a terrible famine and an epidemic of plague. In 1433 (or in 1434), Vasily Kosoy, who received Galich after the death of Yuri Dmitrievich, physically eliminated Keldibek's Kuguz and annexed the Vetluzh Kuguz to his inheritance.

The Mari population also had to experience the religious and ideological expansion of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Mari pagan population, as a rule, negatively perceived attempts to Christianize them, although there were also reverse examples. In particular, the Kazhirovsky and Vetluzhsky chroniclers report that the Kuguzes Kodzha-Eraltem, Kai, Bai-Boroda, their relatives and close associates adopted Christianity and allowed the construction of churches in the territory they controlled.

Among the Privetluzhsky Mari population, a version of the Kitezh legend spread: allegedly, the Mari, who did not want to submit to the “Russian princes and priests”, buried themselves alive right on the shore of Svetloyar, and subsequently, together with the earth that collapsed on them, slid down to the bottom of a deep lake. The following record, made in the 19th century, has been preserved: “Among the Svetloyarsk pilgrims, one can always meet two or three Mari women dressed in sharpan, without any signs of Russification.”

By the time the Kazan Khanate appeared, the Mari of the following areas were involved in the sphere of influence of the Russian state formations: the right bank of the Sura - a significant part of the mountain Mari (this can also include the Oka-Sura "Cheremis"), Povetluzhye - the northwestern Mari, the basin of the Pizhma River and the Middle Vyatka - northern part of the meadow mari. The Kokshai Mari, the population of the Ileti river basin, the north-eastern part of the modern territory of the Republic of Mari El, as well as the Lower Vyatka, that is, the main part of the meadow Mari, were less affected by Russian influence.

The territorial expansion of the Kazan Khanate was carried out in the western and northern directions. Sura became the southwestern border with Russia, respectively, Zasurye was completely under the control of Kazan. During 1439-1441, judging by the Vetluzh chronicler, the Mari and Tatar warriors destroyed all Russian settlements on the territory of the former Vetluzh Kuguz, Kazan "governors" began to rule the Vetluzh Mari. Both the Vyatka Land and the Great Perm soon found themselves in tributary dependence on the Kazan Khanate.

In the 50s. 15th century Moscow managed to subjugate the Vyatka Land and part of the Povetluzhye; soon, in 1461-1462. Russian troops even entered into a direct armed conflict with the Kazan Khanate, during which the Mari lands on the left bank of the Volga suffered mainly.

In the winter of 1467/68 an attempt was made to eliminate or weaken the allies of Kazan - the Mari. For this purpose, two trips "to the Cheremis" were organized. The first, main group, which consisted mainly of selected troops - "the court of the prince of the great regiment" - fell upon the left-bank Mari. According to the chronicles, “the army of the Grand Duke came to the land of Cheremis, and did much evil to that land: people from the sekosh, and led others into captivity, and burned others; and their horses and every living thing that you can’t take with you, then everything is gone; and whatever was their belly, they took it all. The second group, which included warriors recruited in the Murom and Nizhny Novgorod lands, "wrestled mountains and barats" along the Volga. However, even this did not prevent the Kazanians, including, most likely, the Mari warriors, already in the winter-summer of 1468 from ruining Kichmenga with adjacent villages (the upper reaches of the Unzha and Yug rivers), as well as the Kostroma volosts and twice in a row - the vicinity of Murom. Parity was established in punitive actions, which, most likely, had little effect on the state of the armed forces of the opposing sides. The case came down mainly to robberies, mass destruction, the capture of the civilian population - the Mari, Chuvash, Russians, Mordovians, etc.

In the summer of 1468, Russian troops resumed their raids on the uluses of the Kazan Khanate. And this time, the Mari population suffered the most. The rook army, led by the voivode Ivan Run, “fought your cheremis on the Vyatka River”, plundered the villages and merchant ships on the Lower Kama, then went up to the Belaya River (“Belaya Volozhka”), where the Russians again “fighted the cheremis, and people from sekosh and horses and every animal." They learned from local residents that nearby, up the Kama, a detachment of Kazan soldiers of 200 people was moving on ships taken from the Mari. As a result of a short battle, this detachment was defeated. The Russians then followed "to Great Perm and to Ustyug" and further to Moscow. Almost at the same time, another Russian army (“outpost”), led by Prince Fedor Khripun-Ryapolovsky, was operating on the Volga. Not far from Kazan, it is "beaten by the Tatars of Kazan, the court of tsars, many good ones." However, even in such a critical situation for themselves, Kazan did not abandon active offensive operations. By bringing their troops into the territory of the Vyatka Land, they persuaded the Vyatchans to neutrality.

In the Middle Ages, there were usually no precisely defined borders between states. This also applies to the Kazan Khanate with neighboring countries. From the west and north, the territory of the khanate adjoined the borders of the Russian state, from the east - the Nogai Horde, from the south - the Astrakhan khanate and from the southwest - the Crimean khanate. The border between the Kazan Khanate and the Russian state along the Sura River was relatively stable; further, it can be determined only conditionally according to the principle of paying yasak by the population: from the mouth of the Sura River through the Vetluga basin to Pizhma, then from the mouth of Pizhma to the Middle Kama, including some areas of the Urals, then back to the Volga River along the left bank of the Kama, without going deep into the steppe, down the Volga approximately to the Samara bow, and finally, to the upper reaches of the same Sura river.

In addition to the Bulgaro-Tatar population (Kazan Tatars) on the territory of the Khanate, according to A.M. Kurbsky, there were also Mari (“Cheremis”), southern Udmurts (“Votyaks”, “Ars”), Chuvashs, Mordvins (mainly Erzya), Western Bashkirs. Mari in the sources of the XV-XVI centuries. and in general in the Middle Ages they were known under the name "Cheremis", the etymology of which has not yet been clarified. At the same time, under this ethnonym, in a number of cases (this is especially characteristic of the Kazan chronicler), not only the Mari, but also the Chuvashs and the southern Udmurts could appear. Therefore, it is rather difficult to determine, even in approximate outlines, the territory of the settlement of the Mari during the existence of the Kazan Khanate.

A number of fairly reliable sources of the XVI century. - testimonies of S. Herberstein, spiritual letters of Ivan III and Ivan IV, the Royal Book - indicate the presence of the Mari in the Oka-Sura interfluve, that is, in the region of Nizhny Novgorod, Murom, Arzamas, Kurmysh, Alatyr. This information is confirmed by folklore material, as well as the toponymy of this territory. It is noteworthy that until recently, among the local Mordovians, who professed a pagan religion, the personal name Cheremis was widespread.

The Unzha-Vetluga interfluve was also inhabited by the Mari; This is evidenced by written sources, toponymy of the area, folklore material. Probably, there were also groups of Mary. The northern boundary is the upper reaches of the Unzha, Vetluga, the Tansy basin, and the Middle Vyatka. Here the Mari were in contact with the Russians, Udmurts and Karin Tatars.

The eastern limits can be limited to the lower reaches of the Vyatka, but apart - "for 700 miles from Kazan" - in the Urals there already existed a small ethnic group of the Eastern Mari; chroniclers recorded it near the mouth of the Belaya River in the middle of the 15th century.

Apparently, the Mari, together with the Bulgaro-Tatar population, lived in the upper reaches of the Kazanka and Mesha rivers, on the Arskaya side. But, most likely, they were a minority here and, moreover, most likely, they gradually flocked.

Apparently, a considerable part of the Mari population occupied the territory of the northern and western parts of the present Chuvash Republic.

The disappearance of the continuous Mari population in the northern and western parts of the current territory of the Chuvash Republic can to some extent be explained by the devastating wars in the 15th-16th centuries, from which the Gornaya side suffered more than the Lugovaya (in addition to the invasions of Russian troops, the right bank was also subjected to numerous raids by steppe warriors) . This circumstance, apparently, caused the outflow of part of the mountain Mari to the Lugovaya side.

The number of Mari in the XVII-XVIII centuries. ranged from 70 to 120 thousand people.

The right bank of the Volga was distinguished by the highest population density, then - the area east of M. Kokshaga, and the least - the area of ​​\u200b\u200bsettlement of the northwestern Mari, especially the swampy Volga-Vetluzhskaya lowland and the Mari lowland (the space between the rivers Linda and B. Kokshaga).

Exclusively all lands were legally considered the property of the khan, who personified the state. Declaring himself the supreme owner, the khan demanded for the use of the land a rent in kind and cash - a tax (yasak).

The Mari - nobility and ordinary community members - like other non-Tatar peoples of the Kazan Khanate, although they were included in the category of dependent population, were actually personally free people.

According to the conclusions of K.I. Kozlova, in the 16th century. the Mari were dominated by retinue, military-democratic orders, that is, the Mari were at the stage of formation of their statehood. The emergence and development of their own state structures was hindered by dependence on the khan's administration.

The socio-political structure of the medieval Mari society is reflected in written sources rather weakly.

It is known that the main cell of the Mari society was the family (“esh”); most likely, the most widespread were "large families", consisting, as a rule, of 3-4 generations of close relatives in the male line. Property stratification between patriarchal families was clearly visible as early as the 9th-11th centuries. Parcel labor flourished, which mainly extended to non-agricultural activities (cattle breeding, fur trade, metallurgy, blacksmithing, jewelry). There were close ties between neighboring family groups, primarily economic, but not always consanguineous. Economic ties were expressed in various kinds of mutual “help” (“vyma”), that is, obligatory kindred gratuitous mutual assistance. In general, the Mari in the XV-XVI centuries. experienced a peculiar period of proto-feudal relations, when, on the one hand, there was an allocation within the framework of a land-related union ( neighborhood community) individual family property, and on the other hand, the class structure of society has not acquired its clear outlines.

The Mari patriarchal families, apparently, united into patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk; according to V.N. Petrov - urmats and vurteks), and those - into larger land unions - tishte. Their unity was based on the principle of neighborhood, on a common cult, and to a lesser extent - on economic ties, and even more so - on consanguinity. Tishte were, among other things, alliances of military mutual assistance. Perhaps the Tishte were territorially compatible with hundreds, uluses and fifties of the period of the Kazan Khanate. In any case, the tithe-hundred and ulus system of administration imposed from the outside as a result of the establishment of the Mongol-Tatar domination, as is commonly believed, did not conflict with the traditional territorial organization of the Mari.

Hundreds, uluses, fifties and tens were led by centurions (“shudovuy”), Pentecostals (“vitlevuy”), tenants (“luvuy”). In the 15th–16th centuries, they most likely did not have time to break with the rule of the people, and, by the definition of K.I. Kozlova, "these were either ordinary foremen of land unions, or military leaders of larger associations such as tribal ones." Perhaps the representatives of the top of the Mari nobility continued to be called by ancient tradition“kugyza”, “kuguz” (“great master”), “he” (“leader”, “prince”, “lord”). In the public life of the Mari, the elders - "Kuguraks" also played an important role. For example, even Tokhtamysh's henchman Keldibek could not become a Vetluzh kuguz without the consent of the local elders. The Mari elders as a special social group are also mentioned in the Kazan History.

All groups of the Mari population took an active part in military campaigns against Russian lands, which became more frequent under the Gireys. This is explained, on the one hand, by the dependent position of the Mari in the khanate, on the other hand, by the peculiarities of the stage of social development (military democracy), the interest of the Mari warriors themselves in obtaining military booty, in an effort to prevent Russian military-political expansion, and other motives. In the last period of the Russian-Kazan confrontation (1521-1552) in 1521-1522 and 1534-1544. the initiative belonged to Kazan, which, at the suggestion of the Crimean-Nogai government group, sought to restore the vassal dependence of Moscow, as it was in the Golden Horde period. But already under Vasily III, in the 1520s, the task of the final annexation of the khanate to Russia was set. However, this was only possible with the capture of Kazan in 1552, under Ivan the Terrible. Apparently, the reasons for the accession of the Middle Volga region and, accordingly, the Mari region to the Russian state were: 1) a new, imperial type of political consciousness of the top leadership of the Moscow state, the struggle for the "Golden Horde" inheritance and failures in the previous practice of attempts to establish and maintain a protectorate over Kazan khanate, 2) the interests of national defense, 3) economic reasons (lands for the local nobility, the Volga for the Russian merchants and fishermen, new taxpayers for the Russian government and other plans for the future).

After the capture of Kazan by Ivan the Terrible, the course of events in the Middle Volga region, Moscow faced a powerful freedom movement, in which both former subjects of the liquidated khanate, who managed to swear allegiance to Ivan IV, and the population of peripheral regions, who did not take the oath, participated. The Moscow government had to solve the problem of preserving the conquered not according to a peaceful, but according to a bloody scenario.

The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis wars, since the Mari (Cheremis) were the most active in them. Among the sources available in scientific circulation, the earliest mention of an expression close to the term “Cheremis war” is found in Ivan IV’s tribute letter to D.F. it is indicated that the owners of the rivers Kishkil and Shizhma (near the city of Kotelnich) “in those rivers ... fish and beavers did not catch for the Kazan cheremis of war and did not pay dues.”

Cheremis War 1552–1557 differs from the subsequent Cheremis wars of the second half of the 16th century, not so much because it was the first of this series of wars, but because it had the character of a national liberation struggle and did not have a noticeable anti-feudal orientation. Moreover, the anti-Moscow rebel movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552-1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan war, and the main goal of its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate.

Apparently, for the bulk of the left-bank Mari population, this war was not an uprising, since only representatives of the Order Mari recognized their new allegiance. In fact, in 1552-1557. the majority of the Mari waged an external war against the Russian state and, together with the rest of the population of the Kazan region, defended their freedom and independence.

All waves of the resistance movement were extinguished as a result of large-scale punitive operations of the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, the insurgency developed into the form civil war and class struggle, but the struggle for the liberation of the motherland remained character-forming. The resistance movement ceased due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought innumerable victims and destruction to the local population, 2) mass starvation, a plague epidemic that came from the Volga steppes, 3) the Meadow Mari lost support from their former allies - the Tatars and southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of the meadow and eastern Mari took the oath to the Russian Tsar. Thus, the accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state was completed.

The significance of the accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state cannot be defined as unambiguously negative or positive. Both negative and positive consequences of the entry of the Mari into the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest themselves in almost all spheres of the development of society (political, economic, social, cultural, and others). Perhaps, main result for today, it is that the Mari people have survived as an ethnic group and have become an organic part of multinational Russia.

The final entry of the Mari Territory into Russia took place after 1557, as a result of the suppression of the people's liberation and anti-feudal movement in the Middle Volga and Urals. The process of the gradual entry of the Mari Territory into the system of Russian statehood lasted hundreds of years: during the period of the Mongol-Tatar invasion, it slowed down, during the years of feudal unrest that swept the Golden Horde in the second half of the 14th century, it accelerated, and as a result of the emergence of the Kazan Khanate (30-40- e years of the XV century) stopped for a long time. Nevertheless, having begun even before the turn of the 11th-12th centuries, the inclusion of the Mari in the system of Russian statehood in the middle of the 16th century. approached its final phase - to direct entry into Russia.

The accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state was part of the general process of the formation of the Russian multi-ethnic empire, and it was prepared, first of all, by prerequisites of a political nature. This is, firstly, a long-term confrontation between the state systems of Eastern Europe - on the one hand, Russia, on the other hand, the Turkic states (Volga-Kama Bulgaria - Golden Horde - Kazan Khanate), and secondly, the struggle for the "Golden Horde inheritance" in the final stage of this confrontation, thirdly, the emergence and development of imperial consciousness in the government circles of Muscovite Russia. The expansionist policy of the Russian state in the eastern direction was also to some extent determined by the tasks of state defense and economic reasons (fertile lands, the Volga trade route, new taxpayers, other projects for the exploitation of local resources).

The economy of the Mari was adapted to the natural and geographical conditions, and generally met the requirements of its time. Due to the difficult political situation, it was largely militarized. True, the peculiarities of the socio-political system also played a role here. Medieval Mari, despite the noticeable local features of the then existing ethnic groups, generally experienced a transitional period of social development from tribal to feudal (military democracy). Relationship with central authority built primarily on a confederate basis.

Beliefs

The Mari traditional religion is based on faith in the forces of nature, which a person must honor and respect. Before the spread of monotheistic teachings, the Mari worshiped many gods known as Yumo, while recognizing the supremacy of the Supreme God (Kugu Yumo). In the 19th century, the image of the One God Tun Osh Kugu Yumo (the One Light Great God) was revived.

The Mari traditional religion contributes to strengthening the moral foundations of society, achieving interfaith and interethnic peace and harmony.

Unlike the monotheistic religions created by one or another founder and his followers, the Mari traditional religion was formed on the basis of an ancient folk worldview, including religious and mythological ideas related to the relationship of man to the natural environment and its elemental forces, veneration of ancestors and patrons of agricultural activities. The formation and development of the traditional religion of the Mari was influenced by religious beliefs neighboring peoples of the Volga and Ural regions, the foundations of the doctrine of Islam and Orthodoxy.

Adherents of the traditional Mari religion recognize the One God Tyn Osh Kugu Yumo and nine of his assistants (manifestations), read a prayer three times daily, take part in a collective or family prayer once a year, conduct a family prayer with a sacrifice at least seven times during their life, they regularly hold traditional commemorations in honor of deceased ancestors, observe Mari holidays, customs and rituals.

Before the spread of monotheistic teachings, the Mari worshiped many gods known as Yumo, while recognizing the supremacy of the Supreme God (Kugu Yumo). In the 19th century, the image of the One God Tun Osh Kugu Yumo (the One Light Great God) was revived. One God (God - the Universe) is considered to be eternal, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, and all-righteous God. It manifests itself both in material and spiritual form, appears in the form of nine deities-hypostases. These deities can be conditionally divided into three groups, each of which is responsible for:

Tranquility, prosperity and empowerment of all living things - the god of the bright world (Tynya yumo), the life-giving god (Ilyan yumo), the deity of creative energy (Agavirem yumo);

Mercy, righteousness and consent: the god of fate and predestination of life (Pyrsho yumo), the all-merciful god (Kugu Serlagysh yumo), the god of consent and reconciliation (Mer yumo);

All-goodness, rebirth and inexhaustibility of life: the goddess of birth (Shochyn Ava), the goddess of the earth (Mlande Ava) and the goddess of abundance (Perke Ava).

The universe, the world, the cosmos in the spiritual understanding of the Mari are presented as a continuously developing, spiritualizing and transforming from century to century, from epoch to epoch, a system of diverse worlds, spiritual and material natural forces, natural phenomena, steadily striving towards its spiritual goal - unity with the Universal God , maintaining an inseparable physical and spiritual connection with the cosmos, the world, nature.

Tun Osh Kugu Yumo is an endless source of being. Like the universe, the One Light Great God is constantly changing, developing, improving, involving the entire universe, the entire surrounding world, including humanity itself, in these changes. From time to time, every 22 thousand years, and sometimes even earlier, by the will of God, some part of the old world is destroyed and a new world is created, accompanied by a complete renewal of life on earth.

The last creation of the world happened 7512 years ago. After each new creation of the world, life on earth improves qualitatively, and humanity also changes for the better. With the development of mankind, there is an expansion of human consciousness, the boundaries of the world and God perception are moving apart, the possibility of enriching knowledge about the universe, the world, objects and phenomena of the surrounding nature, about man and his essence, about ways to improve human life is facilitated.

All this, ultimately, led to the formation of a false idea among people about the omnipotence of man and his independence from God. The change in value priorities, the rejection of the God-established principles of community life required divine intervention in people's lives through suggestions, revelations, and sometimes punishments. In the interpretation of the foundations of knowledge of God and worldview, an important role began to be played by holy and righteous people, prophets and God's chosen ones, who in the traditional beliefs of the Mari are revered as elders - terrestrial deities. Possessing the opportunity to periodically communicate with God, to receive His revelation, they became conductors of knowledge invaluable to human society. However, often they reported not only the words of revelation, but also their own figurative interpretation of them. The divine information obtained in this way became the basis for the emerging ethnic (folk), state and world religions. There was also a rethinking of the image of the One God of the Universe, the feelings of connectedness and direct dependence of people on Him were gradually smoothed out. A disrespectful, utilitarian-economic attitude to nature was asserted, or, conversely, a reverent veneration of the elemental forces and phenomena of nature, represented in the form of independent deities and spirits.

Among the Mari, echoes of a dualistic worldview have been preserved, in which an important place was occupied by faith in the deities of the forces and phenomena of nature, in the animation and spirituality of the surrounding world and the existence in them of a rational, independent, materialized being - the owner - a double (vodyzh), souls (chon, ort) , spiritual incarnation (shyrt). However, the Mari believed that the deities, everything around in the world and the person himself are part of the one God (Tun Yumo), his image.

The deities of nature in folk beliefs, with rare exceptions, were not endowed with anthropomorphic features. The Mari understood the importance of the active participation of man in the affairs of God, aimed at the preservation and development of the surrounding nature, constantly sought to involve the gods in the process of spiritual ennoblement and harmonization of everyday life. Some leaders of the Mari traditional rites, having a sharpened inner vision, by an effort of their will could receive spiritual enlightenment and restore the image of the forgotten single God Tun Yumo at the beginning of the 19th century.

One God - the Universe embraces all living things and the whole world, expresses itself in revered nature. The living nature closest to man is his image, but not God himself. A person is only able to form a general idea of ​​the Universe or its part, knowing it in himself on the basis and with the help of faith, having experienced a living sensation of the divine incomprehensible reality, passing through his own “I” the world of spiritual beings. However, it is impossible to fully know Tun Osh Kugu Yumo - the absolute truth. Mari traditional religion, like all religions, has only an approximate knowledge of God. Only the wisdom of the Omniscient encompasses the entire sum of truths in itself.

The Mari religion, being more ancient, turned out to be closer to God and absolute truth. It has little influence of subjective moments, it has undergone less social modification. Taking into account the steadfastness and patience in preserving the ancient religion passed down by the ancestors, selflessness in observing customs and rituals, Tun Osh Kugu Yumo helped the Mari preserve true religious ideas, protected them from erosion and rash changes under the influence of all kinds of innovations. This allowed the Mari to maintain their unity, national identity, survive under the social and political oppression of the Khazar Khaganate, Volga Bulgaria, the Tatar-Mongol invasion, the Kazan Khanate and defend their religious cults during the years of active missionary propaganda in the XVIII-XIX centuries.

The Mari people are distinguished not only by divinity, but also by kindness, responsiveness and openness, readiness to help each other and those in need at any time. The Mari are at the same time a freedom-loving people, loving justice in everything, accustomed to living a calm, measured life, like the nature around us.

The traditional Mari religion directly affects the formation of the personality of each person. The creation of the world, as well as of man, is carried out on the basis and under the influence of the spiritual principles of the One God. Man is an inseparable part of the Cosmos, grows and develops under the influence of the same cosmic laws, is endowed with the image of God, in him, as in all Nature, the bodily and divine principles are combined, kinship with nature is manifested.

The life of every child long before his birth begins with the celestial zone of the universe. Initially, she does not have an anthropomorphic form. God sends life to earth in a materialized form. Together with a person, his angels-spirits also develop - patrons, represented in the form of the deity Vuyumbal yumo, the corporeal soul (chon, ya?) and twins - figurative incarnations of a person ort and shyrt.

All people equally possess human dignity, the power of mind and freedom, human virtue, contain in themselves all the qualitative fullness of the world. A person is given the opportunity to regulate his feelings, control behavior, realize his position in the world, lead an ennobled lifestyle, actively create and create, take care of the higher parts of the Universe, protect the animal and plant world, the surrounding nature from extinction.

Being a rational part of the Cosmos, man, like the constantly improving one God, is forced to constantly work on self-improvement in the name of his self-preservation. Guided by the dictates of conscience (ar), correlating his actions and deeds with the surrounding nature, achieving the unity of his thoughts with the co-creation of material and spiritual cosmic principles, a person, as a worthy owner of his land, strengthens and diligently manages his economy with his tireless daily work, inexhaustible creativity, ennobles the world around, thereby improving itself. This is the meaning and purpose of human life.

Fulfilling his destiny, a person reveals his spiritual essence, ascends to new levels of being. Through the improvement of oneself, the fulfillment of the intended goal, a person improves the world, achieves the inner splendor of the soul. The traditional religion of the Mari teaches that a person receives a worthy reward for such activities: he greatly facilitates his life in this world and fate in the afterlife. For a righteous life, the deities can endow a person with an additional guardian angel, that is, affirm the existence of a person in God, thereby ensuring the ability to contemplate and experience God, the harmony of divine energy (shulyk) and the human soul.

Man is free to choose his actions and deeds. He can lead his life both in the direction of God, harmonizing his efforts and the aspirations of the soul, and in the opposite, destructive direction. The choice of a person is predetermined not only by divine or human will, but also by the intervention of the forces of evil.

The right choice in any life situation can only be made by knowing oneself, commensurate one's life, everyday affairs and actions with the Universe - the One God. Having such a spiritual guide, the believer becomes the true master of his life, gains independence and spiritual freedom, calmness, confidence, insight, prudence and measured feelings, steadfastness and perseverance in achieving the goal. He is not disturbed by the hardships of life, social vices, envy, self-interest, selfishness, the desire for self-affirmation in the eyes of others. Being truly free, a person gains prosperity, peace, a reasonable life, and will protect himself from any encroachment by ill-wishers and evil forces. He will not be frightened by the dark tragic aspects of material existence, the bonds of inhuman torment and suffering, hidden dangers. They will not prevent him from continuing to love the world, earthly existence, rejoice and admire the beauty of nature, culture.

In everyday life, believers of the traditional Mari religion adhere to such principles as:

Continuous self-improvement through strengthening inseparable connection with God, his regular communion with all major events in life and active participation in divine affairs;

Aiming at ennobling the surrounding world and social relations, strengthening human health through the incessant search and acquisition of divine energy in the process of creative work;

Harmonization of relations in society, strengthening collectivism and cohesion, mutual support and unity in upholding religious ideals and traditions;

Unanimous support of their spiritual mentors;

The obligation to preserve and pass on to future generations the best achievements: progressive ideas, exemplary products, elite varieties of grain and livestock breeds, etc.

The traditional religion of the Mari considers all manifestations of life to be the main value in this world and calls for the sake of its preservation to show mercy even towards wild animals, criminals. Kindness, good-heartedness, harmony in relationships (mutual assistance, mutual respect and support of friendly relations), respect for nature, self-sufficiency and self-restraint in the use of natural resources, the pursuit of knowledge are also considered important values ​​in the life of society and in regulating the relationship of believers with God.

In public life, the traditional religion of the Mari seeks to maintain and improve social harmony.

The Mari traditional religion unites believers of the ancient Mari (Chimari) faith, admirers of traditional beliefs and rituals who have been baptized and attend church services (marla vera) and adherents of the Kugu Sorta religious sect. These ethno-confessional differences were formed under the influence and as a result of the spread of the Orthodox religion in the region. The religious sect "Kugu Sorta" took shape in the second half of the 19th century. Certain discrepancies in beliefs and ritual practices that exist between religious groups do not play a significant role in the daily life of the Mari. These forms of the traditional Mari religion form the basis of the spiritual values ​​of the Mari people.

The religious life of adherents of the traditional Mari religion takes place within the village community, one or more village councils(lay community). All Maris can take part in all-Mari prayers with sacrifice, thereby forming a temporary religious community of the Mari people (national community).

Until the beginning of the 20th century, the Mari traditional religion acted as the only social institution for rallying and uniting the Mari people, strengthening their national identity, and establishing a national original culture. Together with that, folk religion never called for the artificial separation of peoples, did not arouse confrontation and confrontation between them, did not assert the exclusivity of any people.

The current generation of believers, recognizing the cult of the One God of the Universe, is convinced that this God can be worshiped by all people, representatives of any nationality. Therefore, they consider it possible to attach to their faith any person who believes in his omnipotence.

Any person, regardless of nationality and religion, is part of the Cosmos, the Universal God. In this regard, all people are equal and worthy of respect and fair treatment. The Mari have always been distinguished by their religious tolerance and respect for the religious feelings of the Gentiles. They believed that the religion of every nation has the right to exist, is worthy of reverence, since all religious rites are aimed at ennobling earthly life, improving its quality, expanding people's capabilities and contributing to the introduction of divine powers and divine grace to everyday needs.

A clear evidence of this is the way of life of adherents of the ethno-confessional group "Marla Vera", who observe both traditional customs and rituals, and Orthodox cults, visit the temple, chapels and Mari sacred groves. Often they perform traditional prayers with sacrifices in front of an Orthodox icon specially brought for this occasion.

Admirers of the Mari traditional religion, while respecting the rights and freedoms of representatives of other faiths, expect the same respectful attitude towards themselves and their cult activities. They believe that the worship of the One God - the Universe in our time is very timely and quite attractive for the modern generation of people interested in spreading the environmental movement, in preserving the pristine nature.

The traditional religion of the Mari, including in its worldview and practice the positive experience of centuries of history, sets as its immediate goals the establishment of truly fraternal relations in society and the education of a man of an ennobled image, defends itself with righteousness, devotion to the common cause. She will continue to defend the rights and interests of her believers, protect their honor and dignity from any encroachment on the basis of the legislation adopted in the country.

Adherents of the Mari religion consider it their civil and religious duty to comply with the legal norms and laws of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Mari El.

The traditional Mari religion sets itself the spiritual and historical tasks of uniting the efforts of believers to protect their vital interests, the nature around us, the animal and plant world, as well as the achievement of material prosperity, worldly well-being, moral regulation and a high cultural level of relations between people.

sacrifices

In the bubbling universal life cauldron human life proceeds under vigilant supervision and with the direct participation of God (Tun Osh Kugu Yumo) and his nine hypostases (manifestations), personifying his inherent mind, energy and material wealth. Therefore, a person should not only reverently believe in Him, but also deeply revere, strive to be rewarded with His mercy, goodness and protection (serlagysh), thereby enriching himself and the world around him with vital energy (shulyk), material wealth (perke). A reliable means of achieving all this is the regular holding of family and public (village, worldly and all-Mari) prayers (kumaltysh) in sacred groves with sacrifices to God and his deities of domestic animals and birds.

National character of the Mari

Mari (self-name - "Mari, Mari"; the outdated Russian name is "Cheremis") - the Finno-Ugric people of the Volga-Finnish subgroup.

The number in the Russian Federation is 547.6 thousand people, in the Republic of Mari El - 290.8 thousand people. (according to the All-Russian population census of 2010). More than half of the Mari live outside the territory of Mari El. They are compactly settled in Bashkortostan, Kirov, Sverdlovsk and Nizhny Novgorod regions, Tatarstan, Udmurtia and other regions.

are divided into three main sub-ethnic groups: the mountain Maris inhabit the Right Bank of the Volga, the meadow Maris - the Vetluzhsko-Vyatka interfluve, the eastern Maris live mainly on the territory of Bashkortostan.(Meadow-Eastern and Mountain Mari literary languages) belong to the Volga group of Finno-Ugric languages.

The believing Mari are Orthodox and adherents of the ethno-religion (""), which is a combination of polytheism and monotheism. The Eastern Mari mostly adhere to traditional beliefs.

In the formation and development of the people great importance had ethnocultural ties with the Volga Bulgars, then the Chuvashs and Tatars. After the Mari became part of the Russian state (1551–1552), ties with the Russians also became intense. The anonymous author of the "Tale of the Kingdom of Kazan" from the time of Ivan the Terrible, known under the name of the Kazan chronicler, calls the Mari "farmers-workers", i.e. loving work(Vasin, 1959: 8).

The ethnonym "Cheremis" is a complex, polysemantic socio-cultural and historical-psychological phenomenon. Marie never call themselves "Cheremis" and consider such treatment offensive (Shkalina, 2003, electronic resource). However, this name has become one of the components of their identity.

In the historical literature, the Mari were first mentioned in 961 in a letter from the Khazar Khagan Joseph under the name "Tsarmis" among the peoples who paid tribute to him.

In the languages ​​of neighboring peoples, today consonant names have been preserved: Chuvash - syarmys, Tatar - chirmysh, Russian - cheremis. Nestor wrote about cheremis in The Tale of Bygone Years. In the linguistic literature there is no single point of view regarding the origin of this ethnonym. Among the translations of the word "Cheremis", which reveal Uralic roots in it, the most common are: a) "a person from the Chere tribe (char, cap)"; b) "militant, forest man" (ibid.).

The Mari are indeed a forest people. Forests occupy half the area of ​​the Mari Territory. The forest has always fed, protected and occupied a special place in the material and spiritual culture of the Mari. Together with the real and mythical inhabitants, he was deeply revered by the Mari. The forest was considered a symbol of the well-being of people: it protected from enemies and the elements. It was this feature of the natural environment that had an impact on the spiritual culture and mental warehouse of the Mari ethnos.

S. A. Nurminsky back in the 19th century. noted: “The forest is the magical world of Cheremisin, his whole worldview revolves around the forest” (Quoted by: Toydybekova, 2007: 257).

“The Mari have been surrounded by forest since ancient times, and in their practical activities they were closely connected with the forest and its inhabitants.<…>In ancient times, among the plant world, the oak and birch enjoyed special respect and reverence among the Mari. Such an attitude towards trees is known not only to the Mari, but also to many Finno-Ugric peoples” (Sabitov, 1982: 35–36).

Living in the Volga-Vetluzhsko-Vyatka interfluve and the Mari, in their national psychology and culture, they are similar to the Chuvash.

Numerous cultural and everyday analogies with the Chuvash are manifested in almost all spheres of material and spiritual culture, which confirms not only cultural and economic, but also long-standing ethnic ties between the two peoples; First of all, this refers to the mountain Mari and the southern groups of meadows (cited in: Sepeev, 1985: 145).

In a multinational team, the behavior of the Mari almost does not differ from the Chuvash and Russians; maybe a little more restrained.

V. G. Krysko notes that in addition to being hardworking, they are also prudent and economical, as well as disciplined and diligent (Krysko, 2002: 155). “Anthropological type of Cheremisin: black glossy hair, yellowish skin, black, in some cases, almond-shaped, obliquely set eyes; nose depressed in the middle.

The history of the Mari people is rooted in the mists of time, full of complex twists and turns and tragic moments (See: Prokushev, 1982: 5-6). Let's start with the fact that, according to their religious and mythological ideas, the ancient Mari settled loosely along the banks of rivers and lakes, as a result of which there were almost no connections between individual tribes.

As a result of this, the single ancient Mari people was divided into two groups - mountain and meadow Mari with distinctive features in language, culture, and way of life that have survived to this day.

The Mari were considered good hunters and excellent archers. They maintained lively trade relations with their neighbors - Bulgars, Suvars, Slavs, Mordvins, Udmurts. With the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars and the formation of the Golden Horde, the Mari, along with other peoples of the Middle Volga region, fell under the yoke of the Golden Horde khans. They paid tribute in martens, honey and money, and also carried out military service in the Khan's army.

With the collapse of the Golden Horde, the Volga Mari became dependent on the Kazan Khanate, and the northwestern, Povetluzhsky, became part of the northeastern Russian principalities.

In the middle of the XVI century. the Mari opposed the Tatars on the side of Ivan the Terrible, and with the fall of Kazan, their lands became part of the Russian state. The Mari people initially assessed the accession of their land to Russia as the greatest historical event, opening the way for political, economic and cultural progress.

In the XVIII century. On the basis of the Russian alphabet, the Mari alphabet was created, written works appeared in the Mari language. In 1775, the first "Mari Grammar" was published in St. Petersburg.

A reliable ethnographic description of the life and customs of the Mari people was given by A. I. Herzen in the article “Votyaks and Cheremis” (“Vyatskiye Provincial Gazette”, 1838):

“Cheremis’ temperament is already different from that of Votyaks, that they don’t have their shyness,” the writer notes, “on the contrary, there is something stubborn in them… Cheremis are much more attached to their customs than Votyaks…”;

“The clothes are quite similar to those of the Vots, but much more beautiful ... In winter, women wear an outer dress over their shirts, also all embroidered with silk, their conical headdress is especially beautiful - chic. Many tassels are hung from their belts” (quoted from: Vasin, 1959: 27).

Kazan Doctor of Medicine M.F. Kandaratsky at the end of the 19th century. wrote a work widely known to the Mari public called "Signs of extinction of the meadow cheremis of the Kazan province."

In it, based on a concrete study of the living conditions and health of the Mari, he painted a sad picture of the past, present and even sadder future of the Mari people. The book was about the physical degeneration of the people in the conditions of tsarist Russia, about its spiritual degradation associated with an extremely low material standard of living.

True, the author made her conclusions regarding the entire people on the basis of a survey of only a part of the Mari, who live mainly in the southern regions, located closer to Kazan. And, of course, one cannot agree with his assessments of the intellectual abilities, the mental makeup of the people, made from the standpoint of a representative of high society (Soloviev, 1991: 25–26).

The views of Kandaratsky on the language and culture of the Mari are the views of a man who has only visited the Mari villages on short visits. But he with heartache drew public attention to the plight of people who were on the verge of tragedy, and offered his own ways to save the people. He believed that only resettlement to fertile lands and Russification could provide "salvation for this sympathetic, in his humility, tribe" (Kandaratsky, 1889: 1).

The socialist revolution of 1917 brought the Mari people, like all other non-Russians of the Russian Empire, freedom and independence. In 1920, a decree was adopted on the formation of the Mari Autonomous Region, which in 1936 was transformed into an autonomous Soviet socialist republic within the RSFSR.

The Mari have always considered it an honor to be warriors, defenders of their country (Vasin et al., 1966: 35).

Describing the painting by A. S. Pushkov “Mari ambassadors at Ivan the Terrible” (1957), G. I. Prokushev draws attention to these national features of the character of the Mari ambassador Tukay - courage and the will to freedom, and also “Tukay is endowed with determination, intelligence, endurance” (Prokushev, 1982: 19).

The artistic talent of the Mari people found expression in folklore, songs and dances, in applied art. Love for music, interest in ancient musical instruments (bubbles, drums, flutes, psaltery) have survived to this day.

Woodcarving (carved platbands, cornices, household items), paintings of sledges, spinning wheels, chests, ladles, items made of bast and birch bark, wicker rods, typesetting harness, colored clay and wooden toys, sewing with beads and coins, embroidery testify to fantasy, observation, fine taste of the people.

The first place among the crafts, of course, was occupied by woodworking, which was the most accessible material for the Mari and required mostly manual work. The prevalence of this type of craft is evidenced by the fact that the Kozmodemyansk Regional Ethnographic Museum in the open air presents more than 1.5 thousand items of exhibits made by hand from wood (Soloviev, 1991: 72).

A special place in the Mari artistic creativity was occupied by embroidery ( tour)

Authentic art of Mari craftswomen. “In it, creating a true miracle, the harmony of composition, the poetry of patterns, the music of colors, the polyphony of tones and the tenderness of fingers, the fluttering of the soul, the fragility of hopes, the shyness of feelings, the quivering dreams of the Marika merged into a single unique ensemble” (Soloviev, 1991: 72).

In ancient embroideries, a geometric ornament of rhombuses and rosettes was used, an ornament of complex weaves of plant elements, which included figures of birds and animals.

Preference was given to sonorous colors: red was taken for the background (in the traditional view of the Mari, red was symbolically associated with life-affirming motifs and was associated with the color of the sun, which gives life to all life on earth), black or dark blue - for outlining, dark green and yellow - to color the pattern.

The patterns of national embroidery represented the mythological and cosmogonic ideas of the Mari.

They served as amulets or ritual symbols. “The embroidered shirts had magical powers. Mari women tried to teach their daughters the art of embroidery as early as possible. Girls before marriage had to prepare a dowry and gifts for the groom's relatives. Lack of mastery of the art of embroidery was condemned and considered the greatest shortcoming of a girl" (Toydybekova, 2007: 235).

Despite the fact that the Mari people did not have their own written language before late XVIII in. (there are no annals or chronicles of its centuries-old history), folk memory has preserved the archaic worldview, the worldview of this ancient people in myths, legends, tales, saturated with symbols and images, shamanism, traditional healing methods, in deep reverence for sacred places and prayer words.

In an attempt to reveal the foundations of the Mari ethno-mentality, S. S. Novikov (Chairman of the Board of the Mari Social Movement of the Republic of Bashkortostan) makes curious remarks:

“How did the ancient Mari differ from representatives of other peoples? He felt himself a part of the Cosmos (God, Nature). By God he understood the whole world around him. He believed that the Cosmos (God) is a living organism, and such parts of the Cosmos (God) as plants, mountains, rivers, air, forest, fire, water, etc., have a soul.

<…>The Mari could not take firewood, berries, fish, animals, etc., without asking permission from the Light Great God and without apologizing to the tree, berries, fish, etc.

The Mari, being part of a single organism, could not live in isolation from other parts of this organism.

For this reason, he almost artificially maintained a low population density, did not take too much from Nature (Cosmos, God), was modest, shy, resorting to the help of other people only in exceptional cases, and he also did not know theft "(Novikov, 2014, el. .resource).

The "deification" of parts of the Cosmos (elements of the environment), respect for them, including other people, made such institutions of power as the police, the prosecutor's office, the bar, the army, and also the bureaucracy class unnecessary. “The Mari were modest, quiet, honest, gullible and diligent, they led a diversified subsistence economy, so the apparatus of control and suppression was redundant” (ibid.).

According to S. S. Novikov, if the fundamental features of the Mari nation disappear, namely the ability to constantly think, speak and act in unison with the Cosmos (God), including Nature, limit one’s needs, be modest, respect the environment, push each other from a friend in order to reduce the oppression (pressure) on Nature, then the nation itself may disappear along with them.

In pre-revolutionary times, the pagan beliefs of the Mari not only had a religious character, but also became the core of national self-consciousness, ensuring self-preservation ethnic community so it was not possible to eradicate them. Although the majority of the Mari were formally converted to Christianity during a missionary campaign in the mid-18th century, some managed to avoid baptism by fleeing east across the Kama, closer to the steppe, where the influence of the Russian state was less strong.

It was here that the enclaves of the Mari ethno-religion were preserved. Paganism among the Mari people has existed to this day in a hidden or open form. Openly pagan religion was practiced mainly in places densely populated by the Mari. Latest Research K. G. Yuadarov show that “everywhere baptized mountain Mari also retained their pre-Christian places of worship (sacred trees, sacred springs, etc.)” (quoted from Toydybekova, 2007: 52).

The commitment of the Mari to their traditional faith is a unique phenomenon of our time.

The Mari are even called “the last pagans of Europe” (Boy, 2010, electronic resource). The most important feature of the mentality of the Mari (adherents of traditional beliefs) is animism. In the worldview of the Mari there was a concept of the supreme deity ( Kugu yumo), but at the same time they worshiped a variety of spirits, each of which patronized a certain side of human life.

In the religious mentality of the Mari, the Keremets were considered the most important among these spirits, to whom they made sacrifices in sacred groves ( Kusoto) located near the village (Zalyaletdinova, 2012: 111).

Specific religious rites at the general Mari prayers are performed by the elder ( kart), endowed with wisdom and experience. The cards are elected by the whole community, for certain fees from the population (cattle, bread, honey, beer, money, etc.), they hold special ceremonies in the sacred groves located near each village.

Sometimes many villagers were involved in these rituals, often private donations were made, usually with the participation of one person or family (Zalyaletdinova, 2012: 112). National "prayers for peace" ( tunya kumaltysh) were rarely carried out in the event of a war or natural disaster. During such prayers, important political issues could be resolved.

The “Prayer for Peace”, which gathered all the kart-priests and tens of thousands of pilgrims, was and is now being held at the grave of the legendary prince Chumbylat, a hero revered as a defender of the people. It is believed that the regular holding of world prayers serves as a guarantee of a prosperous life for the people (Toydybekova, 2007: 231).

To carry out the reconstruction of the mythological picture of the world ancient population Mari El allows the analysis of archaeological and ethnographic cult monuments with the involvement of historical and folklore sources. On the objects of the archaeological monuments of the Mari region and in the Mari ritual embroidery, the images-images of a bear, duck, elk (deer) and horse make up plots that are complex in composition, conveying worldview models, understanding and idea of ​​the nature and world of the Mari people.

In the folklore of the Finno-Ugric peoples, zoomorphic images are also clearly recorded, which are associated with the origin of the universe, the Earth and life on it.

“Having appeared in ancient times, in the Stone Age, among the tribes of the probably still undivided Finno-Ugric community, these images have existed to this day and have become entrenched in Mari ritual embroidery, and have also been preserved in Finno-Ugric mythology” (Bolshov, 2008: 89– 91).

The main distinguishing feature of the animist mentality, according to P. Werth, is tolerance, manifested in tolerance towards representatives of other faiths, and adherence to one's faith. The Mari peasants recognized the equality of religions.

As an argument, they cited the following argument: “In the forest there are white birches, tall pines and spruces, there is also a small cerebellum. God tolerates all of them and does not order the brain to be a pine tree. So here we are among ourselves, like a forest. We will remain cerebellum” (cited in Vasin et al., 1966: 50).

The Mari believed that their well-being and even their lives depended on the sincerity of the ritual. The Mari considered themselves “pure Mari”, even if they converted to Orthodoxy in order to avoid trouble with the authorities (Zalyaletdinova, 2012: 113). For them, conversion (apostasy) occurred when a person did not perform "native" rituals and, therefore, rejected his community.

Ethno-religion ("paganism"), supporting ethnic self-consciousness, to a certain extent increased the resistance of the Mari to assimilation with other peoples. This feature markedly distinguished the Mari from other Finno-Ugric peoples.

“The Mari, among other related Finno-Ugric peoples living in our country, retain their national identity to a much greater extent.

The Mari, to a greater extent than other peoples, retained a pagan, national religion at its core. The sedentary way of life (63.4% of Mari in the republic are rural residents) made it possible to preserve the main national traditions and customs.

All this allowed the Mari people to become today a kind of attractive center of the Finno-Ugric peoples. The capital of the republic became the center of the International Fund for the Development of the Culture of the Finno-Ugric Peoples” (Soloviev, 1991: 22).

The core of ethnic culture and ethnic mentality is undoubtedly the native language, but the Mari, in fact, do not have the Mari language. The Mari language is only an abstract name, because there are two equal Mari languages.

The language system in Mari El is such that Russian is the federal official language, Mountain Mari and Meadow-Eastern are regional (or local) official languages.

We are talking about the functioning of exactly two Mari literary languages, and not about one Mari literary language (Lugomari) and its dialect (Mountain Mari).

Despite the fact that “sometimes in the media, as well as in the mouths of individual individuals, there are demands for non-recognition of the autonomy of one of the languages ​​or the predetermination of one of the languages ​​as a dialect” (Zorina, 1997: 37), “ordinary people who speak, write and study on two literary languages, Lugo-Mari and Gorno-Mari, perceives this (the existence of two Mari languages) as a natural state; truly the people are wiser than their scientists” (Vasikova, 1997: 29–30).

The existence of two Mari languages ​​is a factor that makes the Mari people especially attractive to researchers of their mentality.

The people are one and the same, and they have a single ethno-mentality, regardless of whether their representatives speak one or two closely related languages ​​(for example, Mordovians close to the Mari in the neighborhood also speak two Mordovian languages).

The oral folk art of the Mari is rich in content and diverse in types and genres. Various moments of ethnic history, features of ethnic mentality are reflected in legends and traditions, images of folk heroes and heroes are sung.

Mari tales in allegorical form tell about the social life of the people, praise diligence, honesty and modesty, ridicule laziness, bragging and greed (Sepeev, 1985: 163). Oral folk art was perceived by the Mari people as a testament of one generation to another, in it they saw history, a chronicle of folk life.

The main characters of almost all the most ancient Mari legends, traditions and fairy tales are girls and women, brave warriors and skilled craftswomen.

Among the Mari deities, a large place is occupied by mother goddesses, the patroness of certain natural elemental forces: Mother Earth ( Mlande-ava), mother sun ( Keche-ava), Mother-winds ( Mardezh-ava).

The Mari people, by their nature, are poets, they love songs and stories (Vasin, 1959: 63). Songs ( muro) are the most common and original type of Mari folklore. Work, household, guest, wedding, orphan, recruit, funeral, songs, meditation songs are distinguished. The basis of Mari music is the pentatonic scale. To the ranks folk song adapted and musical instruments.

According to the ethnomusicologist O. M. Gerasimov, the bubble ( shuvyr) is one of the oldest musical instruments of the Mari, deserving the closest attention to it, not only as an original, relic instrument of the Mari.

Shuvyr is the aesthetic face of the ancient Mari.

Not a single instrument could compete with the shuvyr in terms of the variety of music performed on it - these are onomatopoeic melodies, devoted mostly to the images of birds (the clucking of a chicken, the singing of an overflowing sandpiper, the cooing of a wild pigeon), pictorial (for example, a melody imitating a gallop on a horse - sometimes a light running, then galloping, etc.) (Gerasimov, 1999: 17).

The family way of life, customs and traditions of the Mari were regulated by their ancient religion. Mari families were multi-level and large. Characteristic are patriarchal traditions with the primacy of the older man, the subordination of the wife to her husband, the younger ones to the elders, and the children to their parents.

The researcher of the legal life of the Mari T.E. Evseviev noted that “according to the norms of customary law of the Mari people, all contracts on behalf of the family were also concluded by the householder. Family members could not sell household property without his consent, except for eggs, milk, berries and handicrafts” (cited in Egorov, 2012: 132). A significant role in a large family belonged to the eldest woman, who was in charge of the organization of the household, the distribution of work between daughters-in-law and daughters. AT

In the event of the death of her husband, her position increased and she served as the head of the family (Sepeev, 1985: 160). There was no excessive guardianship on the part of the parents, the children helped each other and adults, they cooked food and built toys from an early age. Medicines were rarely used. Natural selection helped especially active children to survive, striving to get closer to the Cosmos (God).

The family maintained respect for elders.

In the process of raising children, there were no disputes between the elders (see: Novikov, electronic resource). The Mari dreamed of creating ideal family because a person becomes strong and strong through kinship: “Let there be nine sons and seven daughters in the family. Taking nine daughters-in-law with nine sons, giving seven daughters to seven petitioners, and having intermarried with 16 villages, give an abundance of all blessings” (Toydybekova, 2007: 137). Through his sons and daughters, the peasant expanded his family kinship - in children the continuation of life

Let us pay attention to the notes of the outstanding Chuvash scientist and public figure of the early twentieth century. N. V. Nikolsky, made by him in the "Ethnographic Albums", depicting in photographs the culture and life of the peoples of the Volga-Urals. Under the photo of the old Cheremisin, it is signed: “He does not perform field work. He sits at home, weaves bast shoes, watches the children, tells them about the old days, about the courage of the Cheremis in the struggle for independence ”(Nikolsky, 2009: 108).

“He doesn’t go to church, like everyone else like him. He was in the temple twice - at the time of birth and baptism, the third time - he will be dead; will die without confessing and without communion with St. sacraments" (ibid.: 109).

The image of the old man as the head of the family embodies the ideal of the personal nature of the Mari; this image is associated with the idea of ​​an ideal beginning, freedom, harmony with nature, the height of human feelings.

T. N. Belyaeva and R. A. Kudryavtseva write about this, analyzing the poetics of the Mari drama at the beginning of the 21st century: “He (an old man. - E. N.) is shown as an ideal exponent of the national mentality of the Mari people, their attitude and pagan religion.

Since ancient times, the Mari have worshiped many gods and deified some natural phenomena, so they tried to live in harmony with nature, themselves, and their families. The old man in the drama acts as an intermediary between man and the cosmos (gods), between people, between the living and the dead.

This is a highly moral person with a developed strong-willed beginning, an active supporter of the preservation of national traditions and ethical norms. The proof is the whole life lived by the old man. In his family, in relations with his wife, harmony and complete mutual understanding reign” (Belyaeva, Kudryavtseva, 2014: 14).

The following notes by N.V. Nikolsky are not without interest.

About the old cheremiska:

“The old woman is spinning. Beside her is a Cheremis boy and a girl. She will tell them many fairy tales; ask riddles; teaches you how to truly believe. The old woman is little acquainted with Christianity, because she is illiterate; therefore, children will also be taught the rules of the pagan religion” (Nikolsky, 2009: 149).

About the Cheremiska girl:

“The frills of the bast shoes are connected symmetrically. She must follow this. Any omission in the costume will be blamed on her” (ibid.: 110); “The bottom of the outerwear is embroidered elegantly. This took about a week.<…>Especially a lot of red threads were used. In this costume, the cheremiska will feel good both in the church, and at the wedding, and at the bazaar ”(ibid.: 111).

About Cheremisok:

“True Finnish by nature. Their faces are gloomy. The conversation concerns more household chores, agricultural activities. Cheremisks work everything, they do what men do, except for arable land. Cheremiska, in view of her ability to work, does not leave her parental home (in marriage) before the age of 20–30” (ibid.: 114); “Their costumes are borrowed from Chuvashs and Russians” (ibid.: 125).

About the Cheremis boy:

“From the age of 10–11, Cheremisin learns to plow. Plow of an ancient device. It's hard to follow her. At first, the boy is exhausted from the exorbitant work. The one who overcomes this difficulty will consider himself a hero; will become proud of his comrades” (ibid.: 143).

About the Cheremis family:

“The family lives in harmony. The husband treats his wife with love. The teacher of the children is the mother of the family. Not knowing Christianity, she instills Cheremis paganism in her children. Her ignorance of the Russian language alienates her both from the church and from the school” (ibid.: 130).

The well-being of the family and community had a sacred meaning for the Mari (Zalyaletdinova, 2012: 113). Before the revolution, the Mari lived in neighboring communities. Their villages were distinguished by their small size and the absence of any plan in the placement of buildings.

Usually related families settled nearby, forming a nest. Two log-house residential buildings were usually erected: one of them (without windows, floor and ceiling, with an open hearth in the middle) served as a summer kitchen ( kudo), the religious life of the family was connected with it; second ( port) corresponded to the Russian hut.

At the end of the XIX century. the street planning of villages prevailed; the arrangement of housing and utility buildings in the yard became the same as that of the Russian neighbors (Kozlova, Pron, 2000).

The features of the Mari community include its openness:

it was open to accepting new members, so there were many ethnically mixed (in particular, Mari-Russian) communities in the region (Sepeev, 1985: 152). In the Mari consciousness, the family appears as a family home, which in turn is associated with a bird's nest, and children are associated with chicks.

Some proverbs also contain a phytomorphic metaphor: a family is a tree, and children are its branches or fruits (Yakovleva, Kazyro, 2014: 650). Moreover, “the family is associated not only with the home like a building, with a hut (for example, a house without a man is an orphan, and at the same time a woman is the support of three corners of the house, and not four, as with her husband), but also with a fence behind which a person feels safe and secure. And the husband and wife are two fence posts, if one of them falls, the whole fence will fall, that is, the life of the family will be in danger ”(ibid.: p. 651).

The most important element of the Mari folk life, uniting people within their culture and contributing to the preservation and transmission of ethnic behavioral stereotypes, has become a bathhouse. From birth to death, the bath is used for medicinal and hygienic purposes.

According to the ideas of the Mari, before public and responsible economic affairs, you should always wash yourself, cleanse yourself physically and spiritually. Bath is considered a family sanctuary of the Mari. A visit to the bathhouse before prayers, family, social, individual rites has always been important.

Without washing in the bath, a member of the society was not allowed to family and social rituals. The Mari believed that after cleansing, they would gain strength and luck both physically and spiritually (Toydybekova, 2007: 166).

Among the Mari, great attention was paid to the cultivation of bread.

Bread for them is not just a staple food, but also the focus of religious and mythological ideas that are realized in people's daily lives. “Both the Chuvash and the Mari brought up a careful, respectful attitude to bread. An unopened loaf of bread was a symbol of well-being and happiness; not a single holiday or ritual could do without it” (Sergeeva, 2012: 137).

Mari proverb "You can't get higher than bread" ( Kinde dech kugu from liy) (Sabitov, 1982: 40) testifies to the boundless respect of this ancient agricultural people for bread - "the most precious thing that has been grown by man."

In the Mari tales about the testy hero ( Nonchyk-patyr) and the hero Alym, who gains strength by touching rye, oatmeal and barley stacks, the idea is traced that bread is the basis of life, “it gives such strength that no other force can resist, a person wins thanks to bread dark forces nature, defeats opponents in human form", "in his songs and fairy tales, the Mari claimed that a person is strong with his work, strong with the result of his work - bread" (Vasin et al., 1966: 17–18).

The Mari are practical, rational, prudent.

For them, “a utilitarian, purely practical approach to the gods was characteristic”, “the believing Mari built his relationship with the gods on a material basis, turning to the gods, sought to derive some benefit from this or avoid trouble”, “a god who did not bring benefit, in the eyes of a believing Mari, he began to lose confidence” (Vasin et al., 1966: 41).

“What was promised to God by a believing Mari was not always fulfilled by him willingly. At the same time, in his opinion, it would be better, without harm to himself, not to fulfill the promise at all, given to god, or delay it indefinitely" ibid.).

The practical orientation of the Mari ethno-mentality is reflected even in the proverbs: “Sows, reaps, threshes - and all with the tongue”, “People spit - there will be a lake”, “The words of an intelligent person will not be in vain”, “The one who eats does not know grief, the baker knows it”, “ Show your back to the master”, “A man looks high” (ibid.: 140).

Olearius writes about the utilitarian-materialistic elements in the worldview of the Mari in his notes dating back to 1633–1639:

“They (Mari) do not believe in the resurrection of the dead, and then in the future life, and think that with the death of a person, as well as with the death of cattle, everything is over. In Kazan, in the house of my master, there lived one Cheremis, a man of 45 years old. When I heard that in my conversation with the host about religion, I, among other things, mentioned resurrection of the dead, this Cheremis burst out laughing, clasped his hands and said: “He who has died once, remains dead for the devil. The dead are resurrected in the same way as my horse, cow, who died a few years ago.

And further: “When my master and I told the Cheremis mentioned above that it is unfair to honor and adore cattle or some other creature as a god, he answered us: “What good is the Russian gods that they hang on the walls? This is wood and paint, which he would not at all want to worship and therefore thinks that it is better and more reasonable to worship the Sun and what life has ”(quoted from: Vasin et al., 1966: 28).

Important ethno-mental features of the Mari are revealed in the book by L. S. Toydybekova “Mari Mythology. Ethnographic reference book” (Toydybekova, 2007).

The researcher emphasizes that in the traditional worldview of the Mari there is a belief that the race for material values ​​is destructive for the soul.

“A person who is ready to give everything he has to his neighbor is always friends with nature and draws his energy from it, knows how to rejoice in giving, and enjoy the world around him” (ibid.: 92). Mariets in the world he represents dreams of living in harmony with the natural and social environment in order to preserve this peace and just to avoid conflicts and wars.

At each prayer, he turns to his deities with a wise request: a person comes to this earth with the hope of living “like the sun shining, like a moon rising, sparkling like a star, free like a bird, like a swallow chirping, stretching life like silk, like a grove playing, like rejoicing over the mountains” (ibid.: 135).

Between the earth and the person there was a relationship based on the principle of exchange.

The earth gives a harvest, and people, according to this unwritten agreement, made sacrifices to the earth, looked after it and went into it themselves at the end of their lives. The peasant farmer asks the gods to receive rich bread not only for himself, but also to generously share it with the hungry and those who ask. By nature, a good Mari does not want to dominate, but generously shares his harvest with everyone.

In the countryside, the deceased was seen off by the whole village. It is believed that the more people involved in seeing off the deceased, the easier it will be for him in the next world (ibid.: 116).

The Mari never seized foreign territories, lived compactly on their lands for centuries, therefore they especially kept the customs associated with their home.

The nest is a symbol of the native home, and out of love for the native nest, love for the motherland grows (ibid.: 194–195). In his home, a person should behave with dignity: carefully store family traditions, rituals and customs, the language of ancestors, to observe the order and culture of behavior.

You can not swear in the house with obscene words and lead an indecent lifestyle. In the house of a Mari, kindness and honesty were considered the most important commandments. To be human means to be first of all kind. In the national image of the Mari, a desire is manifested to preserve a good and honest name in the most difficult and difficult circumstances.

For the Mari, national honor merged with the good names of parents, with the honor of family and clan. Village symbol ( yal) - this is the motherland, native people. The narrowing of the world, the universe to the native village is not a limitation, but the concreteness of its manifestations towards the native land. A universe without a homeland has neither meaning nor meaning.

The Russians considered the Mari people who possessed secret knowledge both in economic activities (in agriculture, hunting, fishing) and in spiritual life.

In many villages, the institution of priests has been preserved to this day. In 1991, at a turning point for the active awakening of national identity, the activities of all the surviving karts were legalized, the priests came out of hiding to openly serve their people.

At present, there are about sixty Kart priests in the republic, they remember rituals, prayers, prayers well. Thanks to the priests, about 360 sacred groves are taken under state protection. In 1993, a meeting of the most holy council of the All-Mari spiritual religious center was held.

The so-called taboo prohibitions (O to yoro, yoro), which warn a person from danger. The words of Oyoro are unwritten laws of reverence, developed on the basis of certain rules-prohibitions.

Violation of these words-prohibitions inevitably entails cruel punishment (illness, death) from supernatural forces. The prohibitions of Oyoro are passed down from generation to generation, supplemented and updated with the demand of time. Since heaven, man and earth represent an inseparable unity in the Mari religious system, the generally accepted norms of people's behavior in relation to objects and natural phenomena were developed on the basis of respect for the laws of the Cosmos.

First of all, the Mari was forbidden to destroy birds, bees, butterflies, trees, plants, anthills, as nature would cry, get sick and die; it was forbidden to cut trees on sandy places, mountains, as the earth could get sick. In addition to environmental prohibitions, there are moral and ethical, medical and sanitary-hygienic, economic prohibitions, prohibitions associated with the struggle for self-preservation and safety, prohibitions associated with holy groves - prayer places; prohibitions associated with funerals, with auspicious days for starting big things (quoted from: Toydybekova, 2007: 178–179).

For mary sin ( sulik) is murder, theft, witchcraft-damage, lies, deceit, disrespect for elders, denunciation, disrespect for God, violation of customs, taboos, rituals, work on holidays. The Mari considered pissing into water, chopping a sacred tree, spitting into the fire as sulik (ibid.: 208).

The ethno-mentality of the Mari

2018-10-28T21:37:59+05:00 Anja Hardikainen Mari El Republic Folklore and ethnographyMari El, Mari, mythology, people, psychology, paganismThe national character of the Mari The Mari (the self-name is "Mari, Mari"; the outdated Russian name is "Cheremis") is a Finno-Ugric people of the Volga-Finnish subgroup. The number in the Russian Federation is 547.6 thousand people, in the Republic of Mari El - 290.8 thousand people. (according to the All-Russian population census of 2010). More than half of the Mari live outside the territory of Mari El. Compact...Anya Hardikainen Anya Hardikainen [email protected] Author In the middle of Russia

The Mari stood out as an independent people from the Finno-Ugric tribes in the 10th century. Over the millennium of its existence, the Mari people have created a unique unique culture.

The book tells about rituals, customs, ancient beliefs, folk arts and crafts, blacksmithing, the art of songwriters, guslars, folk music, includes lyrics, legends, fairy tales, legends, poems and prose of the classics of the Mari people and contemporary writers, tells about theatrical and musical art, about outstanding representatives of the culture of the Mari people.

Reproductions from the most famous paintings by Mari artists of the 19th-21st centuries are included.

excerpt

Introduction

Scientists attribute the Mari to the group of Finno-Ugric peoples, but this is not entirely true. According to ancient Mari legends, this people in ancient times came from Ancient Iran, the birthplace of the prophet Zarathustra, and settled along the Volga, where they mixed with the local Finno-Ugric tribes, but retained their originality. This version is also confirmed by philology. According to the Doctor of Philology, Professor Chernykh, out of 100 Mari words, 35 are Finno-Ugric, 28 are Turkic and Indo-Iranian, and the rest are of Slavic origin and other peoples. Carefully studied the prayer texts of the ancient Mari religion, Professor Chernykh came to an amazing conclusion: the prayer words of the Mari are more than 50% of Indo-Iranian origin. It was in the prayer texts that the parent language of the modern Mari was preserved, not influenced by the peoples with whom they had contacts in later periods.

Outwardly, the Mari are quite different from other Finno-Ugric peoples. As a rule, they are not very tall, with dark hair, slightly slanted eyes. Mari girls at a young age are very beautiful and they can even often be confused with Russians. However, by the age of forty, most of them are very old and either dry out or become incredibly full.

The Mari remember themselves under the rule of the Khazars from the 2nd century BC. - 500 years, then under the rule of the Bulgars for 400 years, 400 years under the Horde. 450 - under the Russian principalities. According to ancient predictions, the Mari cannot live under someone for more than 450-500 years. But they will not have an independent state. This cycle of 450–500 years is associated with the passage of a comet.

Before the collapse of the Bulgar Khaganate, namely at the end of the 9th century, the Mari occupied vast areas, and their number was more than a million people. These are the Rostov region, Moscow, Ivanovo, Yaroslavl, the territory of modern Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod, modern Mari El and the Bashkir lands.

In ancient times, the Mari people were ruled by princes, whom the Mari called oms. The prince combined the functions of both a military commander and a high priest. The Mari religion considers many of them to be saints. Saint in Mari - shnuy. For a person to be recognized as a saint, 77 years must pass. If, after this period, when prayers are addressed to him, healings from diseases occur, and other miracles occur, then the deceased is recognized as a saint.

Often such holy princes possessed various extraordinary abilities, and were in one person a righteous sage and a warrior merciless to the enemy of his people. After the Mari finally fell under the rule of other tribes, they no longer had princes. And the religious function is performed by the priest of their religion - kart. The supreme kart of all Maris is elected by the council of all karts and his powers within the framework of his religion are approximately equal to the powers of the patriarch among Orthodox Christians.

Modern Mari live in the territories between 45° and 60° north latitude and 56° and 58° east longitudes in several rather closely related groups. Autonomy, the Republic of Mari El, located on the middle reaches of the Volga, in 1991 declared itself in its Constitution a sovereign state within the Russian Federation. The declaration of sovereignty in the post-Soviet era means the observance of the principle of preserving the originality of the national culture and language. In the Mari ASSR, according to the 1989 census, there were 324,349 inhabitants of the Mari nationality. In the neighboring Gorky region, 9 thousand people called themselves Mari, in the Kirov region - 50 thousand people. In addition to these places, a significant Mari population lives in Bashkortostan (105,768 people), in Tatarstan (20 thousand people), Udmurtia (10 thousand people) and in the Sverdlovsk region (25 thousand people). In some regions of the Russian Federation, the number of scattered, sporadically living Mari reaches 100 thousand people. The Mari are divided into two large dialect-ethno-cultural groups: the mountain and meadow Mari.

History of the Mari

The vicissitudes of the formation of the Mari people, we learn more and more fully on the basis of the latest archaeological research. In the second half of the 1st millennium BC. e., as well as at the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. e. among the ethnic groups of the Gorodets and Azelin cultures, the ancestors of the Mari can also be assumed. The Gorodets culture was autochthonous on the right bank of the Middle Volga region, while the Azelin culture was on the left bank of the Middle Volga, as well as along the Vyatka. These two branches of the ethnogenesis of the Mari people well show the double connection of the Mari within the Finno-Ugric tribes. The Gorodets culture for the most part played a role in the formation of the Mordovian ethnos, however, its eastern parts served as the basis for the formation of the Mountain Mari ethnic group. The Azelinskaya culture can be traced back to the Ananyinskaya archaeological culture, which was previously assigned a dominant role only in the ethnogenesis of the Finno-Permian tribes, although at present this issue is considered differently by some researchers: it is possible that the Proto-Ugric and ancient Mari tribes were part of the ethnic groups of new archaeological cultures. successors that arose on the site of the disintegrated Ananyino culture. The ethnic group of the Meadow Mari can also be traced back to the traditions of the Ananyino culture.

The Eastern European forest zone has extremely scarce written information about the history of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the writing of these peoples appeared very late, with few exceptions, only in the latest historical era. The first mention of the ethnonym "Cheremis" in the form "ts-r-mis" is found in a written source, which dates back to the 10th century, but, in all likelihood, goes back one or two centuries later. According to this source, the Mari were tributaries of the Khazars. Then kari (in the form "cheremisam") mentions the composition in. early 12th century Russian annalistic code, calling the place of their settlement of the land at the mouth of the Oka. Of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the Mari turned out to be most closely associated with the Turkic tribes that migrated to the Volga region. These ties are very strong even now. Volga Bulgars at the beginning of the 9th century. arrived from Great Bulgaria on the Black Sea coast to the confluence of the Kama with the Volga, where they founded the Volga Bulgaria. The ruling elite of the Volga Bulgars, using the profit from trade, could firmly hold their power. They traded honey, wax, and furs coming from the Finno-Ugric peoples living nearby. Relations between the Volga Bulgars and various Finno-Ugric tribes of the Middle Volga region were not overshadowed by anything. The empire of the Volga Bulgars was destroyed by the Mongol-Tatar conquerors who invaded from the interior regions of Asia in 1236.

Collection of yasak. Reproduction of a painting by G.A. Medvedev

Khan Batu founded a state formation called the Golden Horde in the territories occupied and subordinated to him. Its capital until the 1280s. was the city of Bulgar, the former capital of the Volga Bulgaria. With the Golden Horde and the independent Kazan Khanate that later separated from it, the Mari were in allied relations. This is evidenced by the fact that the Mari had a stratum that did not pay taxes, but was obliged to carry out military service. This estate then became one of the most combat-ready military formations among the Tatars. Also, the existence of allied relations is indicated by the use of the Tatar word "el" - "people, empire" to designate the region inhabited by the Mari. Mari still call their native land Mari El.

The accession of the Mari region to the Russian state was greatly influenced by the contacts of some groups of the Mari population with the Slavic-Russian state formations (Kievan Rus - northeastern Russian principalities and lands - Muscovite Rus) even before the 16th century. There was a significant deterrent that did not allow to quickly complete what had been started in the XII-XIII centuries. the process of joining Russia is the close and multilateral ties of the Mari with the Turkic states that opposed Russian expansion to the east (Volga-Kama Bulgaria - Ulus Jochi - Kazan Khanate). Such an intermediate position, as A. Kappeler believes, led to the fact that the Mari, as well as the Mordovians and Udmurts who were in a similar situation, were drawn into neighboring state entities in economic and administrative terms, but at the same time retained their own social elite and their pagan religion .

The inclusion of the Mari lands in Russia from the very beginning was ambiguous. Already at the turn of the 11th-12th centuries, according to The Tale of Bygone Years, the Mari (“Cheremis”) were among the tributaries of the ancient Russian princes. It is believed that tributary dependence is the result of military clashes, "tormenting". True, there is not even indirect information about the exact date of its establishment. G.S. Lebedev, on the basis of the matrix method, showed that in the catalog of the introductory part of The Tale of Bygone Years, "cherems" and "Mordovians" can be combined into one group with the whole, Merya and Muroma according to four main parameters - genealogical, ethnic, political and moral and ethical . This gives some reason to believe that the Mari became tributaries earlier than the rest of the non-Slavic tribes listed by Nestor - "Perm, Pechera, Em" and other "tongues, which give tribute to Russia."

There is information about the dependence of the Mari on Vladimir Monomakh. According to the "Word about the destruction of the Russian land", "Cheremis ... bortnichahu against the great prince Volodimer." In the Ipatiev Chronicle, in unison with the pathetic tone of the Lay, it is said that he is "most afraid of the filthy." According to B.A. Rybakov, the real enthronement, the nationalization of North-Eastern Russia began precisely with Vladimir Monomakh.

However, the testimony of these written sources does not allow us to say that tribute to the ancient Russian princes was paid by all groups of the Mari population; most likely, only the western Mari, who lived near the mouth of the Oka, were drawn into the sphere of influence of Russia.

The rapid pace of Russian colonization caused opposition from the local Finno-Ugric population, who found support from the Volga-Kama Bulgaria. In 1120, after a series of attacks by the Bulgars on the Russian cities in the Volga-Ochya in the second half of the 11th century, a series of counter-attacks of the Vladimir-Suzdal and allied princes began on the lands that either belonged to the Bulgar rulers, or were only controlled by them in the order of collecting tribute from the local population. It is believed that the Russian-Bulgarian conflict erupted primarily on the basis of the collection of tribute.

The Russian princely squads more than once attacked the Mari villages that came across on their way to the rich Bulgarian cities. It is known that in the winter of 1171/72. the detachment of Boris Zhidislavich destroyed one large fortified and six small settlements just below the mouth of the Oka, and here even in the 16th century. still lived along with the Mordovian and Mari population. Moreover, it was under the same date that the Russian fortress Gorodets Radilov was first mentioned, which was built a little higher than the mouth of the Oka on the left bank of the Volga, presumably on the land of the Mari. According to V.A. Kuchkin, Gorodets Radilov became a stronghold of North-Eastern Russia on the Middle Volga and the center of Russian colonization of the local region.

The Slavic-Russians gradually either assimilated or displaced the Mari, forcing them to migrate to the east. This movement has been traced by archaeologists since about the 8th century. n. e.; the Mari, in turn, entered into ethnic contacts with the Perm-speaking population of the Volga-Vyatka interfluve (the Mari called them odo, that is, they were Udmurts). The alien ethnic group dominated the ethnic competition. In the IX-XI centuries. The Mari basically completed the development of the Vetluzhsko-Vyatka interfluve, displacing and partially assimilating the former population. Numerous traditions of the Mari and Udmurts testify that there were armed conflicts, and mutual antipathy continued to exist between the representatives of these Finno-Ugric peoples for quite a long time.

As a result of the military campaign of 1218–1220, the conclusion of the Russian-Bulgarian peace treaty of 1220, and the founding of Nizhny Novgorod in 1221 at the mouth of the Oka, the easternmost outpost of North-Eastern Russia, the influence of the Volga-Kama Bulgaria in the Middle Volga region weakened. This created favorable conditions for the Vladimir-Suzdal feudal lords to conquer the Mordovians. Most likely, in the Russo-Mordovian war of 1226-1232. the "Cheremis" of the Oka-Sura interfluve was also drawn in.

The Russian Tsar gives gifts to the mountain Mari

The expansion of both Russian and Bulgarian feudal lords was also directed to the Unzha and Vetluga basins, which were relatively unsuitable for economic development. It was mainly inhabited by the Mari tribes and the eastern part of the Kostroma Mary, between which, as established by archaeologists and linguists, there was a lot in common, which to some extent allows us to talk about the ethnocultural commonality of the Vetluzh Mari and the Kostroma Mary. In 1218 the Bulgars attack Ustyug and Unzha; under 1237, another Russian city in the Trans-Volga region, Galich Mersky, was mentioned for the first time. Apparently, there was a struggle for the Sukhono-Vychegda trade and trade route and for the collection of tribute from the local population, in particular, the Mari. Russian domination was established here as well.

In addition to the western and northwestern periphery of the Mari lands, Russians from about the turn of the 12th-13th centuries. they began to develop the northern outskirts - the upper reaches of the Vyatka, where, in addition to the Mari, the Udmurts also lived.

The development of the Mari lands, most likely, was carried out not only by force, by military methods. There are such varieties of "cooperation" between the Russian princes and the national nobility as "equal" matrimonial unions, companyism, subordination, hostage-taking, bribery, "sweetening". It is possible that a number of these methods were also applied to representatives of the Mari social elite.

If in the X-XI centuries, as the archaeologist E.P. Kazakov points out, there was “a certain commonality of the Bulgar and Volga-Mari monuments”, then over the next two centuries the ethnographic image of the Mari population - especially in Povetluzhye - became different. The Slavic and Slavic-Meryansk components have significantly increased in it.

The facts show that the degree of inclusion of the Mari population in Russian state formations in the pre-Mongol period was quite high.

The situation changed in the 1930s and 1940s. 13th century as a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion. However, this did not at all lead to the cessation of the growth of Russian influence in the Volga-Kama region. Small independent Russian state formations appeared around urban centers - princely residences founded back in the period of the existence of a single Vladimir-Suzdal Rus. These are Galician (arose around 1247), Kostroma (approximately in the 50s of the XIII century) and Gorodetsky (between 1269 and 1282) principalities; at the same time, the influence of the Vyatka Land grew, turning into a special state formation with veche traditions. In the second half of the XIV century. the Vyatchans had already firmly established themselves in the Middle Vyatka and in the Tansy basin, displacing the Mari and Udmurts from here.

In the 60s–70s. 14th century feudal turmoil broke out in the horde, weakening its military and political power for a while. This was successfully used by the Russian princes, who sought to break out of dependence on the khan's administration and increase their possessions at the expense of the peripheral regions of the empire.

The most notable success was achieved by the Nizhny Novgorod-Suzdal principality, the successor to the principality of Gorodetsky. The first Nizhny Novgorod prince Konstantin Vasilyevich (1341–1355) “ordered the Russian people to settle along the Oka and along the Volga and along the Kuma rivers ... where anyone wants”, that is, he began to sanction the colonization of the Oka-Sura interfluve. And in 1372, his son Prince Boris Konstantinovich founded the Kurmysh fortress on the left bank of the Sura, thereby establishing control over the local population - mainly Mordovians and Mari.

Soon, the possessions of the Nizhny Novgorod princes began to appear on the right bank of the Sura (in Zasurye), where the mountain Mari and Chuvash lived. By the end of the XIV century. Russian influence in the Sura basin increased so much that representatives of the local population began to warn the Russian princes about the upcoming invasions of the Golden Horde troops.

A significant role in strengthening anti-Russian sentiments among the Mari population was played by frequent attacks by the Ushkuiniks. The most sensitive for the Mari, apparently, were the raids carried out by Russian river robbers in 1374, when they ravaged the villages along the Vyatka, Kama, Volga (from the mouth of the Kama to the Sura) and Vetluga.

In 1391, as a result of Bektut's campaign, the Vyatka Land, which was considered the refuge of the Ushkuins, was devastated. However, already in 1392 the Vyatchans plundered the Bulgarian cities of Kazan and Zhukotin (Dzhuketau).

According to the Vetluzhsky Chronicler, in 1394, “Uzbeks” appeared in the Vetluzhsky Kuguz - nomadic warriors from the eastern half of the Jochi Ulus, who “took the people for the army and took them along the Vetluga and the Volga near Kazan to Tokhtamysh.” And in 1396, a protege of Tokhtamysh Keldibek was elected kuguz.

As a result of a large-scale war between Tokhtamysh and Timur Tamerlane, the Golden Horde Empire was significantly weakened, many Bulgarian cities were devastated, and its surviving inhabitants began to move to the right side of the Kama and the Volga - away from the dangerous steppe and forest-steppe zone; in the area of ​​Kazanka and Sviyaga, the Bulgar population came into close contact with the Mari.

In 1399, the cities of Bulgar, Kazan, Kermenchuk, Zhukotin were taken by the appanage prince Yuri Dmitrievich, the annals indicate that "no one remembers only far away Rus fought the Tatar land." Apparently, at the same time, the Galich prince conquered the Vetluzh Kuguzism - this is reported by the Vetluzh chronicler. Kuguz Keldibek recognized his dependence on the leaders of the Vyatka Land, concluding a military alliance with them. In 1415, the Vetluzhans and Vyatches made a joint campaign against the Northern Dvina. In 1425, the Vetluzh Mari became part of the many thousands of militia of the Galich specific prince, who began an open struggle for the grand prince's throne.

In 1429 Keldibek took part in the campaign of the Bulgaro-Tatar troops led by Alibek to Galich and Kostroma. In response to this, in 1431 Vasily II took severe punitive measures against the Bulgars, who had already seriously suffered from a terrible famine and an epidemic of plague. In 1433 (or in 1434), Vasily Kosoy, who received Galich after the death of Yuri Dmitrievich, physically eliminated Keldibek's Kuguz and annexed the Vetluzh Kuguz to his inheritance.

The Mari population also had to experience the religious and ideological expansion of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Mari pagan population, as a rule, negatively perceived attempts to Christianize them, although there were also reverse examples. In particular, the Kazhirovsky and Vetluzhsky chroniclers report that the Kuguzes Kodzha-Eraltem, Kai, Bai-Boroda, their relatives and close associates adopted Christianity and allowed the construction of churches in the territory they controlled.

Among the Privetluzhsky Mari population, a version of the Kitezh legend spread: allegedly, the Mari, who did not want to submit to the “Russian princes and priests”, buried themselves alive right on the shore of Svetloyar, and subsequently, together with the earth that collapsed on them, slid down to the bottom of a deep lake. The following record, made in the 19th century, has been preserved: “Among the Svetloyarsk pilgrims, one can always meet two or three Mari women dressed in sharpan, without any signs of Russification.”

By the time the Kazan Khanate appeared, the Mari of the following areas were involved in the sphere of influence of the Russian state formations: the right bank of the Sura - a significant part of the mountain Mari (this can also include the Oka-Sura "Cheremis"), Povetluzhye - the northwestern Mari, the basin of the Pizhma River and the Middle Vyatka - northern part of the meadow mari. The Kokshai Mari, the population of the Ileti river basin, the north-eastern part of the modern territory of the Republic of Mari El, as well as the Lower Vyatka, that is, the main part of the meadow Mari, were less affected by Russian influence.

The territorial expansion of the Kazan Khanate was carried out in the western and northern directions. Sura became the southwestern border with Russia, respectively, Zasurye was completely under the control of Kazan. During 1439-1441, judging by the Vetluzh chronicler, the Mari and Tatar warriors destroyed all Russian settlements on the territory of the former Vetluzh Kuguz, Kazan "governors" began to rule the Vetluzh Mari. Both the Vyatka Land and the Great Perm soon found themselves in tributary dependence on the Kazan Khanate.

In the 50s. 15th century Moscow managed to subjugate the Vyatka Land and part of the Povetluzhye; soon, in 1461-1462. Russian troops even entered into a direct armed conflict with the Kazan Khanate, during which the Mari lands on the left bank of the Volga suffered mainly.

In the winter of 1467/68 an attempt was made to eliminate or weaken the allies of Kazan - the Mari. For this purpose, two trips "to the Cheremis" were organized. The first, main group, which consisted mainly of selected troops - "the court of the prince of the great regiment" - fell upon the left-bank Mari. According to the chronicles, “the army of the Grand Duke came to the land of Cheremis, and did much evil to that land: people from the sekosh, and led others into captivity, and burned others; and their horses and every living thing that you can’t take with you, then everything is gone; and whatever was their belly, they took it all. The second group, which included warriors recruited in the Murom and Nizhny Novgorod lands, "wrestled mountains and barats" along the Volga. However, even this did not prevent the Kazanians, including, most likely, the Mari warriors, already in the winter-summer of 1468 from ruining Kichmenga with adjacent villages (the upper reaches of the Unzha and Yug rivers), as well as the Kostroma volosts and twice in a row - the vicinity of Murom. Parity was established in punitive actions, which, most likely, had little effect on the state of the armed forces of the opposing sides. The case came down mainly to robberies, mass destruction, the capture of the civilian population - the Mari, Chuvash, Russians, Mordovians, etc.

In the summer of 1468, Russian troops resumed their raids on the uluses of the Kazan Khanate. And this time, the Mari population suffered the most. The rook army, led by the voivode Ivan Run, “fought your cheremis on the Vyatka River”, plundered the villages and merchant ships on the Lower Kama, then went up to the Belaya River (“Belaya Volozhka”), where the Russians again “fighted the cheremis, and people from sekosh and horses and every animal." They learned from local residents that nearby, up the Kama, a detachment of Kazan soldiers of 200 people was moving on ships taken from the Mari. As a result of a short battle, this detachment was defeated. The Russians then followed "to Great Perm and to Ustyug" and further to Moscow. Almost at the same time, another Russian army (“outpost”), led by Prince Fedor Khripun-Ryapolovsky, was operating on the Volga. Not far from Kazan, it is "beaten by the Tatars of Kazan, the court of tsars, many good ones." However, even in such a critical situation for themselves, Kazan did not abandon active offensive operations. By bringing their troops into the territory of the Vyatka Land, they persuaded the Vyatchans to neutrality.

In the Middle Ages, there were usually no precisely defined borders between states. This also applies to the Kazan Khanate with neighboring countries. From the west and north, the territory of the khanate adjoined the borders of the Russian state, from the east - the Nogai Horde, from the south - the Astrakhan khanate and from the southwest - the Crimean khanate. The border between the Kazan Khanate and the Russian state along the Sura River was relatively stable; further, it can be determined only conditionally according to the principle of paying yasak by the population: from the mouth of the Sura River through the Vetluga basin to Pizhma, then from the mouth of Pizhma to the Middle Kama, including some areas of the Urals, then back to the Volga River along the left bank of the Kama, without going deep into the steppe, down the Volga approximately to the Samara bow, and finally, to the upper reaches of the same Sura river.

In addition to the Bulgaro-Tatar population (Kazan Tatars) on the territory of the Khanate, according to A.M. Kurbsky, there were also Mari (“Cheremis”), southern Udmurts (“Votyaks”, “Ars”), Chuvashs, Mordvins (mainly Erzya), Western Bashkirs. Mari in the sources of the XV-XVI centuries. and in general in the Middle Ages they were known under the name "Cheremis", the etymology of which has not yet been clarified. At the same time, under this ethnonym, in a number of cases (this is especially characteristic of the Kazan chronicler), not only the Mari, but also the Chuvashs and the southern Udmurts could appear. Therefore, it is rather difficult to determine, even in approximate outlines, the territory of the settlement of the Mari during the existence of the Kazan Khanate.

A number of fairly reliable sources of the XVI century. - testimonies of S. Herberstein, spiritual letters of Ivan III and Ivan IV, the Royal Book - indicate the presence of the Mari in the Oka-Sura interfluve, that is, in the region of Nizhny Novgorod, Murom, Arzamas, Kurmysh, Alatyr. This information is confirmed by folklore material, as well as the toponymy of this territory. It is noteworthy that until recently, among the local Mordovians, who professed a pagan religion, the personal name Cheremis was widespread.

The Unzha-Vetluga interfluve was also inhabited by the Mari; This is evidenced by written sources, toponymy of the area, folklore material. Probably, there were also groups of Mary. The northern boundary is the upper reaches of the Unzha, Vetluga, the Tansy basin, and the Middle Vyatka. Here the Mari were in contact with the Russians, Udmurts and Karin Tatars.

The eastern limits can be limited to the lower reaches of the Vyatka, but apart - "for 700 miles from Kazan" - in the Urals there already existed a small ethnic group of the Eastern Mari; chroniclers recorded it near the mouth of the Belaya River in the middle of the 15th century.

Apparently, the Mari, together with the Bulgaro-Tatar population, lived in the upper reaches of the Kazanka and Mesha rivers, on the Arskaya side. But, most likely, they were a minority here and, moreover, most likely, they gradually flocked.

Apparently, a large part of the Mari population occupied the territory of the northern and western parts of the current Chuvash Republic.

The disappearance of the continuous Mari population in the northern and western parts of the current territory of the Chuvash Republic can to some extent be explained by the devastating wars in the 15th-16th centuries, from which the Gornaya side suffered more than the Lugovaya (in addition to the invasions of Russian troops, the right bank was also subjected to numerous raids by steppe warriors) . This circumstance, apparently, caused the outflow of part of the mountain Mari to the Lugovaya side.

The number of Mari in the XVII-XVIII centuries. ranged from 70 to 120 thousand people.

The right bank of the Volga was distinguished by the highest population density, then - the area east of M. Kokshaga, and the least - the area of ​​\u200b\u200bsettlement of the northwestern Mari, especially the swampy Volga-Vetluzhskaya lowland and the Mari lowland (the space between the rivers Linda and B. Kokshaga).

Exclusively all lands were legally considered the property of the khan, who personified the state. Declaring himself the supreme owner, the khan demanded for the use of the land a rent in kind and cash - a tax (yasak).

The Mari - nobility and ordinary community members - like other non-Tatar peoples of the Kazan Khanate, although they were included in the category of dependent population, were actually personally free people.

According to the conclusions of K.I. Kozlova, in the 16th century. the Mari were dominated by retinue, military-democratic orders, that is, the Mari were at the stage of formation of their statehood. The emergence and development of their own state structures was hindered by dependence on the khan's administration.

The socio-political structure of the medieval Mari society is reflected in written sources rather weakly.

It is known that the main cell of the Mari society was the family (“esh”); most likely, the most widespread were "large families", consisting, as a rule, of 3-4 generations of close relatives in the male line. Property stratification between patriarchal families was clearly visible as early as the 9th-11th centuries. Parcel labor flourished, which mainly extended to non-agricultural activities (cattle breeding, fur trade, metallurgy, blacksmithing, jewelry). There were close ties between neighboring family groups, primarily economic, but not always consanguineous. Economic ties were expressed in various kinds of mutual “help” (“vyma”), that is, obligatory kindred gratuitous mutual assistance. In general, the Mari in the XV-XVI centuries. experienced a peculiar period of proto-feudal relations, when, on the one hand, individual family property was allocated within the framework of a land-related union (neighboring community), and on the other, the class structure of society did not acquire its clear outlines.

The Mari patriarchal families, apparently, united into patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk; according to V.N. Petrov - urmats and vurteks), and those - into larger land unions - tishte. Their unity was based on the principle of neighborhood, on a common cult, and to a lesser extent - on economic ties, and even more so - on consanguinity. Tishte were, among other things, alliances of military mutual assistance. Perhaps the Tishte were territorially compatible with hundreds, uluses and fifties of the period of the Kazan Khanate. In any case, the tithe-hundred and ulus system of administration imposed from the outside as a result of the establishment of the Mongol-Tatar domination, as is commonly believed, did not conflict with the traditional territorial organization of the Mari.

Hundreds, uluses, fifties and tens were led by centurions (“shudovuy”), Pentecostals (“vitlevuy”), tenants (“luvuy”). In the 15th–16th centuries, they most likely did not have time to break with the rule of the people, and, by the definition of K.I. Kozlova, "these were either ordinary foremen of land unions, or military leaders of larger associations such as tribal ones." Perhaps the representatives of the top of the Mari nobility continued to be called, according to the ancient tradition, “kugyz”, “kuguz” (“great master”), “on” (“leader”, “prince”, “lord”). In the public life of the Mari, the elders - "Kuguraks" also played an important role. For example, even Tokhtamysh's henchman Keldibek could not become a Vetluzh kuguz without the consent of the local elders. The Mari elders as a special social group are also mentioned in the Kazan History.

All groups of the Mari population took an active part in military campaigns against Russian lands, which became more frequent under the Gireys. This is explained, on the one hand, by the dependent position of the Mari in the khanate, on the other hand, by the peculiarities of the stage of social development (military democracy), the interest of the Mari warriors themselves in obtaining military booty, in an effort to prevent Russian military-political expansion, and other motives. In the last period of the Russian-Kazan confrontation (1521-1552) in 1521-1522 and 1534-1544. the initiative belonged to Kazan, which, at the suggestion of the Crimean-Nogai government group, sought to restore the vassal dependence of Moscow, as it was in the Golden Horde period. But already under Vasily III, in the 1520s, the task of the final annexation of the khanate to Russia was set. However, this was only possible with the capture of Kazan in 1552, under Ivan the Terrible. Apparently, the reasons for the accession of the Middle Volga region and, accordingly, the Mari region to the Russian state were: 1) a new, imperial type of political consciousness of the top leadership of the Moscow state, the struggle for the "Golden Horde" inheritance and failures in the previous practice of attempts to establish and maintain a protectorate over Kazan khanate, 2) the interests of national defense, 3) economic reasons (lands for the local nobility, the Volga for the Russian merchants and fishermen, new taxpayers for the Russian government and other plans for the future).

After the capture of Kazan by Ivan the Terrible, the course of events in the Middle Volga region, Moscow faced a powerful liberation movement, in which both former subjects of the liquidated khanate, who managed to swear allegiance to Ivan IV, and the population of peripheral regions, who did not take the oath, participated. The Moscow government had to solve the problem of preserving the conquered not according to a peaceful, but according to a bloody scenario.

The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis wars, since the Mari (Cheremis) were the most active in them. Among the sources available in scientific circulation, the earliest mention of an expression close to the term “Cheremis war” is found in Ivan IV’s tribute letter to D.F. it is indicated that the owners of the rivers Kishkil and Shizhma (near the city of Kotelnich) “in those rivers ... fish and beavers did not catch for the Kazan cheremis of war and did not pay dues.”

Cheremis War 1552–1557 differs from the subsequent Cheremis wars of the second half of the 16th century, not so much because it was the first of this series of wars, but because it had the character of a national liberation struggle and did not have a noticeable anti-feudal orientation. Moreover, the anti-Moscow rebel movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552-1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan war, and the main goal of its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate.

Apparently, for the bulk of the left-bank Mari population, this war was not an uprising, since only representatives of the Order Mari recognized their new allegiance. In fact, in 1552-1557. the majority of the Mari waged an external war against the Russian state and, together with the rest of the population of the Kazan region, defended their freedom and independence.

All waves of the resistance movement were extinguished as a result of large-scale punitive operations of the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, the insurrectionary movement developed into a form of civil war and class struggle, but the struggle for the liberation of the motherland remained character-forming. The resistance movement ceased due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought innumerable victims and destruction to the local population, 2) mass starvation, a plague epidemic that came from the Volga steppes, 3) the Meadow Mari lost support from their former allies - the Tatars and southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of the meadow and eastern Mari took the oath to the Russian Tsar. Thus, the accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state was completed.

The significance of the accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state cannot be defined as unambiguously negative or positive. Both negative and positive consequences of the entry of the Mari into the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest themselves in almost all spheres of the development of society (political, economic, social, cultural, and others). Perhaps the main result for today is that the Mari people have survived as an ethnic group and have become an organic part of multinational Russia.

The final entry of the Mari Territory into Russia took place after 1557, as a result of the suppression of the people's liberation and anti-feudal movement in the Middle Volga and Urals. The process of the gradual entry of the Mari Territory into the system of Russian statehood lasted hundreds of years: during the period of the Mongol-Tatar invasion, it slowed down, during the years of feudal unrest that swept the Golden Horde in the second half of the 14th century, it accelerated, and as a result of the emergence of the Kazan Khanate (30-40- e years of the XV century) stopped for a long time. Nevertheless, having begun even before the turn of the 11th-12th centuries, the inclusion of the Mari in the system of Russian statehood in the middle of the 16th century. approached its final phase - to direct entry into Russia.

The accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state was part of the general process of the formation of the Russian multi-ethnic empire, and it was prepared, first of all, by prerequisites of a political nature. This is, firstly, a long-term confrontation between the state systems of Eastern Europe - on the one hand, Russia, on the other hand, the Turkic states (Volga-Kama Bulgaria - Golden Horde - Kazan Khanate), and secondly, the struggle for the "Golden Horde inheritance" in the final stage of this confrontation, thirdly, the emergence and development of imperial consciousness in the government circles of Muscovite Russia. The expansionist policy of the Russian state in the eastern direction was also to some extent determined by the tasks of state defense and economic reasons (fertile lands, the Volga trade route, new taxpayers, other projects for the exploitation of local resources).

The economy of the Mari was adapted to the natural and geographical conditions, and generally met the requirements of its time. Due to the difficult political situation, it was largely militarized. True, the peculiarities of the socio-political system also played a role here. Medieval Mari, despite the noticeable local features of the then existing ethnic groups, generally experienced a transitional period of social development from tribal to feudal (military democracy). Relations with the central government were built mainly on a confederal basis.

Beliefs

The Mari traditional religion is based on faith in the forces of nature, which a person must honor and respect. Before the spread of monotheistic teachings, the Mari worshiped many gods known as Yumo, while recognizing the supremacy of the Supreme God (Kugu Yumo). In the 19th century, the image of the One God Tun Osh Kugu Yumo (the One Light Great God) was revived.

The Mari traditional religion contributes to strengthening the moral foundations of society, achieving interfaith and interethnic peace and harmony.

Unlike the monotheistic religions created by one or another founder and his followers, the Mari traditional religion was formed on the basis of an ancient folk worldview, including religious and mythological ideas related to the relationship of man to the natural environment and its elemental forces, veneration of ancestors and patrons of agricultural activities. The formation and development of the traditional religion of the Mari was influenced by the religious beliefs of the neighboring peoples of the Volga and Ural regions, the foundations of the doctrine of Islam and Orthodoxy.

Adherents of the traditional Mari religion recognize the One God Tyn Osh Kugu Yumo and nine of his assistants (manifestations), read a prayer three times daily, take part in a collective or family prayer once a year, conduct a family prayer with a sacrifice at least seven times during their life, they regularly hold traditional commemorations in honor of deceased ancestors, observe Mari holidays, customs and rituals.

Before the spread of monotheistic teachings, the Mari worshiped many gods known as Yumo, while recognizing the supremacy of the Supreme God (Kugu Yumo). In the 19th century, the image of the One God Tun Osh Kugu Yumo (the One Light Great God) was revived. One God (God - the Universe) is considered to be eternal, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, and all-righteous God. It manifests itself both in material and spiritual form, appears in the form of nine deities-hypostases. These deities can be conditionally divided into three groups, each of which is responsible for:

Tranquility, prosperity and empowerment of all living things - the god of the bright world (Tynya yumo), the life-giving god (Ilyan yumo), the deity of creative energy (Agavirem yumo);

Mercy, righteousness and consent: the god of fate and predestination of life (Pyrsho yumo), the all-merciful god (Kugu Serlagysh yumo), the god of consent and reconciliation (Mer yumo);

All-goodness, rebirth and inexhaustibility of life: the goddess of birth (Shochyn Ava), the goddess of the earth (Mlande Ava) and the goddess of abundance (Perke Ava).

The universe, the world, the cosmos in the spiritual understanding of the Mari are presented as a continuously developing, spiritualizing and transforming from century to century, from epoch to epoch, a system of diverse worlds, spiritual and material natural forces, natural phenomena, steadily striving towards its spiritual goal - unity with the Universal God , maintaining an inseparable physical and spiritual connection with the cosmos, the world, nature.

Tun Osh Kugu Yumo is an endless source of being. Like the universe, the One Light Great God is constantly changing, developing, improving, involving the entire universe, the entire surrounding world, including humanity itself, in these changes. From time to time, every 22 thousand years, and sometimes even earlier, by the will of God, some part of the old world is destroyed and a new world is created, accompanied by a complete renewal of life on earth.

The last creation of the world happened 7512 years ago. After each new creation of the world, life on earth improves qualitatively, and humanity also changes for the better. With the development of mankind, there is an expansion of human consciousness, the boundaries of the world and God perception are moving apart, the possibility of enriching knowledge about the universe, the world, objects and phenomena of the surrounding nature, about man and his essence, about ways to improve human life is facilitated.

All this, ultimately, led to the formation of a false idea among people about the omnipotence of man and his independence from God. The change in value priorities, the rejection of the God-established principles of community life required divine intervention in people's lives through suggestions, revelations, and sometimes punishments. In the interpretation of the foundations of knowledge of God and worldview, an important role began to be played by holy and righteous people, prophets and God's chosen ones, who in the traditional beliefs of the Mari are revered as elders - terrestrial deities. Possessing the opportunity to periodically communicate with God, to receive His revelation, they became conductors of knowledge invaluable to human society. However, often they reported not only the words of revelation, but also their own figurative interpretation of them. The divine information obtained in this way became the basis for the emerging ethnic (folk), state and world religions. There was also a rethinking of the image of the One God of the Universe, the feelings of connectedness and direct dependence of people on Him were gradually smoothed out. A disrespectful, utilitarian-economic attitude to nature was asserted, or, conversely, a reverent veneration of the elemental forces and phenomena of nature, represented in the form of independent deities and spirits.

Among the Mari, echoes of a dualistic worldview have been preserved, in which an important place was occupied by faith in the deities of the forces and phenomena of nature, in the animation and spirituality of the surrounding world and the existence in them of a rational, independent, materialized being - the owner - a double (vodyzh), souls (chon, ort) , spiritual incarnation (shyrt). However, the Mari believed that the deities, everything around in the world and the person himself are part of the one God (Tun Yumo), his image.

The deities of nature in folk beliefs, with rare exceptions, were not endowed with anthropomorphic features. The Mari understood the importance of the active participation of man in the affairs of God, aimed at the preservation and development of the surrounding nature, constantly sought to involve the gods in the process of spiritual ennoblement and harmonization of everyday life. Some leaders of the Mari traditional rites, having a sharpened inner vision, by an effort of their will could receive spiritual enlightenment and restore the image of the forgotten single God Tun Yumo at the beginning of the 19th century.

One God - the Universe embraces all living things and the whole world, expresses itself in revered nature. The living nature closest to man is his image, but not God himself. A person is only able to form a general idea of ​​the Universe or its part, knowing it in himself on the basis and with the help of faith, having experienced a living sensation of the divine incomprehensible reality, passing through his own “I” the world of spiritual beings. However, it is impossible to fully know Tun Osh Kugu Yumo - the absolute truth. Mari traditional religion, like all religions, has only an approximate knowledge of God. Only the wisdom of the Omniscient encompasses the entire sum of truths in itself.

The Mari religion, being more ancient, turned out to be closer to God and absolute truth. It has little influence of subjective moments, it has undergone less social modification. Taking into account the steadfastness and patience in preserving the ancient religion passed down by the ancestors, selflessness in observing customs and rituals, Tun Osh Kugu Yumo helped the Mari preserve true religious ideas, protected them from erosion and rash changes under the influence of all kinds of innovations. This allowed the Mari to maintain their unity, national identity, survive under the conditions of social and political oppression of the Khazar Khaganate, Volga Bulgaria, the Tatar-Mongol invasion, the Kazan Khanate and defend their religious cults during the years of active missionary propaganda in the 18th-19th centuries.

The Mari people are distinguished not only by divinity, but also by kindness, responsiveness and openness, readiness to help each other and those in need at any time. The Mari are at the same time a freedom-loving people, loving justice in everything, accustomed to living a calm, measured life, like the nature around us.

The traditional Mari religion directly affects the formation of the personality of each person. The creation of the world, as well as of man, is carried out on the basis and under the influence of the spiritual principles of the One God. Man is an inseparable part of the Cosmos, grows and develops under the influence of the same cosmic laws, is endowed with the image of God, in him, as in all Nature, the bodily and divine principles are combined, kinship with nature is manifested.

The life of every child long before his birth begins with the celestial zone of the universe. Initially, she does not have an anthropomorphic form. God sends life to earth in a materialized form. Together with a person, his angels-spirits also develop - patrons, represented in the form of the deity Vuyumbal yumo, the corporeal soul (chon, ya?) and twins - figurative incarnations of a person ort and shyrt.

All people equally possess human dignity, the power of mind and freedom, human virtue, contain in themselves all the qualitative fullness of the world. A person is given the opportunity to regulate his feelings, control behavior, realize his position in the world, lead an ennobled lifestyle, actively create and create, take care of the higher parts of the Universe, protect the animal and plant world, the surrounding nature from extinction.

Being a rational part of the Cosmos, man, like the constantly improving one God, is forced to constantly work on self-improvement in the name of his self-preservation. Guided by the dictates of conscience (ar), correlating his actions and deeds with the surrounding nature, achieving the unity of his thoughts with the co-creation of material and spiritual cosmic principles, a person, as a worthy owner of his land, strengthens and diligently manages his economy with his tireless daily work, inexhaustible creativity, ennobles the world around, thereby improving itself. This is the meaning and purpose of human life.

Fulfilling his destiny, a person reveals his spiritual essence, ascends to new levels of being. Through the improvement of oneself, the fulfillment of the intended goal, a person improves the world, achieves the inner splendor of the soul. The traditional religion of the Mari teaches that a person receives a worthy reward for such activities: he greatly facilitates his life in this world and fate in the afterlife. For a righteous life, the deities can endow a person with an additional guardian angel, that is, affirm the existence of a person in God, thereby ensuring the ability to contemplate and experience God, the harmony of divine energy (shulyk) and the human soul.

Man is free to choose his actions and deeds. He can lead his life both in the direction of God, harmonizing his efforts and the aspirations of the soul, and in the opposite, destructive direction. The choice of a person is predetermined not only by divine or human will, but also by the intervention of the forces of evil.

The right choice in any life situation can only be made by knowing oneself, commensurate one's life, everyday affairs and actions with the Universe - the One God. Having such a spiritual guide, the believer becomes the true master of his life, gains independence and spiritual freedom, calmness, confidence, insight, prudence and measured feelings, steadfastness and perseverance in achieving the goal. He is not disturbed by the hardships of life, social vices, envy, self-interest, selfishness, the desire for self-affirmation in the eyes of others. Being truly free, a person gains prosperity, peace, a reasonable life, and will protect himself from any encroachment by ill-wishers and evil forces. He will not be frightened by the dark tragic aspects of material existence, the bonds of inhuman torment and suffering, hidden dangers. They will not prevent him from continuing to love the world, earthly existence, rejoice and admire the beauty of nature, culture.

In everyday life, believers of the traditional Mari religion adhere to such principles as:

Constant self-improvement by strengthening the inextricable connection with God, his regular involvement in all the most important events in life and active participation in divine affairs;

Aiming at ennobling the surrounding world and social relations, strengthening human health through the incessant search and acquisition of divine energy in the process of creative work;

Harmonization of relations in society, strengthening collectivism and cohesion, mutual support and unity in upholding religious ideals and traditions;

Unanimous support of their spiritual mentors;

The obligation to preserve and pass on to future generations the best achievements: progressive ideas, exemplary products, elite varieties of grain and livestock breeds, etc.

The traditional religion of the Mari considers all manifestations of life to be the main value in this world and calls for the sake of its preservation to show mercy even towards wild animals, criminals. Kindness, good-heartedness, harmony in relationships (mutual assistance, mutual respect and support of friendly relations), respect for nature, self-sufficiency and self-restraint in the use of natural resources, the pursuit of knowledge are also considered important values ​​in the life of society and in regulating the relationship of believers with God.

In public life, the traditional religion of the Mari seeks to maintain and improve social harmony.

The Mari traditional religion unites believers of the ancient Mari (Chimari) faith, admirers of traditional beliefs and rituals who have been baptized and attend church services (marla vera) and adherents of the Kugu Sorta religious sect. These ethno-confessional differences were formed under the influence and as a result of the spread of the Orthodox religion in the region. The religious sect "Kugu Sorta" took shape in the second half of the 19th century. Certain discrepancies in beliefs and ritual practices that exist between religious groups do not play a significant role in the daily life of the Mari. These forms of the traditional Mari religion form the basis of the spiritual values ​​of the Mari people.

The religious life of adherents of the traditional Mari religion takes place within the village community, one or more village councils (lay community). All Maris can take part in all-Mari prayers with sacrifice, thereby forming a temporary religious community of the Mari people (national community).

Until the beginning of the 20th century, the Mari traditional religion acted as the only social institution for rallying and uniting the Mari people, strengthening their national identity, and establishing a national original culture. At the same time, folk religion never called for the artificial separation of peoples, did not arouse confrontation and confrontation between them, did not assert the exclusivity of any people.

The current generation of believers, recognizing the cult of the One God of the Universe, is convinced that this God can be worshiped by all people, representatives of any nationality. Therefore, they consider it possible to attach to their faith any person who believes in his omnipotence.

Any person, regardless of nationality and religion, is part of the Cosmos, the Universal God. In this regard, all people are equal and worthy of respect and fair treatment. The Mari have always been distinguished by their religious tolerance and respect for the religious feelings of the Gentiles. They believed that the religion of every nation has the right to exist, is worthy of reverence, since all religious rites are aimed at ennobling earthly life, improving its quality, expanding people's capabilities and contributing to the introduction of divine powers and divine grace to everyday needs.

A clear evidence of this is the way of life of adherents of the ethno-confessional group "Marla Vera", who observe both traditional customs and rituals, and Orthodox cults, visit the temple, chapels and Mari sacred groves. Often they perform traditional prayers with sacrifices in front of an Orthodox icon specially brought for this occasion.

Admirers of the Mari traditional religion, while respecting the rights and freedoms of representatives of other faiths, expect the same respectful attitude towards themselves and their cult activities. They believe that the worship of the One God - the Universe in our time is very timely and quite attractive for the modern generation of people interested in spreading the environmental movement, in preserving the pristine nature.

The traditional religion of the Mari, including in its worldview and practice the positive experience of centuries of history, sets as its immediate goals the establishment of truly fraternal relations in society and the education of a man of an ennobled image, defends itself with righteousness, devotion to the common cause. She will continue to defend the rights and interests of her believers, protect their honor and dignity from any encroachment on the basis of the legislation adopted in the country.

Adherents of the Mari religion consider it their civil and religious duty to comply with the legal norms and laws of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Mari El.

The traditional Mari religion sets itself the spiritual and historical tasks of uniting the efforts of believers to protect their vital interests, the nature around us, the animal and plant world, as well as the achievement of material prosperity, worldly well-being, moral regulation and a high cultural level of relations between people.

sacrifices

In the bubbling Universal vital cauldron, human life proceeds under vigilant supervision and with the direct participation of God (Tun Osh Kugu Yumo) and his nine hypostases (manifestations), personifying his inherent mind, energy and material wealth. Therefore, a person should not only reverently believe in Him, but also deeply revere, strive to be rewarded with His mercy, goodness and protection (serlagysh), thereby enriching himself and the world around him with vital energy (shulyk), material wealth (perke). A reliable means of achieving all this is the regular holding of family and public (village, worldly and all-Mari) prayers (kumaltysh) in sacred groves with sacrifices to God and his deities of domestic animals and birds.

Mari: who are we?

Did you know that in the XII-XV centuries, for three hundred (!) years, on the territory of the present Nizhny Novgorod region, between the Pizhma and Vetluga rivers, there was the Vetluzhsky Mari principality. One of his princes, Kai Khlynovsky, had written Peace Treaties with Alexander Nevsky and the Khan of the Golden Horde! And in the fourteenth century, the “kuguza” (prince) Osh Pandash united the Mari tribes, attracted the Tatars to his side, and during the nineteen-year war defeated the squad of the Galich prince Andrei Fedorovich. In 1372, the Vetluzh Mari principality became independent.

The center of the principality was in the still existing village of Romachi, Tonshaevsky district, and in the Sacred Grove of the village, according to historical evidence, Osh Pandash was buried in 1385.

In 1468, the Vetluzh Mari principality ceased to exist and became part of Russia.

The Mari are the oldest inhabitants of the interfluve of Vyatka and Vetluga. This is confirmed by archaeological excavations of ancient Mari burial grounds. Khlynovsky on the river. Vyatka, dating back to the 8th - 12th centuries, Yumsky on the river. Yuma, a tributary of Tansy (IX - X centuries), Kocherginsky on the river. Urzhumka, a tributary of the Vyatka (IX - XII centuries), the Cheremis cemetery on the river. Ludyanka, a tributary of the Vetluga (VIII - X centuries), Veselovsky, Tonshaevsky and other burial grounds (Berezin, pp. 21-27,36-37).

The decomposition of the tribal system among the Mari occurred at the end of the 1st millennium, tribal principalities arose, which were ruled by elected elders. Using their position, they eventually began to seize power over the tribes, enriching themselves at their expense and raiding their neighbors.

However, this could not lead to the formation of their own early feudal state. Already at the stage of completion of their ethnogenesis, the Mari became an object of expansion from the Turkic East and the Slavic state. From the south, the Mari were invaded by the Volga Bulgars, then the Golden Horde and the Kazan Khanate. Russian colonization proceeded from the north and west.

The Mari tribal elite turned out to be split, some of its representatives were guided by the Russian principalities, the other part actively supported the Tatars. Under such conditions, there could be no question of creating a national feudal state.

At the end of the 12th - beginning of the 13th centuries, the only Mari region over which the power of the Russian principalities and Bulgars was rather arbitrary was the area between the Vyatka and Vetluga rivers in their middle reaches. The natural conditions of the forest zone did not make it possible to clearly tie the northern borders of the Volga Bulgaria, and then the Golden Horde, to the terrain, so the Mari living in this area formed a kind of "autonomy". Since the collection of tribute (yasak), both for the Slavic principalities and the eastern conquerors, was carried out by the local increasingly feudalized tribal elite (Sanukov. p. 23)

Mari could act as a mercenary army in the internecine strife of the Russian princes, and make predatory raids on Russian lands alone or in alliance with the Bulgars or Tatars.

In the Galich manuscripts, the Cheremis war near Galich is mentioned for the first time in 1170, where the Vetluzh and Vyatka Cheremis appear as a hired army for a war between brothers quarreling among themselves. Both in this and in the next year 1171, the Cheremis were defeated and driven away from Galich Mersky (Dementiev, 1894, p. 24).

In 1174, the Mari population itself was attacked.
"The Vetluzh Chronicler" tells: "Novgorod warriors conquered from the Cheremis their city of Koksharov on the Vyatka River and called it Kotelnich, and the Cheremis left for their part to Yuma and Vetluga." Since that time, Shanga (the Shang settlement in the upper reaches of the Vetluga) has become stronger near the Cheremis. When in 1181 the Novgorodians conquered the Cheremis on Yuma, many residents found it better to live on Vetluga - on Yakshan and Shanga.

After the displacement of the Mari from the river. Yuma, some of them went down to their relatives on the river. Tansy. Throughout the river basin Tansy has been inhabited by Mari tribes since ancient times. According to numerous archaeological and folklore data: political, commercial, military and cultural centers Mari were located on the territory of modern Tonshaevsky, Yaransky, Urzhumsky and Sovietsky districts of the Nizhny Novgorod and Kirov regions (Aktsorin, pp. 16-17,40).

The time of foundation of Shanza (Shanga) on Vetluga is unknown. But there is no doubt that its foundation is connected with the advancement of the Slavic population to the areas inhabited by the Mari. The word "shanza" comes from the Mari shengze (shenze) and means eye. By the way, the word shengze (eyes) is used only by the Tonshaev Mari of the Nizhny Novgorod region (Dementiev, 1894 p. 25).

Shanga was set up by the Mari on the border of their lands as a guard post (eyes), which watched the advance of the Russians. Only a sufficiently large military-administrative center (principality), which united significant Mari tribes, could set up such a watch fortress.

The territory of the modern Tonshaevsky district was part of this principality, it is no coincidence that in the 17th-18th centuries there was the Mari Armachinsky volost with its center in the village of Romachi. And the Mari, who lived here, owned at that time "since ancient times" lands on the banks of the Vetluga in the area of ​​the Shang settlement. Yes, and the legends about the Vetluzh principality are known mainly among the Tonshaev Mari (Dementiev, 1892, p. 5.14).

Beginning in 1185, the Galich and Vladimir-Suzdal princes unsuccessfully tried to recapture Shangu from the Mari principality. Moreover, in 1190 Mari was placed on the river. Vetluga is another "city of Khlynov", headed by Prince Kai. Only by 1229 did the Russian princes manage to force Kai to make peace with them and pay tribute. A year later, Kai refused tribute (Dementiev, 1894. p. 26).

By the 40s of the XIII century, the Vetluzh Mari principality was significantly strengthened. In 1240, the Yuma prince Kodzha Yeraltem built the city of Yakshan on Vetluga. Kodzha accepts Christianity and builds churches, freely allowing Russian and Tatar settlements on the Mari lands.

In 1245, on the complaint of the Galich prince Konstantin Yaroslavich Udaly (brother of Alexander Nevsky), the khan (Tatar) ordered the right bank of the Vetluga river to the Galich prince, the left to the Cheremis. The complaint of Konstantin Udaly was obviously caused by the incessant raids of the Vetluzh Mari.

In 1246, the Russian settlements in Povetluzhye were suddenly attacked and devastated by the Mongol-Tatars. Some of the inhabitants were killed or captured, the rest fled into the forests. Including the Galicians, who settled on the banks of the Vetluga after the Tatar attack in 1237. About the scale of the ruin says "Manuscript Life of St. Barnabas of Vetluzhsky." "In the same summer ... deserted from the captivity of that Pogan Batu ... along the river bank, called Vetluga, ... And where there was a dwelling for people overgrown everywhere with a forest, great forests and the Vetluzh desert was called" (Kherson, p. 9 ). Russian population, hiding from the raids of the Tatars and civil strife, settles in the Mari principality: in Shang and Yakshan.

In 1247 Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky made peace with the Mari and ordered trade and the exchange of goods in Shang. The Tatar Khan and the Russian princes recognized the Mari principality and were forced to reckon with it.

In 1277, the Galich prince David Konstantinovich continued to engage in trade with the Mari. However, already in 1280, David's brother, Vasily Konstantinovich, launched an attack on the Mari principality. In one of the battles, the Mari prince Kyi Khlynovsky was killed, and the principality was obliged to pay tribute to Galich. The new prince of Mari, remaining a tributary of the Galich princes, renewed the cities of Shangu and Yakshan, re-fortified Busaksy and Yur (Bulaksy - the village of Odoevskoye, Sharya district, Yur - a settlement on the Yuryevka river near the city of Vetluga).

In the first half of the 14th century, the Russian princes did not conduct active hostilities with the Mari, attracted the Mari nobility to their side, actively contributed to the spread of Christianity among the Mari, and encouraged the transition of Russian settlers to the Mari lands.

In 1345, the Galich prince Andrey Semenovich (son of Simeon the Proud) married the daughter of the Mari prince Nikita Ivanovich Baiboroda (the Mari name is Osh Pandash). Osh Pandash converted to Orthodoxy, and the daughter he gave to Andrei was baptized by Mary. At the wedding in Galicia, there was the second wife of Simeon the Proud - Eupraxia, on whom, according to legend, the Mari sorcerer caused damage because of envy. Which, however, cost the Mari, without any consequences (Dementiev, 1894, pp. 31-32).

Armament and military affairs of the Mari / Cheremis

Noble Mari warrior of the middle of the XI century.

Chain mail, a helmet, a sword, a spearhead, a whip pommel, a sword scabbard tip were reconstructed based on materials from the excavations of the Sarsk settlement.

The stigma on the sword reads +LVNVECIT+ i.e. "Lun did" and is currently the only one of its kind.

The lanceolate spearhead, which stands out for its size (the first tip on the left), belongs to type I according to Kirpichnikov's classification and, apparently, is of Scandinavian origin.

The figure depicts warriors occupying a low position in the social structure of the Mari society in the second half of the 11th century. Their set of weapons consists of hunting weapons and axes. In the foreground is an archer armed with a bow, arrows, a knife and an eye axe. At the moment, there is no data on the design features of the Mari bows themselves. The reconstruction shows a simple bow and arrow with a characteristic lance-shaped tip. Bow cases and quivers appear to have been made from organic materials (in this case, leather and birch bark, respectively), and their shape is also unknown.

In the background, a warrior is depicted armed with a massive promotional (it is very difficult to distinguish between a combat and fishing ax) ax and several throwing spears with two-thorn socketed and lanceolate tips.

In general, the Mari warriors were armed quite typically for their time. Most of them, apparently, owned bows, axes, spears, sulits, and fought on foot, without using dense formations. Representatives of the tribal elite could afford expensive protective (chain mail and helmets) and offensive bladed weapons (swords, scramasaxes).

The poor preservation of a fragment of chain mail found at the Sarskoye settlement does not allow us to judge with certainty the method of weaving and the cut of this protective element of weapons as a whole. One can only assume that they were typical for their time. Judging by the discovery of a piece of chain mail, the tribal elite of the Cheremis could also use plate armor that was simpler to manufacture and cheaper than chain mail. No shell plates were found at the Sarskoye settlement, but they are present among the items of weapons originating from Sarskoye-2. This suggests that the Mari warriors, in any case, were familiar with a similar armor design. The presence of so-called weapons in the Mari complex also seems extremely probable. "soft armor", made from organic materials (leather, felt, fabric), densely stuffed with wool or horsehair and quilted. For obvious reasons, it is impossible to confirm the existence of this kind of armor with archaeological data. Nothing definite can be said about their cut and appearance. Because of this, such armor is not reproduced in reconstructions.

No traces of the use of shields by the Mari have been found. However, the shields themselves are a very rare archaeological find, and written and pictorial sources are extremely scarce and uninformative about the measure. In any case, the existence of shields in the Mari weapons complex of the 9th - 12th centuries. perhaps, because both the Slavs and the Scandinavians, who undoubtedly had contact with the mere, widely used shields that were widespread at that time, in fact, throughout Europe of a round shape, which is confirmed by both written and archaeological sources. Finds of parts of the equipment of the horse and rider - stirrups, buckles, belt distributor, whip tip, in the absence of weapons specially adapted for cavalry combat (pikes, sabers, flails), allow us to conclude that the Mari have no cavalry as a special kind of troops . It is possible, with a very great deal of caution, to assume the presence of small cavalry units, consisting of tribal nobility.

Reminds me of the situation with the mounted warriors of the Ob Ugrians.

The bulk of the Cheremis troops, especially in the case of major military conflicts, consisted of a militia. There was no standing army, every free man could own a weapon and was, if necessary, a warrior. This suggests the widespread use by the Mari in military conflicts of fishing weapons (bows, spears with two-thorn tips) and working axes. Funds for the purchase of specialized "combat" weapons, most likely, were available only to representatives of the social elite of society. One can assume the existence of contingents of warriors - professional soldiers, for whom the war was the main occupation.

As for the mobilization capabilities of the annalistic Mary, they were quite significant for their time.

In general, the military potential of the Cheremis can be assessed as high. The structure of its armed organization and the complex of weapons changed over time, enriched with elements borrowed from neighboring ethnic groups, but retaining some originality. These circumstances, along with a fairly high population density for its time and a good economic potential, allowed the Vetluzh Principality of the Mari to take a significant part in the events of early Russian history.

Mari noble warrior. Illustrations-reconstructions by I. Dzysya from the book "Kievan Rus" (publishing house "Rosmen").

The legends of the Vetluzhsky borderland have their own zest. They usually have a girl in them. She can take revenge on the robbers (be they Tatars or Russians), drown them in the river, for example, at the cost of her own life. She may be a girlfriend of a robber, but out of jealousy she also drowns him (and drowns herself). Or maybe she herself can be a robber or a warrior.

Nikolai Fomin portrayed the Cheremis warrior as follows:

Very close and, in my opinion, very veristic. Can be used to create a "male version" of the Mari-Cheremis combatant. By the way, Fomin, apparently, did not dare to reconstruct the shield.

Mari national costume:

Ovda-witch among the Mari

Mari names:

Male names

Abdai, Abla, Abukay, Abulek, Agey, Agish, Adai, Adenai, Adibek, Adim, Aim, Ait, Aygelde, Ayguza, Ayduvan, Aydush, Ayvak, Aimak, Aymet, Ayplat, Aytukay, Azamat, Azmat, Azygey, Azyamberdey, Akaz, Akanay, Akipai, Akmazik, Akmanay, Akoz, Akpay, Akpars, Akpas, Akpatyr, Aksai, Aksar, Aksaran, Aksyan, Aktai, Aktan, Aktanai, Aktubay, Aktugan, Aktygan, Aktygash, Alatay, Albacha, Alek, Almaday, Alkay, Almakay, Alman, Almantai, Alpay, Altybay, Altym, Altysh, Alshik, Alym, Amash, Anai, Angish, Andugan, Ansai, Anykay, Apai, Apakai, Apisar, Appak, Aptriy, Aptysh, Arazgelde, Ardash, Asai, Asamuk, Askar, Aslan, Asmay, Atavay, Atachik, Aturay, Atyuy, Ashkelde, Ashtyvay

Bikey, Buckeye, Bakmat, Birdeye

Vakiy, Valitpay, Varash, Vachiy, Vegeney, Vetkan, Voloy, Vurspatyr

Eksei, Elgoza, Elos, Emesh, Epish, Yesieniei

Zainikay, Zengul, Zilkay

Ibat, Ibray, Ivuk, Idulbay, Izambay, Izvay, Izerge, Izikay, Izimar, Izyrgen, Ikaka, Ilandai, Ilbaktai, Ilikpay, Ilmamat, Ilsek, Imai, Imakai, Imanay, Indybay, Ipay, Ipon, Irkebay, Isan, Ismeney, Istak, Iver, Iti, Itykay, Ishim, Ishkelde, Ishko, Ishmet, Ishterek

Yolgyza, Yoray, Yormoshkan, Yorok, Yylanda, Yinash

Kavik, Kavyrlya, Kaganai, Kazaklar, Kazmir, Kazulai, Kakaley, Kalui, Kamai, Kambar, Kanai, Kaniy, Kanykiy, Karantai, Karachey, Karman, Kachak, Kebey, Kebyash, Keldush, Keltey, Kelmekey, Kendugan, Kenchyvay, Kenzhivay, Kerey, Kechim, Kilimbay, Kildugan, Kildyash, Kimai, Kinash, Kindu, Kirysh, Kispelat, Kobey, Kovyazh, Kogoy, Kozhdemyr, Kozher, Kozash, Kokor, Kokur, Koksha, Kokshavuy, Konakpay, Kopon, Kori, Kubakay, Kugerge, Kugubai, Kulmet, Kulbat, Kulshet, Kumanai, Kumunzai, Kuri, Kurmanai, Kutyarka, Kylak

Lagat, Laksyn, Lapkay, Leventey, Lekay, Lotai,

Magaza, Madiy, Maksak, Mamatai, Mamich, Mamuk, Mamulai, Mamut, Manekay, Mardan, Marzhan, Marshan, Masai, Mekesh, Memey, Michu, Moise, Mukanai, Mulikpai, Mustai

Ovdek, Ovrom, Odygan, Ozambay, Ozati, Okash, Oldygan, Onar, Onto, Onchep, Orai, Orlai, Ormik, Orsay, Orchama, Opkyn, Oskay, Oslam, Oshay, Oshkelde, Oshpay, Örözöy, Örtömö

Paybakhta, Payberde, Paygash, Paygish, Paygul, Paygus, Paygyt, Payder, Paydush, Paymas, Paymet, Paymurza, Paymyr, Paysar, Pakay, Pakey, Pakiy, Pakit, Paktek, Pakshay, Paldai, Pangelde, Parastay, Pasyvy, Patay, Paty, Patyk, Patyrash, Pashatley, Pashbek, Pashkan, Pegash, Pegeney, Pekey, Pekesh, Pekoza, Pekpatyr, Pekpulat, Pektan, Pektash, Pektek, Pektubai, Pektygan, Pekshik, Petigan, Pekmet, Pibakai, Pibulat, Pidalai, Pogolti, Pozanay, Repent, Poltish, Pombay, Understand, Por, Porandai, Porzay, Posak, Posibey, Pulat, Pyrgynde

Rotkay, Ryazhan

Sabati, Savay, Savak, Savat, Savy, Savli, Saget, Sain, Saipyten, Saituk, Sakai, Saldai, Saldugan, Saldyk, Salmandai, Salmiyan, Samai, Samukai, Samut, Sanin, Sanuk, Sapay, Sapan, Sapar, Saran, Sarapay, Sarbos, Sarvay, Sardai, Sarkandai, Sarman, Sarmanai, Sarmat, Saslyk, Satai, Satkay, S?p? Suangul, Subay, Sultan, Surmanay, Surtan

Tavgal, Tayvylat, Taygelde, Tayyr, Talmek, Tamas, Tanay, Tanakay, Tanagay, Tanatar, Tantush, Tarai, Temai, Temyash, Tenbai, Tenikey, Tepai, Terei, Terke, Tyatyuy, Tilmemek, Tilyak, Tinbay, Tobulat, Togilday, Todanai, Toy, Toybai, Toybakhta, Toyblat, Toyvator, Toygelde, Toyguza, Toydak, Toydemar, Toyderek, Toydybek, Toykei, Toymet, Tokai, Tokash, Tokey, Tokmai, Tokmak, Tokmash, Tokmurza, Tokpay, Tokpulat, Toksubay, Toktai, Toktamysh, Toktanay, Toktar, Toktaush, Tokshey, Toldugak, Tolmet, Tolubay, Tolubey, Topkay, Topoy, Torash, Torut, Tosai, Tosak, Tots, Topay, Tugay, Tulat, Tunay, Tunbay, Turnaran, Tyatyakay, Temer, Tyulebay, Tyuley, Tyushkay, Tyabyanak, Tyabikey, Tabley, Tuman, Tyaush

Uksay, Ulem, Ultecha, Ur, Urazai, Ursa, Teach

Tsapai, Tsatak, Tsorabatyr, Tsorakai, Tsotnay, Tsörysh, Tsyndush

Chavay, Chalay, Chapey, Chekeney, Chemekey, Chepish, Chetnay, Chimay, Chicher, Chopan, Chopi, Chopoy, Chorak, Chorash, Chotkar, Chuzhgan, Chuzay, Chumbylat (Chumblatt), Chyachkay

Shabay, Shabdar, Shaberde, Shadai, Shaymardan, Shamat, Shamray, Shamykay, Shanzora, Shiik, Shikvava, Shimai, Shipai, Shogen, Strek, Shumat, Shuet, Shyen

Ebat, Evay, Evrash, Eishemer, Ekay, Exesan, Elbakhta, Eldush, Elikpay, Elmurza, Elnet, Elpay, Eman, Emanai, Emash, Emek, Emeldush, Emen (Emyan), Emyatai, Enai, Ensai, Epai, Epanai, Erakay , Erdu, Ermek, Ermyza, Erpatyr, Esek, Esik, Eskey, Esmek, Esmeter, Esu, Esyan, Etvay, Etyuk, Echan, Eshay, Eshe, Eshken, Eshmanay, Eshmek, Eshmyay, Eshpay (Ishpay), Eshplat, Eshpoldo, Eshpulat, Eshtanay, Eshterek

Yuadar, Yuanay (Yuvanay), Yuvan, Yuvash, Yuzay, Yuzykay, Yukez, Yukey, Yukser, Yumakay, Yushkelde, Yushtanay

Yaberde, Yagelde, Yagodar, Yadyk, Yazhai, Yaik, Yakai, Yakiy, Yakman, Yakterge, Yakut, Yakush, Yakshik, Yalkai (Yalkiy), Yalpay, Yaltay, Yamai, Yamak, Yamakay, Yamaliy, Yamanai, Yamatai, Yambay, Yambaktyn , Yambarsha, Yamberde, Yamblat, Yambos, Yamet, Yammurza, Yamshan, Yamyk, Yamysh, Yanadar, Yanay, Yanak, Yanaktay, Yanash, Yanbadysh, Yanbasar, Yangai, Yangan (Yanygan), Yangelde, Yangerche, Yangidey, Yangoza, Yanguvat, Yangul, Yangush, Yangys, Yandak, Yanderek, Yandugan, Yanduk, Yandush (Yandysh), Yandula, Yandygan, Yandylet, Yandysh, Yaniy, Yanikey, Yansai, Yantemir (Yandemir), Yantecha, Yantsit, Yantsora, Yanchur (Yanchura), Yanygit , Yanyk, Yanykay (Yanyky), Yapay, Yapar, Yapush, Yaraltem, Yaran, Yarandai, Yarmiy, Yastap, Yatman, Yaush, Yachok, Yashay, Yashkelde, Yashkot, Yashmak, Yashmurza, Yashpay, Yashpadar, Yashpatyr, Yashtugan

Women's names

Aivika, Aikavi, Akpika, Aktalche, Alipa, Amina, Anay, Arnyaviy, Arnyasha, Asavi, Asildik, Astana, Atybylka, Achiy

Baitabichka

yaktalche

Kazipa, Kaina, Kanipa, Kelgaska, Kechavi, Kigeneshka, Kinai, Kinichka, Kistelet, Xilbika

Mayra, Makeva, Malika, Marzi (Myarzi), Marziva

Naltichka, Nachi

Ovdachi, Ovoy, Ovop, Ovchi, Okalche, Okachi, Oksina, Okutiy, Onasi, Orina, Ochiy

Paizuka, Payram, Pampalche, Payalche, Penalche, Pialche, Pidelet

Sagida, Saiviy, Sailan, Sakeva, Salika, Salima, Samiga, Sandyr, Saskaviy, Saskai, Saskanai, Sebichka, Soto, Sylvika

Ulina, Unavi, Usti

Changa, Chatuk, Chachi, Chilbichka, Chinbeika, Chinchi, Chichavi

Shaivi, Shaldybeyka

Evika, Ekevi, Elika, Erviy, Ervika, Erika

Yukchi, Yulaviy

Yalche, Yambi, Yanipa

Occupations of the population: settled agricultural and livestock farming, developed crafts, metalworking in combination with ancient traditional activities: gathering, hunting, fishing, beekeeping.
Note: The lands are very good and fertile.

Resources: fish, honey, wax.

Troop Line:

1. Detachment of the prince's bodyguards - mounted heavily armed fighters with swords, in chain mail and plate armor, with spears, swords and shields. The helmet is pointed, with sultans. The squad is small.
Onyzha is a prince.
Kugyza - leader, elder.

2. Vigilantes - as in the color illustration - in chain mail, hemispherical helmets, with swords and shields.
Patyr, odyr - warrior, hero.

3. Lightly armed warriors with darts and axes (without shields) in padded jackets. No helmets in hats.
Marie - men.

4. Archers with good strong bows and sharp arrows. No helmets. in quilted sleeveless jackets.
Yumo - bow.

5. Special seasonal unit - Cheremis skier. The Mari had - Russian chronicles mark them repeatedly.
kuas - ski, skis - fell kuas

The symbol of the Mari is a white elk - a symbol of nobility and strength. It indicates the presence around the city of rich forests and meadows where these animals live.

The main colors of the Mari: Osh Mari - White Mari. So the Mari called themselves, glorified the whiteness of traditional clothes, the purity of their thoughts. The reason for this was, first of all, their usual outfits, the custom that had developed over the years to wear all white. In winter and summer they put on a white caftan, under a caftan - a white linen shirt, on their heads - a hat made of white felt. And only the dark red patterns embroidered on the shirt, along the hem of the caftan, added variety and a noticeable feature to the white color of the entire attire.

Therefore, they should be made mainly - white clothes. There were many redheads.

More ornaments and embroidery:

And, perhaps, everything. The faction is ready.

Here's more about the Mari, by the way, touches on the mystical aspect of traditions, it may come in handy.

Scientists attribute the Mari to the group of Finno-Ugric peoples, but this is not entirely true. According to ancient Mari legends, this people in ancient times came from Ancient Iran, the birthplace of the prophet Zarathustra, and settled along the Volga, where they mixed with the local Finno-Ugric tribes, but retained their originality. This version is also confirmed by philology. According to the Doctor of Philology, Professor Chernykh, out of 100 Mari words, 35 are Finno-Ugric, 28 are Turkic and Indo-Iranian, and the rest are of Slavic origin and other peoples. Carefully studied the prayer texts of the ancient Mari religion, Professor Chernykh came to an amazing conclusion: the prayer words of the Mari are more than 50% of Indo-Iranian origin. It was in the prayer texts that the proto-language of the modern Mari was preserved, not subject to the influence of the peoples with whom they had contacts in later periods.

Outwardly, the Mari are quite different from other Finno-Ugric peoples. As a rule, they are not very tall, with dark hair, slightly slanted eyes. Mari girls are very beautiful at a young age, but by the age of forty, most of them are very old and either shrink or become incredibly full.

The Mari remember themselves under the rule of the Khazars from the 2nd century. - 500 years, then under the rule of the Bulgars 400, 400 under the Horde. 450 - under the Russian principalities. According to ancient predictions, the Mari cannot live under someone for more than 450-500 years. But they will not have an independent state. This cycle of 450-500 years is associated with the passage of a comet.

Before the collapse of the Bulgar Khaganate, namely at the end of the 9th century, the Mari occupied vast areas, and their number was more than a million people. These are the Rostov region, Moscow, Ivanovo, Yaroslavl, the territory of modern Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod, modern Mari El and the Bashkir lands.

In ancient times, the Mari people were ruled by princes, whom the Mari called oms. The prince combined the functions of both a military commander and a high priest. The Mari religion considers many of them to be saints. Saint in Mari - shnuy. For a person to be recognized as a saint, 77 years must pass. If after this period, when prayerfully addressed to him, healings from diseases occur, and other miracles occur, then the deceased is recognized as a saint.

Often such holy princes possessed various extraordinary abilities, and were in one person a righteous sage and a warrior merciless to the enemy of his people. After the Mari finally fell under the rule of other tribes, they no longer had princes. And the religious function is performed by the priest of their religion - kart. The supreme kart of all Maris is elected by the council of all karts and his powers within the framework of his religion are approximately equal to the powers of the patriarch among Orthodox Christians.

In ancient times, the Mari really believed in many gods, each of which reflected some element or force. However, at the time of the unification of the Mari tribes, like the Slavs, the Mari had an acute political and religious need for religious reformation.

But the Mari did not follow the path of Vladimir Krasno Solnyshko and did not accept Christianity, but changed their own religion. The Mari prince Kurkugza became a reformer, whom the Mari now revere as a saint. Kurkugza studied other religions: Christianity, Islam, Buddhism. He was helped to study other religions by trading people from other principalities and tribes. The prince also studied shamanism northern peoples. Having learned in detail about all religions, he reformed the old Mari religion and introduced a cult of worship of the supreme God - Osh Tyun Kugu Yumo, the Lord of the Universe.

This is the hypostasis of the great one God, responsible for the power and control of all other hypostases (incarnations) of the one God. Under him, the supremacy of the hypostases of the one God was determined. The main ones were Anavarem Yumo, Ilyan Yumo, Pirshe Yumo. The prince did not forget his kinship and roots with the people of the Mer, with whom the Mari lived in harmony and had common linguistic and religious roots. Hence the deity Mer Yumo.

Ser Lagash is an analogue of the Christian Savior, but inhuman. This is also one of the hypostases of the Almighty, which arose under the influence of Christianity. Shochyn Ava became an analogue of the Christian Mother of God. Mlande Ava is the hypostasis of the one God, responsible for fertility. Perke Ava is the hypostasis of the one God, responsible for economy and abundance. Tynya Yuma is the celestial dome, which consists of nine Kawa Yuma (heavens). Keche Ava (sun), Shidr Ava (stars), Tylize Ava (moon) are the upper tier. The lower tier is Mardezh Ava (wind), Pyl Ava (clouds), Vit Ava (water), Kudricha Yuma (thunder), Volgenche Yuma (lightning). If the deity ends in Yumo, it is an oz (master, lord). And if it ends in Ava, then strength.

Thanks for reading to the end...

The Mari, formerly known as Cheremis, were famous for their militancy in the past. Today they are called the last pagans of Europe, because the people managed to carry through the centuries the national religion, which is still practiced by a significant part of it. This fact will surprise even more if you know that the writing of the Mari people appeared only in the 18th century.

Name

The self-name of the Mari people goes back to the word "Mari" or "Mari", which means "man". A number of scientists believe that it may be associated with the name of the ancient Russian people Meri, or Merya, who lived on the territory of modern Central Russia and was mentioned in a number of annals.

In ancient times, the mountain and meadow tribes that lived in the Volga-Vyatka interfluve were called Cheremis. The first mention of them in 960 is found in a letter from the Khagan of Khazaria Joseph: he mentioned the "Tsaremis" among the peoples who paid tribute to the Khaganate. Russian chronicles noted the Cheremis much later, only in the 13th century, along with the Mordovians, classifying them among the peoples who lived on the Volga River.
The meaning of the name "Cheremis" has not been fully established. It is known for certain that the part "mis", as well as "mari", means "man". However, what this person was, the opinions of researchers differ. One of the versions refers to the Turkic root "cher", meaning "fight, fight." The word "Janissary" also comes from him. This version looks plausible, since the Mari language is the most Turkic of the entire Finno-Ugric group.

Where live

More than 50% of the Mari live on the territory of the Republic of Mari El, where they make up 41.8% of its population. The Republic is a subject of the Russian Federation and is part of the Volga Federal District. The capital of the region is the city of Yoshkar-Ola.
The main zone of residence of the people is the zone between the Vetluga and Vyatka rivers. However, depending on the place of settlement, linguistic and cultural characteristics, 4 groups of Mari are distinguished:

  1. Northwestern. They live outside Mari El, on the territory of the Kirov and Nizhny Novgorod regions. Their language differs significantly from the traditional one, but they did not have their own written language until 2005, when the first book in the national language of the northwestern Mari was published.
  2. Mountain. In modern times, they are few in number - about 30-50 thousand people. They live in the western part of Mari El, mainly on the southern, partly on the northern banks of the Volga. The cultural differences of the mountain Mari began to form as early as the 10th-11th centuries, thanks to close communication with the Chuvashs and Russians. They have their own Mountain Mari language and script.
  3. Eastern. A significant group consisting of settlers from the meadow part of the Volga in the Urals and Bashkortostan.
  4. Meadow. The most significant group in terms of numbers and cultural influence, living in the Volga-Vyatka interfluve in the Republic of Mari El.

Two recent groups often combined into one because of the maximum similarity of linguistic, historical and cultural factors. They form groups of meadow-eastern Mari with their own meadow-eastern language and writing.

population

The number of Mari, according to the 2010 census, is more than 574 thousand people. Most of them, 290 thousand, live in the Republic of Mari El, which means "the land, the homeland of the Mari." A slightly smaller, but the largest community outside of Mari El is located in Bashkiria - 103 thousand people.

The remaining part of the Mari inhabits mainly the regions of the Volga and the Urals, lives throughout Russia and beyond. A significant part lives in the Chelyabinsk and Tomsk regions, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug.
The largest diasporas:

  • Kirov region - 29.5 thousand people
  • Tatarstan - 18.8 thousand people
  • Udmurtia - 8 thousand people
  • Sverdlovsk region - 23.8 thousand people
  • Perm Territory - 4.1 thousand people
  • Kazakhstan - 4 thousand people
  • Ukraine - 4 thousand people
  • Uzbekistan - 3 thousand people

Language

The meadow-eastern Mari language, which, along with Russian and Mountain Mari, is the state language in the Republic of Mari El, is part of a large group of Finno-Ugric languages. And also, along with the Udmurt, Komi, Sami, Mordovian languages, it is included in the small Finno-Permian group.
There is no exact data on the origin of the language. It is believed that it was formed in the Volga region before the 10th century on the basis of Finno-Ugric and Turkic dialects. It underwent significant changes during the period when the Mari joined the Golden Horde and the Kazan Khaganate.
Mari writing arose quite late, only in the second half of the 18th century. Because of this, there is no written evidence of the life, life and culture of the Mari throughout their formation and development.
The alphabet was created on the basis of Cyrillic, and the first text in Mari that has survived to this day dates back to 1767. It was created by the Gornomarians who studied in Kazan, and it was dedicated to the arrival of Empress Catherine II. The modern alphabet was created in 1870. Today, a number of national newspapers and magazines are published in the meadow-eastern Mari language, it is studied in schools in Bashkiria and Mari El.

Story

The ancestors of the Mari people began the development of the modern Volga-Vyatka territory at the beginning of the first millennium of a new era. They migrated from the southern and western regions to the East under the pressure of the aggressive Slavic and Turkic peoples. This led to the assimilation and partial discrimination of the Permians who originally lived in this territory.


Some of the Mari adhere to the version that the ancestors of the people in the distant past came to the Volga from Ancient Iran. After that, assimilation took place with the Finno-Ugric and Slavic tribes living here, but the originality of the people was partially preserved. This is supported by the studies of philologists, who note that there are Indo-Iranian blotches in the Mari language. This is especially true of ancient prayer texts, which have not changed much over the centuries.
By the 7th-8th centuries, the Pra-Marians moved north, occupying the territory between Vetluga and Vyatka, where they live to this day. During this period, the Turkic and Finno-Ugric tribes had a serious influence on the formation of culture and mentality.
The next stage in the history of the Cheremis dates back to the 10th-14th centuries, when the Eastern Slavs turned out to be their closest neighbors from the west, and from the south and east - the Volga Bulgars, Khazars, and then the Tatar-Mongols. For a long time, the Mari people were dependent on the Golden Horde, and then on the Kazan Khanate, to whom they paid tribute in furs and honey. Part of the Mari lands was under the influence of Russian princes and, according to the chronicle of the XII century, was also subject to tribute. For centuries, the Cheremis had to maneuver between the Kazan Khanate and the Russian authorities, who tried to attract the people, whose number at that time was up to a million people, to their side.
In the 15th century, during Ivan the Terrible's aggressive attempts to overthrow Kazan, the mountain Maris came under the rule of the tsar, while the meadows supported the khanate. However, in connection with the victory of the Russian troops, in 1523 the lands became part of the Russian State. However, the name of the Cheremis tribe does not mean “warlike” for nothing: the very next year it rebelled and overthrew the temporary rulers until 1546. In the future, bloody "Cheremis wars" flared up twice more in the struggle for national independence, the overthrow of the feudal regime and the elimination of Russian expansion.
For the next 400 years, the life of the people proceeded relatively calmly: having achieved the preservation of national authenticity and the opportunity to profess their own religion, the Mari were engaged in the development Agriculture and crafts, without interfering in the social and political life of the country. After the revolution, the Mari Autonomy was formed, in 1936 - the Mari Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, in 1992 it was given the modern name of the Republic of Mari El.

Appearance

The anthropology of the Mari goes back to the ancient Ural community, which formed the distinctive features of the appearance of the peoples of the Finno-Ugric group as a result of mixing with Caucasians. Genetic studies show that the Mari have genes for haplogroups N, N2a, N3a1, which are also found in Veps, Udmurts, Finns, Komi, Chuvash and Baltics. Autosomal studies have shown kinship with the Kazan Tatars.


The anthropological type of modern Mari is Subural. The Ural race is intermediate between Mongoloid and Caucasoid. The Mari, on the other hand, have more, compared with the traditional form, Mongoloid features.
Distinctive features of appearance are:

  • average height;
  • yellowish or darker than Caucasian skin color;
  • almond-shaped, slightly slanting eyes with outer corners lowered down;
  • straight, dense hair of a dark or light brown shade;
  • protruding cheekbones.

clothing

Men's and women's traditional costumes were similar in configuration, but the women's was decorated more brightly and richly. So, everyday attire consisted of a shirt similar to a tunic, which for women was long, and for men it did not reach the knees. Under it they put on spacious trousers, on top of a caftan.


Underwear was made from homespun fabric, which was made from hemp fibers or woolen threads. Women's costume was complemented by an embroidered apron, sleeves, cuffs and shirt collars were decorated with ornaments. Traditional patterns - horses, solar signs, plants and flowers, birds, ram's horns. In the cold season, frock coats, sheepskin coats and sheepskin coats were worn over it.
An obligatory element of the costume is a belt or belt winding made of a linen piece of matter. Women complemented it with pendants made of coins, beads, shells, chains. Shoes were made of bast or leather, and in swampy areas they were supplied with special wooden platforms.
Men wore tall, narrow-brimmed hats and mosquito nets, as they spent most of their time outside the home: in the field, in the forest, or on the river. Women's hats were famous for their great variety. The magpie was borrowed from the Russians, the sharpan was popular, that is, a towel tied around the head, fastened with an ochelie - a narrow strip of fabric embroidered with traditional ornaments. A distinctive element of the bride's wedding dress is a voluminous breast decoration made of coins and metal decorative elements. It was considered a family heirloom and passed down from generation to generation. The weight of such jewelry could reach up to 35 kilograms. Depending on the place of residence, the features of costumes, ornaments and colors could vary significantly.

Men

The Mari had a patriarchal family structure: the man was the main one, but in the event of his death, a woman stood at the head of the family. In general, relations were equal, although all public issues and lay on the shoulders of men. For a long time in the Mari settlements there were remnants of levirate and sororate, which oppressed the rights of women, but most of the people did not adhere to them.


Women

The woman in the Mari family played the role of the keeper of the hearth. It valued diligence, humility, thrift, good nature, maternal qualities. Since a substantial dowry was offered for the bride, and her role as an au pair was significant, girls married later than boys. It often happened that the bride was 5-7 years older. Guys also tried to marry as early as possible, often at the age of 15-16 years.


Family way

After the wedding, the bride went to live in her husband's house, so Mari had large families. Often families of brothers coexisted in them, older and subsequent generations lived together, the number of which reached 3-4. The head of the household was the eldest woman, the wife of the head of the family. She gave household chores to her children, grandchildren and daughters-in-law, and looked after her material well-being.
Children in the family were considered the highest happiness, a manifestation of the blessing of the Great God, therefore they gave birth many and often. Raised by mothers and older generation: children were not spoiled and were taught to work from childhood, but they never offended. Divorce was considered a disgrace, and permission for it had to be asked from the chief minister of the faith. Couples who expressed this desire were tied back to back in the main village square while they awaited a decision. If the divorce occurred at the request of the woman, her hair was cut off as a sign that she was no longer married.

dwelling

Mari have long lived in typical old Russian log cabins with a gable roof. They consisted of a vestibule and a residential part, in which a kitchen with a stove was separated, benches for overnight stays were nailed to the walls. Bath and hygiene played a special role: before any important business, especially prayer and rituals, it was necessary to wash. This symbolized the purification of the body and thoughts.


Life

The main occupation of the Mari people was arable farming. Field crops - spelled, oats, flax, hemp, buckwheat, oats, barley, rye, turnips. Carrots, hops, cabbage, potatoes, radishes, and onions were planted in vegetable gardens.
Animal husbandry was less common, but poultry, horses, cows and sheep were bred for personal use. But goats and pigs were considered unclean animals. Among men's crafts, wood carving and silver processing for making jewelry stood out.
From ancient times they were engaged in beekeeping, and later beekeeping. Honey was used in cooking, made intoxicating drinks from it, and was also actively exported to neighboring regions. Beekeeping is widespread today, being good source income for the villagers.

culture

Due to the lack of written language, the Mari culture is concentrated in oral folk art: fairy tales, songs and legends, which the older generation teaches children from childhood. Authentic musical instrument - shuvyr, analogue of bagpipes. It was made from the soaked bladder of a cow, supplemented with a ram's horn and a pipe. He imitated natural sounds, along with the drum, accompanied songs and dances.


There was also a special dance-cleansing from evil spirits. Troikas consisting of two guys and a girl took part in it, sometimes all the inhabitants of the settlement took part in the festivities. One of its characteristic elements is tyvyrdyk, or drobushka: a quick synchronous movement of the legs in one place.

Religion

Religion has played a special role in the life of the Mari people in all ages. Until now, the traditional religion of the Mari, which is officially registered, has been preserved. It is practiced by about 6% of the Mari, but many people observe the rituals. The people have always been tolerant of other religions, and therefore even now the national religion coexists with Orthodoxy.
The traditional religion of the Mari proclaims faith in the forces of nature, in the unity of all people and everything that exists on earth. Here they believe in a single cosmic god Osh Kugu-Yumo, or the Big White God. According to legend, he instructed the evil spirit Yin to take out a piece of clay from the World Ocean, from which Kugu-Yumo made the earth. Yyn threw his part of the clay on the ground: this is how the mountains turned out. From the same material, Kugu-Yumo created man, and brought him a soul from heaven.


In total, there are about 140 gods and spirits in the pantheon, but only a few are especially revered:

  • Ilysh-Shochyn-Ava - an analogue of the Mother of God, the goddess of birth
  • Mer Yumo - manages all worldly affairs
  • Mlande Ava - goddess of the earth
  • Purisho - the god of fate
  • Azyren - death itself

Mass ritual prayers take place several times a year in sacred groves: in total there are from 300 to 400 throughout the country. At the same time, services to one or several gods can take place in the grove, each of which is sacrificed in the form of food, money, parts of animals. The altar is made in the form of a flooring of spruce branches, installed near the sacred tree.


Those who came to the grove in large cauldrons cook the food they brought with them: the meat of geese and ducks, as well as special pies from the blood of birds and cereals. After, under the guidance of a kart - an analogue of a shaman or priest, a prayer begins, which lasts up to an hour. The rite ends with the use of the cooked and cleaning the grove.

Traditions

The most complete ancient traditions are preserved in wedding and funeral rites. The wedding always began with a noisy ransom, after which the young people on a cart or sleigh covered with a bearskin went to the map to perform the wedding ceremony. All the way the groom clicked a special whip, driving away evil spirits from future wife: this whip then remained in the family for life. In addition, their hands were tied with a towel, which symbolized a connection for the rest of their lives. Until now, the tradition of baking pancakes for the newly-made husband on the morning after the wedding has been preserved.


Funeral rites are of particular interest. At any time of the year, the deceased was taken to the graveyard on a sleigh, and they put him in winter clothes, providing him with a set of things. Among them:

  • a linen towel, on which he will descend into the kingdom of the dead - hence the expression "tablecloth road";
  • rosehip branches to drive away dogs and snakes guarding the afterlife;
  • nails accumulated during life to cling to rocks and mountains on the way;

Forty days later, a no less terrible custom was performed: a friend of the deceased dressed in his clothes and sat down with the relatives of the deceased at the same table. They took him for the deceased and asked him questions about life in the next world, conveyed greetings, reported news. During common feasts of commemoration, the dead were also remembered: a separate table was laid for them, on which the hostess put little by little all the treats that she had prepared for the living.

Famous Mari

One of the most famous Mari is the actor Oleg Taktarov, who played in the films "Wii" and "Predators". All over the world he is also known as the “Russian bear”, the winner of brutal fights without UFC rules, although in fact his roots lead to ancient people mary.


The living embodiment of a real Mari beauty is the "Black Angel" Varda, whose mother was a Mari by nationality. She is known as a singer, dancer, fashion model and the owner of seductive forms.


The special charm of the Mari lies in the gentle nature and mentality based on the acceptance of everything that exists. Tolerance towards others, coupled with the ability to defend their own rights, allowed them to preserve their authenticity and national flavor.

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