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Bunin cursed the October Revolution with fierce hatred. His position as an opponent of the Bolsheviks took shape during the civil war. Before the revolution, he could not be called a political writer. However, in the conditions of 1917, it became obvious that he was a deeply civic, progressive-minded person. Revolution for Bunin is a consequence of irreversibility historical process, the manifestation of cruel instincts. The writer understood that without bloodshed, the power in the country would not change.
According to Bunin, the death of Russia as a great state, an empire, began with the revolution.
« cursed days”consist of two parts: Moscow, year 1918, and Odessa, year 1919. Bunin writes down the facts he saw on the streets of cities. In the first part street scenes more, the writer spends around Moscow, passing on fragments of dialogues, newspaper reports and even rumors. The voice of the author himself appears in the second part, Odessa, where Bunin reflects on the fate of Russia, experiences something personal, thinks about his own dreams and reminisces. Bunin wrote a diary for himself, and at first the writer had no thoughts about publishing it, but circumstances forced him to make the opposite decision.
The writer does not accidentally choose the diary form of narration - he wanted to capture on paper a moment of life that will forever remain in his memory, providing him with his own reflections.
. A diary is a literary genre in which the narration is conducted in the first person, and the entries are dated, follow one after another on a daily basis. Therefore, we can talk about the frankness and sincerity of the genre, that the creator conveys his feelings through diary entries. The diary is not designed for public perception, which gives credibility to the information described in it. Due to the form of this genre, there is no gap between the time of writing and the time being written about. Throughout the story, the author's pain for Russia is felt, his longing and understanding of impotence in changing anything in the chaos of destruction is conveyed centuries old traditions and culture of Russia. Due to those feelings of rage, fury, anger that the writer experienced during the creation of the book, it is written very strongly and temperamentally. The diary is extremely subjective, covering the period from 1918 to 1919, interspersed with pre-revolutionary and revolutionary days. The author reflects on Russia, on the state of the people in these tense years for his life. Therefore, "Cursed Days" is permeated with feelings of depression, full of hopelessness and darkness. Bunin conveys to the reader the feeling of a national catastrophe. He describes what he sees, which brings sadness and despair to him: “they rob, drink, rape, dirty things in churches”, singing inappropriate songs about clergy, unceasing executions. He did it openly, called Lunacharsky a “reptile”, Blok - a “stupid man”, Kerensky - “an upstart who is becoming more and more insolent”, Lenin - “what an animal it is!” . The writer said about the Bolsheviks: "The world has not seen more impudent swindlers." But the unnamed names are the main thing here, and the main thing is the very fact of revolutionary consciousness, thinking and behavior, which the writer did not accept from any angle. He spoke of the revolution as of the elements: “plague, cholera are also elements. However, no one glorifies them, no one canonizes them, they are fighting with them ... ”In addition to the talent of a publicist, Bunin is seen in Cursed Days as an artist of the word - nature does not leave him indifferent. He tells not only about stormy and bloody events, but also about the shining spring sky, about pink clouds, snowdrifts - about what causes in him “some kind of secret delight”, in which poetry is felt, which greatly admires. Landscape sketches occupy a special place in diary entries I.A. Bunin. They really soften and even humanize the terrible events of 1917. Kit artistic means, which Bunin resorts to in his descriptions, how impressive. Bunin called the new government "a bunch of adventurers who consider themselves politicians"; his critical attitude to reality is directed against them. Bunin speaks a lot and ruthlessly about the leaders of the revolution. In "Cursed Days" there are many facts about the destruction of monuments to kings and generals. The activities of the revolutionary government after 1917 were aimed at this, and the artistic and historical value of what was being destroyed meant absolutely nothing. For example, in Kyiv “the destruction of the monument to Alexander II has begun. A familiar occupation, because since March 1917 they began to rip off eagles, coats of arms ... ". Bunin also often encounters signs covered with mud. But if you look closely, it becomes obvious that they are smeared with words that remind of the past, such as "imperial", "greatest".
But the most unbearable for Bunin was the violence against the church, the suppression of religion. “The Bolsheviks shot at the icon.” The most important motif of Bunin’s book is the upholding of universal human values ​​that were trampled on in the “cursed days”. For him, the revolution became not only the "fall of Russia", but also the "fall of man", it corrupts him spiritually and morally. An unthinkable historical shift took place in the country, which cut off the top thin cultural layer of the soil and brought something never seen before…

Blood red is mentioned many times in the book. Unexpectedly, among all those described, Bunin singles out the figure of a military man “in a magnificent gray overcoat, tightly tied with a good belt, in a gray round military cap, as Alexander the Third wore. All large, thoroughbred, shiny brown beard with a shovel, holding the Gospel in his gloved hand. Totally alien to everyone last mohican". He is absolutely opposed to the crowd, because he is a symbol of the departed Russia. The most important detail in his image serves the Gospel, bearing in itself the holiness of old Russia. There are many such images in the Cursed Days. “On Tverskaya, a pale old general in silver glasses and a black cap sells something, stands modestly, modestly, like a beggar ... How amazingly quickly everyone gave up, lost heart!” . It is painful and bitter for Bunin to see this humiliation and describe this shame of those who once made up the glory and pride of the country. Resentment and sorrow pour out on the reader from the pages of the writer's diary.
Bunin is indignant at the people. But not because he despises him. And just because he is well acquainted with the creative spiritual potential of the people, because he understands that no “worldwide bureau for the arrangement of human happiness” can ruin a great power if the people themselves do not allow it. Completely broken morally and physically weakened, the people rely on anyone but themselves when it comes to restoring order, and Bunin notes this trait of the Russian character.
The writer blames the people and the intelligentsia for what is happening - it was she who provoked the people to the barricades, and she herself was unable to organize new life over many years of history
This is the conclusion the writer draws: not because of the strength of the people, but because of their weakness, a revolution took place, and it poses a danger, first of all, to the people - its spiritual and moral decay occurs.
Bunin believes that the revolution did not bring anything new, but became another rebellion, which proved "how old everything is in Russia and how much it craves, first of all, formlessness." Examples from history, mentioned in the Cursed Days, help him come to this. The writer pays considerable attention to the "kings and priests", who knew and were able to predict the behavior of the people. The whole book is permeated with the thought of the repetition of the historical process and its stable laws. From the standpoint of modernity, Bunin really predicted a lot in Cursed Days. Exhausted by the hopelessness and burden of what is happening, Bunin sought to somehow help the country. But he realized his uselessness and alienation in the new world: "... in the world of a universal boor and beasts, I don't need anything ..." - this is how Bunin defines his public position. And also Ivan Bunin believed that his "Cursed Days" would be of great importance for posterity. I consider the main merit of the writer that he coped with all the pain and anguish that overcame him, and was able to honestly tell about everything that happened during this terrifying break.

Bunin wanted to comprehend the events of 1917-1920 in the aspect of both world and, of course, Russian history. But the new government, the new owners, did not know her and did not even want to know. The Bolsheviks wanted to destroy everything to the ground and build a new free state. This idea terrified Bunin, he considered it utopian, because the organizers of the new life did not have a clear idea of ​​​​what the "kingdom of freedom" is. The thoughts of "Cursed Days" are addressed to the people of the future. The sober, realistic description in the Cursed Days of 1918-1919 acquires a tragic and prophetic meaning. Bunin warns us against the mistakes of contemporary reality, from the myth that history, having made its turn, returns to the old. Bunin saw salvation in the people themselves, in the return to God's image and likeness. The writer looked at life from the standpoint of Orthodox Christianity, so his diary often contains "high", biblical vocabulary, as well as quotes from the Bible. The most unbearable for Bunin was the violence against the church and the destruction of religion .. "Cursed Days" is a historical and literary monument, a monument to the victims of the civil war. Approval in Russia of a new political system forced Ivan Bunin to leave Moscow in 1918, and at the beginning of 1920 to leave his homeland forever. Bunin left his homeland with tears. But, in spite of everything, Ivan Bunin was one of those who did not give up, continued the fight against the Leninist-Stalinist regime until the end of his days.

Cursed days in the life of I.A. Bunin

State Committee of the Russian Federation for Higher Education

Khakassian State University them. N. F. Katanov

Abakan, 1995

This paper analyzes the essay by I. A. Bunin "Cursed Days" taking into account the requirements of literature programs high school and philological faculties of universities. Its purpose is to help students of philology understand the complexities literary process 1918-1920s, trace the fate of the Russian intellectual in the revolution, delve into the essence of the problems raised by the journalism of the beginning of the century.

"Untimely Thoughts" by M. Gorky and "Cursed Days" by I. Bunin are among those artistic and philosophical-journalistic works in which, following the living traces historical events the "Russian structure of the soul" of the times of the revolution and the civil war of 1917-1921 is captured, which A. Blok spoke about: "He is sometimes confused and dark, but behind this darkness and confusion ... you will discover new ways to look at human life ..." The poet urged "to stop missing the one who discovers new distances" the Russian system of the soul. The literature of 1917-1920 responded vividly to all the events taking place in Russia, let us recall at least some names in connection with this. V. Korolenko, A. Blok, S. Yesenin, V. Mayakovsky, E. Zamyatin, A. Platonov, I. Bunin...

But the “missing” did take place, it began after the revolution, when works declared anti-Soviet were banned. They were not allowed to be printed because the works pointed to the negative aspects of the revolution, warned of their danger to the future of Russia. The novel "We" by E. Zamyatin, the collection "From the Depths", V. Korolenko's letters to A. Lunacharsky, "Untimely Thoughts" by M. Gorky were deleted from literature and public life. And one can only guess what their impact on the public and individual consciousness of people would be. Perhaps the knowledge of these works in due time would have stopped the mass intoxication of people with the idea of ​​building communism.

Comprehension of the state of mind of the Russian intellectual in the revolutionary era is also hampered by the fact that the literature of those years is read and studied by few people, poorly studied.

As a result of ideological brainwashing, we were deprived of the opportunity to know our literature, and therefore ourselves, the features of our national character, the uniqueness of the psychology of our people. For such indifference to what was happening in the revolutionary years, for social, spiritual, aesthetic blindness, our people paid a heavy price: the destruction of the best people, the awakening of base instincts, the collapse of high ideals.

Apparently, it was necessary to understand the so-called " new era", an era of rejection of universal human values ​​in favor of the class struggle; to understand the "birth of a new man." This was probably within the power of such individuals who were able to resist ideological pressure. Life experience convinces us that a person can make predictions, make serious predictions, if he knows how to penetrate deeply into the previous history of the country, to find a vector of development in it, then he can judge the future.

Perhaps, I. A. Bunin possessed such a worldview. All his life and work are expressed in the words that we take for the epigraph of the work.

RUSSIA! WHO DARE TEACH ME TO LOVE HER?

In the last year of his life, on one of the sleepless nights of January, I. A. Bunin wrote in a notebook: “Wonderful! You think about everything about the past, about the past, and most often everything about the same thing in the past: about the lost, missed, happy, invaluable, about his irreparable deeds, stupid and even insane, about the insults experienced because of his weaknesses, his spinelessness, short-sightedness and lack of revenge for these insults, about the fact that he forgave too much, was not vindictive, and still is. But that's all, everything will be swallowed up by the grave! (one)

This brief confession reveals the secret of I. A. Bunin's character, confirms the complexity of his contradictory nature, clearly revealed in "Cursed Days". Bunin called the days of revolution and civil war cursed.

WHAT IS THE MAIN MOTIVE OF THE BOOK?

The author was thinking about Russia, the Russian people in the most tense years of his life, so the intonation of depression, humiliation of what is happening becomes predominant. Bunin conveys to the reader a feeling of a national catastrophe, does not agree with the official characterization of the leader, historical figures, writers.

HOW COULD SUCH A BOOK REVEALING THE OCTOBER CELEBRATION. TO APPEAR IN THE COUNTRY OF DEVELOPED SOCIALISM?

The "Cursed Days" were known to the official Soviet literary critics, and researchers of I. A. Bunin's work had to somehow link the author's confessions with socialist reality. The most "simple" decision was made by Literaturnoye Obozreniye, reducing "unbearably rude attacks against Lenin" - and there is no need to comment on anything. More daring critics have tried to ignore "Cursed Days" by not noticing or not giving it due importance. For example, A. Ninov argued that the "Cursed Days" from the artistic side have no value: "There is neither Russia nor its people here in the days of the revolution. There is only a man obsessed with hatred. This book is true only in one respect - as a frank document of Bunin's internal break with the old liberal-democratic tradition. (2)

O. Mikhailov compared Bunin with a holy fool; who, “moving his tops, to the sound of a stupid bell, frantically shouts blasphemy ... curses the revolution” (3).

But there was also a selection of material for the 120th anniversary of the birth of "Unknown Bunin" in the literary, artistic and socio-political journal Slovo, which affirmed "the prophetic thoughts of the unforgettable Bunin, who did not hesitate to utter high truth about the October Revolution and its leaders", and there was the opinion of M. Aldanov, who believed that in the "Cursed Days" there are the best pages of everything written by the writer.

Such a diverse reflection of "Cursed Days" in our modern literary criticism makes us take a closer look at the book, form our own opinion about the writer, who in his fate overcame the brink of revolution and civil war.

Why did these days become cursed for I. A. Bunin? How did he take the revolution? Why did his fate not become similar to the fate of, say, Yesenin or Mayakovsky?

We will try to answer these questions and others related to them by opening for analysis the full text of Bunin's book - Collected Works of I. A. Bunin, vol. X, Cursed Days, "Petropolis", Berlin, 1935. (reprint edition).

"Cursed Days" was written in one of the "most beautiful literary forms" - the diary. It is in personal notes that the author is extremely sincere, concise, and truthful. Everything that happened around him in the first days of 1918 and until June 1919 was reflected on the pages of the book.

WHAT IS IA Bunin's ATTITUDE TO THE REVOLUTION?

In general, "revolutionary times are not merciful: here they beat you and don't tell you to cry." The writer reflected on the essence of the revolution, comparing these events in different countries at different times and came to the conclusion that they are "all the same, all these revolutions!" They are alike in their striving to create an abyss of new administrative institutions, to open up a cascade of decrees and circulars, to increase the number of commissars - "certainly for some reason commissars" - to establish numerous committees, unions, and parties.

Bunin is sad to note that revolutions are even creating a new language, "completely consisting of high-flown exclamations interspersed with the most vulgar swearing at the dirty remnants of dying tyranny." (four)

Perhaps Bunin applied the most precise definition of the essence of revolutions: "one of the most distinctive features of the revolution is a mad thirst for play, acting, posture, farce." (5)

For a person who is far from politics, many phenomena of life that were common yesterday become inexplicable, he becomes embittered, withdraws into his little world, cultivates obvious vices in himself. Bunin expressed all this in one sentence: "A monkey wakes up in a man."

As you can see, a person in the days of the revolution really enters a new world, but according to Bunin, this is not a "bright tomorrow", but a Paleolithic.

On June 9, Bunin writes down Napoleon's statement about the revolution: ... "ambition gave rise to and will destroy the revolution. Freedom remains an excellent excuse to fool the crowd. The revolution fooled Russia. It is no accident that in 1924 Bunin dwelled on the essence of the revolution and tried to prove that by virtue revolutionary transformations occurred the great fall of Russia, and at the same time the fall of man in general. (four)

According to Bunin, there was no need to transform life, “because, despite all the shortcomings, Russia flourished, grew, developed and changed in all respects with fabulous speed ... There was Russia, there was a great house bursting with all belongings, inhabited by a huge and in every sense a mighty family, created by the blessed labors of many and many generations, consecrated by worship of God, the memory of the past and everything that is called culture. What did they do with it?

With pain and bitterness, Bunin states that the overthrow of the old regime was carried out “terrifyingly”, an international banner was raised over the country “that is, it claims to be the banner of all nations and to give the world something new and diabolical instead of the Sinai tablets and the Sermon on the Mount, instead of the ancient divine charters. The foundations are destroyed, the gates are closed and the lamps are extinguished. But without these lamps, the Russian land cannot exist - and it is impossible to criminally serve its darkness." (5)

Bunin does not deny the fact that VI Lenin was the ideologist of the socialist revolution.

WHAT APPRAISAL IS IA BUNIN GIVES TO THE PROLETARIAN LEADER IN "Cursed Days"?

On March 2, 1918, he makes a short entry: "Congress of Soviets. Lenin's speech. Oh, what an animal it is!" [With. 33] And, as if comparing his impressions of meeting this person, he makes two more entries. March 13: he recorded in his diary the words of Tikhonov, "a person very close to them": "Lenin and Trotsky decided to keep Russia on fire and not stop terror and civil war until the European proletariat appears on the stage. They are fanatics, they believe in a world fire .. ... they dream of conspiracies everywhere ... they tremble both for their power and for their lives ... "[p. 39] The idea is repeatedly recorded in the diary that the Bolsheviks "did not expect their victory in October." [With. 38, 39].

The second entry, on the night of April 24: "Another celebration happened then in St. Petersburg - the arrival of Lenin. "Welcome!" - Gorky told him in his newspaper. And he bestowed as another claimant to the inheritance. The richest Russia died in October 1917, and immediately crowds of "crazy from worries, orders" of the heirs of the deceased appeared, Bunin ranks

to them and Lenin. "His claims were very serious and frank. However, they met him at the station with a guard of honor and music and allowed him to creep into one of the best St. Petersburg houses, which, of course, does not belong to him at all." [With. 83]

Irony and frank hostility to Lenin is conveyed through the selection of emotionally colored verbs - "granted", "allowed me to get in". In five years, emotions will give way to thoughtful and hard-won conclusions: "A degenerate, moral idiot from birth, Lenin showed the world something monstrous, amazing; he ruined the world's greatest country and killed several million people ..." (b)

Comparing leaders french revolution from the Russian, Bunin remarks: "Saint-Just, Robespierre, Couton... Lenin, Trotsky, Dzerzhinsky... Who is meaner, bloodthirsty, uglier? Of course, all the same, Moscow. But the Parisians were not bad either." [With. 125] Bunin considers it madness to call Lenin a benefactor of mankind, he argues with those who insist on the genius of the theory of the leader of the proletariat, not forgiving him even dead: "On his bloody throne, he was already on all fours; when English photographers took pictures of him, he constantly stuck out his tongue Semashko himself foolishly blurted out in public that in the skull of this new Nebuchadnezzar they had found a green liquid instead of a brain; on the death table, in his red coffin, he lay with a terrible grimace on his gray-yellow face: it means nothing, And his comrades-in-arms, so they directly write: "He died new god, creator of the New World!"(7)

Bunin cannot forgive Lenin, "a mad and cunning maniac," neither a red coffin, nor the news "that the City of St. Peter is being renamed Leningrad, then truly biblical fear covers not only Russia, but also Europe." For Bunin, Petersburg was a special city, connecting his ideas about modern Russia with its historical background. Until recently, the city was understandable, familiar, and already because native. The revolution made its own adjustments to it, and Bunin does not accept "Lenin's cities, Lenin's commandments"; he cannot endure the Bolshevik for the sake of Russia: "It was possible to endure Batu's headquarters, but Leningrad cannot be endured." With the voice of Lenin in Russia, "the voice of a boor, a predator and a Komsomol member and muffled sighs" began to be heard. (7)

Bunin calls Lenin a "planetary villain", who, overshadowed by a banner with a mocking call for freedom, fraternity and equality, sat high on the neck of a Russian savage and called on the whole world to trample conscience, shame, love, mercy into the dirt, crush the tablets of Moses and Christ into dust, erect monuments to Judas and Cain, teach "The Seven Commandments of Lenin" (8).

Probably, for a long time there will not be Lenin's defenders, hunters to raise the medical report of experts in order to explain the "green goo" in Lenin's skull or his "terrible grimace on his gray-green face." But we teachers will not be forgiven if we leave these phrases of Bunin without comment. Still, behind the word "Lenin" lived a specific person V.I. Ulyanov, there was probably both good and bad in his fate, like all people. Let's deal with the memory of a person in a Christian way, forgive the dead, explain the intensity of Bunin's emotionality with the peculiarities of the controversy, his subjective perception of what is happening in Russia: we note for ourselves that any person has the right to love and hate and the forms of manifestation of these feelings remain on everyone's conscience. Rejecting Lenin, rejecting the revolution, I. A. Bunin carefully peers into the life of the city. Moscow, St. Petersburg, Odessa are presented in his diary. City motifs determine the whole mood of the Cursed Days. People, faces, actions convey the revolutionary heat of the time and Bunin's nervous perception of everything that happens.

WHAT CHANGES IN THE LIFE OF THE CITY DOES THE REVOLUTION MAKE IN BUNIN'S OPINION?

Since 1917, the city has been represented by "whites", "reds", "street faces" in their complex relationships. Bunin notes the most varied attitude of the townspeople towards the revolution. Servant Andrey for twenty years “has been invariably sweet, simple, reasonable, polite, cordial ... Now he’s like crazy crazy. He still serves carefully, but, apparently, already through force, cannot look at us, all inwardly trembles with anger .. ."(ten). A black polisher with greasy hair laments that “the tsar was imprisoned, and now you can’t resist these Bolsheviks. The people have weakened. 26].

Bunin is trying to answer the question, what happened? “About 600 some kind of bow-legged boys came, led by a bunch of convicts and swindlers, who took the richest city of a million people into full. Everyone died of fear ...” [p. 48].

Fear has shackled many people, because yesterday's cooks have come to rule the country, the appearance of which makes me long for yesterday's beautiful faces, so dear to Bunin. Here a well-known speaker speaks, and Bunin looks at his listeners with disgust: “All day long, standing idly with sunflowers in his fist, all day mechanically eating these sunflowers, a deserter. until the time he asks questions and does not believe in a single answer, he suspects nonsense in everything. And it is physically painful from disgust for him, for his thick thighs in thick winter khaki, for calf's eyelashes, for milk from chewed sunflowers on young, animal-primitive lips " [With. 57].

Unsympathetic to Bunin new owner of the country is not picky about food, although he screams from colic in his stomach after "terrible pea bread", and if he eats sausage, he "tears off pieces with his teeth", he demands to ban the bourgeoisie from going to theaters, because "we don't go here" ( 9).

"There are banners, posters, music at the demonstrations - and some in the forest, some for firewood in hundreds of throats: "Get up, get up, working people!" The voices are uterine, primitive, the faces are all criminal, others are directly Sakhalin" [p. 28].

Bunin believes that "as soon as the city becomes "red", the crowd that fills the streets immediately changes dramatically." On the faces there is no routine, no simplicity. All of them, almost entirely, are repulsive, frightening with evil stupidity, some kind of gloomy servile challenge to everyone and everything" [p. 73].

He sees the revolutionary sailors from St. Petersburg, "the heirs of a colossal inheritance," maddened by drunkenness, cocaine, and self-will. "I somehow physically feel people," Leo Tolstoy wrote to himself. Bunin said the same thing about himself: “They didn’t understand this in Tolstoy, they don’t understand it in me either, which is why they are sometimes surprised at my passion for “partiality.” for me it is always eyes, mouths, sounds of voices; for me, a speech at a rally is the whole nature that pronounces it" [p. 52]. For Bunin, the faces of the Red Army soldiers, the Bolsheviks, who sympathize with them, are completely robbery: "The Romans put brands on the faces of their convicts. Nothing needs to be put on these faces - and you can see without any brand" [p. 28]. For Bunin, any revolutionary is a bandit. In general, he quite accurately snatched out the real problem of the Russian revolution - the participation of the criminal element in it: “They let criminals out of prisons, so they control us, but we must not let them out, but we should have shot them with a filthy gun a long time ago” [p. 26].

The demonic red color irritates Bunin, from May Day festive spectacles he "literally turns his whole soul" [p. 51], red flags, drooping from the rain, are "especially foul". Each reminder of a past life gives a feeling of lightness, youth: "And in the cathedral they were getting married, the women's choir sang. recent times, this ecclesiastical beauty, this island of the "old" world in a sea of ​​dirt, meanness and baseness of the "new" was unusually touched. What an evening sky in the windows! In the altar, in the depths, the windows were already purplish blue. The lovely girlish faces of those who sang in the choir, white veils on their heads with a golden cross on their foreheads, music notes and golden lights of small wax candles in their hands - everything was so charming that listening and looking, I cried a lot. And along with this - what anguish, what pain! "[p. 68]. Beauty remained for Bunin in his former life, everything collapses, no one sees the plan of creation. A terrible feeling of loss of the homeland is felt in the phrase recorded on April 12, 1919: Our children and grandchildren will not even be able to imagine the Russia in which we once (that is, yesterday) lived, which we did not appreciate, did not understand - all this power, complexity, wealth, happiness" [p. 44 ].

The new owners who have appeared are rude, rogue, narrow-minded, ignorant. They will survive the revolutionary turmoil, thanks to their promiscuity in the choice of life ideal. The Soviet government does not allow an unemployed person from the people to starve to death: "They say there are no places, but here are two warrants for the right to search, you can profit very well" [p. thirty]. It’s hard for Bunin in such an environment, he understands people yesterday still attached to culture, today sick from rudeness and ignorance, but trying to somehow hold on with dignity: “A young officer entered the tram car and, blushing, said that he“ cannot, unfortunately, "to pay for the ticket (9). Many of Bunin's acquaintances serve in the collegium at Agitprosveta, the collegium is called upon to ennoble art, but for now "takes rations of moldy bread, rotten herrings, rotten potatoes" [p. 135]. it turns out that the Bolsheviks have strengthened, while others have weakened, "look how the former gentleman or lady is now walking down the street: dressed in whatever, the collar is wrinkled, her cheeks are not shaved, and the lady is without stockings, on her bare foot, a bucket of water across the whole city drags, - everyone, they say, does not give a damn "[p. 164]. The author bitterly states: "How amazingly quickly everyone gave up, lost heart!". It is unbearably hard to see the pale old general in silver glasses and in a black hat, he is trying to then sell and "stand timidly, modestly, like a beggar." to survive the blindly devastating new government: “I worked all my life, somehow managed to buy a piece of land, got into debt to build a house for really hard-earned pennies - and now it turns out that the house is “folk”, that they will live there together with your family, with all your life some "workers" [p. 54].

With deaf longing, Bunin makes an addition: "You can hang yourself from rage!".

A. Blok, V. Mayakovsky, S. Yesenin are trying to somehow catch the sprouts of a new life in the gloomy revolutionary everyday life. In I. Bunin, "Russia went crazy" in October 1917, because it experienced thousands of brutal and senseless people's lynching, "the world's greatest trampling and dishonor of all the foundations of human existence, which began with the murder of Dukhonin and the "obscene peace" in Brest" . “With a mute reproach of yesterday’s Russia, a giant military man in a magnificent gray overcoat, tightly tied with a good belt, in a gray round military cap, as Alexander the Third wore, rises above the“ red heirs ”. . Completely alien to everyone, the last of the Mohicans "[p. 23]. Next to him, a typical red officer according to Bunin looks like a pygmy: "a boy of about twenty, his face is all naked, shaven, his cheeks are sunken, the pupils are dark and dilated; not lips, but some kind of vile sphincter, almost entirely gold teeth; on a chicken body - a tunic with officer's marching belts over his shoulders, on thin, like a skeleton, legs - the most depraved bladder-riding breeches and smart, thousandth boots, on the fire - a ridiculously huge Browning" [p. 153]

So in "Cursed Days" one more problem is outlined - PERCEPTION OF THE "RED" BY THE "WHITE" BUNIV: "You can't blaspheme the people." And "white", of course, you can. The people, the revolution, everything is forgiven - "all these are only excesses. And from the" whites ", from whom everything is taken away, abused, raped, killed - their homeland, their native cradles and graves, mothers, fathers, sisters -" excesses, of course, be should not" [p. 73]. "Soviet" is compared with Kutuzov - "the world has not seen more impudent swindlers" [p. 14].

WHY IS BUNIN DEFENDING THE "WHITES"? BECAUSE HE IS ONE OF THEM?

The author of "Cursed Days" notes how with the advent of Soviet power what has been created over the centuries is collapsing: “Russian mail ended in the summer of 17, since the first time, in a European way, the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs appeared in our country. At the same time, the Minister of Labor appeared - and then Russia stopped working” [p. 44]. "All without exception have a fierce aversion to work" [p. 36]. Russia itself began to crumble before Bunin's eyes "precisely in those days when brotherhood, equality, and freedom were proclaimed" [p. 44]. Therefore, Bunin demands a single moral trial of "ours" and "not ours", which is a crime for one side, it is also criminal for the other. In the conditions of a split public consciousness, the "white" Bunin defends universal moral ideals: "Attack by surprise on any old house where a large family lived for decades, kill or take in a full hosts, housekeepers, servants, seize family archives, start analyzing them and, in general, searching for the life of this family - how much dark, sinful, unrighteous things will be revealed, what a terrible picture you can paint, and especially with a certain predilection, if you want to disgrace at all costs, put every bast in line! So the Russian old house was taken completely by surprise" [p. 137].

Shout: We are people too! - goes through the whole book. Bunin's hatred for the "Reds" knows no bounds, he ferociously longs for their death from Gurko, Kolchak, the Germans and lives in the hope that "something will certainly happen at night, and you pray so frantically, so hard, so intensely, to the point of pain in it seems that God, a miracle, the powers of heaven cannot but help the whole body ... someone, perhaps, attacked the city - and the end, the collapse of this accursed life! 59]. A miracle does not happen, the next morning all the same "street faces" and "again stupidity, hopelessness", "in their world, in the world of a total boor and beast, I don't need anything," Bunin states. In Russia, distraught by revolutions, the writer hears everywhere: "the people who gave Pushkin, Tolstoy ...", he is offended: "And the whites are not the people? And the Decembrists, but the famous Moscow University, the first Narodnaya Volya, the State Duma? And the editors of famous magazines? And the whole flower of Russian literature? And its heroes? No country in the world has given such nobility" [p. 74]. Bunin does not agree with the formula of "decomposition of the whites". What a monstrous audacity to say this after that unprecedented "decomposition" in the world, which the "red" people showed" [p. 74].

Bunin has many reasons to hate the "Reds", comparing them with the Whites. In the entry dated April 24 we read: “The youngest of the tenants, a modest and timid man, took the rank of commissar out of fear, began to tremble at the words “revolutionary tribunal.” monkeys "[p. 94]. Another mockery, in which Bunin "did not utter a word, silently lay on the sofa," responded with palpable pain near the left nipple. Heartache, of course, not only from the fact that yesterday’s quiet neighbor is now taking away housing, but from the fact that blatant injustice is taking place: “Under the protection of such sacred revolutionary words (“revolutionary tribunal,” V. L.), one can so boldly to walk knee-deep in blood, which, thanks to them, even the most reasonable and decent revolutionaries, who become indignant at the usual robbery, theft, murder, who perfectly understand what needs to be knitted, drag a tramp to the police who grabbed a passerby by the throat IN NORMAL TIME, with delight choke before this tramp, if he does the same DURING THE TIME CALLED REVOLUTIONARY, after all, he always has a tramp absolute right to say that he carries out "the wrath of the lower classes, the victims of social justice" [p. 95].

“Victims took out furniture, carpets, paintings, flowers, robbed the “whites” of their belongings, committed horrific atrocities. Bunin constantly felt the need to restrain himself, “so as not to rush furiously at the screaming crowd” [p. 32].

The moral filth of the townspeople is combined with the squalor of the street: "there was rubbish on the sidewalks, the husks of sunflowers, and on the pavement there was manure ice, humps and potholes." Human warmth was felt in the bustle of the city even through the cab drivers: you could talk with the driver, admire the well-groomed and decorated horse. The Bolsheviks who have come are deprived of cordiality, sincerity, it is more suitable for them to drive cold cars, so the city of Bunin rumbles with crowded trucks, is full of red flags on government racing cars. The revolution entered the city on a truck: "The truck - what a terrible symbol it has remained for us! .. From its very first day, the revolution has been associated with this roaring and stinking animal ..." [p. 56]. Bunin also perceived the rudeness of modern culture through the truck.

The city did not tire of impressing the writer with the cruelty of everyday life, with its BLACK INJUSTICE: the famous artist was dying in a shirt blackened by dirt, scary as a skeleton, lousy, surrounded by doctors with burning torches in their hands; an old neighbor, stealthily, scooping out a jar with his finger, gobbled up an ointment for rubbing; another neighbor was taken out of the noose, a note was clutched in a petrified hand: "Lenin's kingdom will have no end"; the family of a famous scientist was given a corner in the hallway behind the cabinets in their former house, "long ago seized and inhabited by peasants and women. There is dirt on the floor, the walls are peeled off, smeared with bedbug blood" (9).

Science, art, technology, every little human laboring life that creates anything - everything perished: "The skinny cows of the pharaoh's fat ones ate and not only did not grow fat, but they themselves are dead. Now in the village, mothers scare children like that: "Shush! otherwise I’ll go to Odessa to the commune!” [p. 153].

HOW DID THE VILLAGE RECEIVE THE REVOLUTION?

Bunin believes that the revolutionary fire that engulfed the city could not have touched the village: "After all, in the village there was still some reason, shame" [p. 84]. The peasants perceived the soldiers fleeing from the front with passion: "Why didn't you fight enough?" - shouted a man behind him, - Are you wearing a government hat, government trousers to sit at home? I'm glad you don't have a boss now, you scoundrel! Why did your father and mother feed you?" This question arose more than once with all its philosophical sharpness before the author himself.

The whole Bunin family had to suffer under new government: Evgeny Alekseevich ruined his talent as a portrait painter in a peasant hut with a failed roof, where for a pood of rotten flour he painted portraits of yesterday's serfs in a frock coat and top hat, which they got when they robbed the masters. "For the portraits of Vasek Zhokhov, Yevgeny Alekseevich paid with his life: once he went for something, probably for the rotten flour of some other Valka, fell along the road and gave his soul to God." Julius Alekseevich died in Moscow: a beggar, starving, barely alive bodily and mentally from the "color and smell of a new squall", was placed in some kind of almshouse "for elderly intelligent workers." Maria Alekseevna "died under the Bolsheviks in Rostov-on-Don" (10).

Native Nikolskoye collapsed in the shortest possible time. The former gardener, "a forty-year-old red-haired man, smart, kind, tidy" in three years "turned into a decrepit old man with a beard pale from gray hair, with a yellow and swollen face from hunger," asked to attach him somewhere, not realizing that Bunin now not a sir. In the diary of March 1, the entry: "The peasants return the loot to the landowners" [p. 31]. Bunin himself received a letter from a village teacher in 1920, who, on behalf of the peasants, offered to "settle in their native ashes, renting a former estate from them and living in good neighborly relations ... now no one will lay a finger on you," he added. Bunin, with a sinking heart, rode to his native "ashes": "It was very strange to see everything that was the same, one's own, one's own, someone else's ... the house where he was born, grew up, spent almost his entire life, and where now there were as many as three new families: women, men, children, bare darkened walls, the primitive emptiness of the rooms, trampled dirt on the floor, troughs, tubs, cradles, straw beds and torn piebald blankets ... The windows of the windows ... seem to be covered with black lace - so their flies sat up "(I).

The village peasants reacted sympathetically to the arrival of the former owner, and the women "declared without any hesitation:" we will not leave the house! I spent two days in my former estate and left, knowing that I was leaving now forever "[p. 12]. Now the estate has disappeared from the face of the earth; there is no house, no garden, not a single linden main alley, nor centuries-old birches, nor a beloved Bunin maple...

For the destroyed and desecrated Bunin presents an account not only to the revolutionaries, but also to the people. In his notes about the people, he is harsh, unsentimental, just as there is no sentimentality in his pre-revolutionary stories "Dry Valley" and "The Village".

HOW DOES Bunin SEE THE PEOPLE TRANSFORMED BY THE REVOLUTION IN GENERAL?

"Evil people!" - he notes in the autumn of 1917. Note that the writer himself is also angry. "I will never forget, I will turn over in the grave!" This is how he reacts to the sailor cap, wide flares and the play of nodules on the cheekbones. Bunin-type intellectuals cannot be like that, “and if we can’t, it’s the end of us! bloodlust and that's the whole point" [p. 69].

However, it would be unfair to speak only of hatred of the people. He himself admitted: “If I didn’t love this Russia, didn’t see it, why would I have gone crazy all these years, why would I have suffered so continuously and so fiercely?” [With. 62].

The essence of the tragedy of Russia is that brother stood up against brother, son against father.

WHAT DOES BUNIN SEE THE ORIGINS OF PEOPLE'S DISCOUNTS?

In disregard for the LESSONS OF HISTORY. To his stories about the people, Bunin took as an epigraph the words of I. Aksakov "The Ancient Russia!" He proceeded from the premise of the professor and historian Klyuchevsky about the extreme "repetitiveness" of Russian history. Exploring the pattern of repeatability of history in his diaries, Bunin at Tatishchev finds the following lines: "Brother against brother, son against fathers, slaves against masters, each other are looking to kill one another for the sake of self-interest, lust and power, looking for a brother to deprive his brother of property, not knowing, as if the wise one says: looking for someone else, he will sob about his own on that day ... "There were already lessons, but the trouble is that no one wanted to study" Russian history "Tatishchev and today, "how many fools are convinced that in Russian history there has been a great shift towards something completely new, hitherto unprecedented" [p. 57].

The people, according to Bunin, were two types: "In one, Russia prevails, in the other, Chud. The people said to themselves:" from us, like from a tree - both a club and an icon, depending on the circumstances, on who is processing this tree: Sergei Rodonezhsky or Emelka Pugachev" [p. 62]

To Bunin's great regret, no one paid any attention to these lessons of history. And, meanwhile, N. I. Kostomarov wrote about Stenka Razin: “The people followed the Stenka, not really understanding much. Complete robbery was allowed. Stenka and his army were drunk on wine and blood. , which constrained personal motives ... breathed revenge and envy ... were made up of runaway thieves, lazybones. Stenka promised full freedom to all this bastards and mob, but in fact he took them into complete slavery, the slightest disobedience was punished by death ... "[ With. 115].

Academician S. M. Solovyov warned in the History of Russia from Ancient Times, describing " Time of Troubles":" Among the spiritual darkness of a young, unbalanced people, as everywhere dissatisfied, turmoil, hesitation, unsteadiness arose especially easily. And here they are again. The spirit of thoughtless will, rude self-interest breathed death on Russia... The hands of the good were taken away, the hands of the evil were untied for all evil. Crowds of outcasts, the scum of society were drawn to the devastation of their own home under the banner of impostors, false kings..., criminals, ambitious people" [p. 115].

The people did not take a closer look at the "liberation movement", which, according to Bunin, "was going on with amazing frivolity, with indispensable, obligatory optimism. And everyone" put on laurel wreaths on lousy heads", in the words of Dostoevsky" [p. 113].

Bunin agrees with A. I. Herzen, who stated that “our trouble is in the termination of practical and theoretical life: “Didn’t many people know that the revolution is only a bloody game, always ending only in the fact that the people, even if they succeeded for some time sit, feast and rage in the master's place, always in the end will fall out of the fire and into the frying pan" [p. 113]. According to Bunin, smart and cunning leaders in modern times came up with a tempting trap for the people, making a camouflage sign over it: " Freedom, fraternity, equality, socialism, communism". And inexperienced youth "simple-heartedly" responded to the "Holy Motto Forward" and created the revolutionary chaos of 1917. Bunin did not doubt the well-read and educated leader of the proletariat, therefore, summing up the analysis of the lessons of history, he writes: "I can't believe that the Lenins didn't know and didn't take all this into account!" [p. 115].

Bunin's analysis of the history of Russia allows him to declare that from Chud, from these very Russians, since ancient times glorious for their ANTISOCIALITY, who gave so many "remote robbers", so many vagabonds ..., tramps, it was from them that we recruited the beauty, pride and hope of the Russian SOCIAL REVOLUTION" (underlined by the author V. L.) [p. 165].

In the past of Russia, Bunin saw incessant sedition, and insatiable ambition, and a fierce thirst for power, and deceitful kissing of the cross, and flight to Lithuania and Crimea "to raise the filthy to their own father's house," but the post-revolutionary existence cannot be compared with the past: " Every Russian rebellion (and especially the current one) first of all proves how old everything is in Russia and how much it craves, first of all, FORMlessness. all sorts of sedition, strife, "bloody turmoil and absurdity!" [p. 165]. Bunin concludes: "Russia is a classic country of a brawler." He even cites data from modern criminal anthropology about random and born criminals, referring to the latter (pale faces , big cheekbones, deep-set eyes) of Stepan Razin and Lenin: “In peacetime, they sit in prisons, in yellow houses. But now the time is coming when the "sovereign people" have triumphed. The doors of prisons and yellow houses open, the archives of the detective departments burn - the bacchanalia begins. The Russian bacchanalia has surpassed all the former ones before it..." [p. 160]. Prophetically, Bunin predicted "a new long-term struggle" with the "born criminals" - the Bolsheviks: "I bought a book about the Bolsheviks. Terrible gallery of convicts 1" [p. 42].

Bunin suggests that he even discovered the secret of the madness of the people in the revolution. Madness, which descendants should not forgive, "but everything will be forgiven, everything will be forgotten", because people lack "real susceptibility": "This is the whole hellish secret of the Bolsheviks - to kill susceptibility. People live by the measure, they also measure susceptibility, imagination, - step over - the same measure. It's like the price of bread, beef. "What? Three rubles a pound!?" And appoint a thousand - and the end of amazement, screaming. Tetanus, insensibility" [p. 67]. And then Bunin argues by analogy: seven hanged men? No, seven hundred. "And certainly tetanus - you can still imagine seven hanging ones, but try seven hundred ..." [p. 67].

Due to the people's shock, the vast life that had been established for centuries was suddenly cut short throughout Russia, and "unreasonable idleness, unnatural freedom from everything that human society is alive" [p. 78]. The people stopped growing. bread and build houses, instead of a normal human life, "crazy in its stupidity and feverish imitation of some kind of supposedly new system" began: meetings, meetings, rallies began, decrees poured out, the "direct wire" rang, and everyone rushed to command. The streets were filled with "non-working workers, strolling servants and all sorts of yarygs who traded from stalls and cigarettes, and red bows, and obscene cards, and sweets ..." [p. 79]. The people became like "cattle without a shepherd, they will spoil everything and destroy themselves."

"There was Russia! Where is she now ..." - this is a through motif of the book "Cursed Days". To the question "who is to blame?" Bunin replies: "The people." And at the same time, he places a lot of blame for what is happening on the intelligentsia. Bunin absolutely historically accurately determined that the intelligentsia at all times provoked the people to the barricades, and itself proved unable to organize a new life. Already in 1918, he declared: “It was not the people who started the revolution, but you. The people did not care at all about everything that we wanted, what we were dissatisfied with. like summer snow, and he proved it firmly and cruelly by throwing the provisional government to hell, and constituent Assembly and "everything for which generations of the best Russian people died," as you put it...".

WHAT IS BUNIN'S ASSESSMENT OF THE RUSSIAN INTELLIGENTIA IN THE REVOLUTION?

Bunin sympathizes with the intelligentsia and reproaches them with political myopia: "What are our former eyes! How little they saw!" [With. 108]. The writer considers the years 17 and 18 borderline for the intelligentsia: "Millions of people have gone through this corruption and humiliation over the years. And all our time will become a legend" [p. 127].

Bunin reproaches, first of all, the intelligentsia for not seeing an individual person behind "humanity" and "the people". Even aid to the starving took place "theatrically", "literally", only for the sake of "once again kicking the government". “It’s scary to say,” Bunin writes on April 20, 1918, “but the truth is: if there were no national disasters, thousands of intellectuals would be directly the most unfortunate people. How, then, to sit, protest, what to write and shout about? And without this, life is not a life" [p. 63]. The theatrical attitude to life did not allow the intelligentsia, according to Bunin's conclusions, to be more attentive to the soldiers during the war. infirmaries, indulged them with rolls, sweets, even ballet dances. They played "grateful", and the soldiers pretended to be meek, suffering dutifully, assented to sisters, ladies, reporters. Mutual flirting destroyed faith in the truth, everyone stopped feeling, acting, became indifferent. " Where does this indifference come from?" Bunin asks himself. And he answers: "... from our inherent carelessness, frivolity, unaccustomedness and unwillingness to be serious at the most serious moments. Just think how carelessly, carelessly, even festively, all of Russia reacted to the beginning of the revolution" [p. 63].

The intelligentsia, on an equal footing with the peasant, lived with their bast shoes up, with complete carelessness, "for the benefit of needs were savagely limited": "We disdained long everyday work, white-handed women were, in essence, terrible, and hence our idealism, very lordly, our eternal opposition, criticism of everything and everyone: after all, it is much easier to criticize than to work" [p. 64].

WHERE DOES THE INTELLIGENCE HAVE SUCH A FAIR ATTITUDE TO LIFE?

Bunin blames the system of upbringing and education for this: “The literary approach to life simply poisoned us. What, for example, did we do with that huge and diverse life that Russia has lived for the last century? They broke it up, divided it into decades - the twenties, thirties, forties, sixties, every decade defined him as a literary hero: Chatsky, Onegin, Pechorin, Bazarov..." [p. 92]. Bunin adds his Nikolka from "The Village" to them and emphasizes that what they have in common is that they are all languishing and waiting for "real work." This is a kind of Russian nervous disease, this languor, this boredom, this spoiledness - the eternal hope that some frog with a magic ring will come and do everything for you" [p. 64].

“Literary” education is not serious, just as ideals are not serious: “Isn’t it funny for chickens, especially if you remember that these heroes (Chatsky, Onegin, Pechorin, Bazarov) were one “eighteen” years old, another nineteen, third, the oldest, twenty!" [With. 92].

These modern youths picked up, like a banner, the "Working Marseillaise", "Varshavyanka", "International", "everything evil, utterly insidious, deceitful to the point of nausea, flat and miserable to the point of incredible", comments Bunin. Entire generations of boys and girls, who pounded Ivanyukov and Marx, came up with an occupation for themselves - to "build" the future. They fiddled with secret printing houses, collected pennies for the "Red Cross", read the literary texts of Mayakovsky, Blok, Voloshin and "shamelessly pretended that they were dying of love for Pahoms and Sidors and constantly kindled hatred in themselves for the landowner, for the manufacturer, for the townsfolk , to all these "bloodsuckers, spiders, oppressors, despots, satraps, philistines, knights of darkness and violence!" [p. 99].

The intelligentsia could subscribe to the words of A. I. Herzen: "I did nothing, because I always wanted to do more than usual" [p. 64].

But Bunin also recognizes the significance of the intelligentsia: "We are sobering up humanity ... With our disappointment, our suffering, we save the next generation from the sorrows" [p. 65], only this process is very, very long, "sobering up is still far away..."

Bunin does not believe in the birth of a new intelligentsia, in the upbringing of a worker, the "color of the nation" and does not want to deal with the "forge of personnel": "We must also prove that one cannot sit next to a state of emergency, where almost every hour they break someone's head, and to enlighten about “the latest achievements in the instrumentation of verse, some KRYAP (emphasized by me, -V. L.) with sweat-wet hands. Yes, strike her with leprosy up to the seventy-seventh knee, even if she is even "interested" in poetry! Is it not extreme horror that I have to prove, for example, that it’s better to starve a thousand times than to teach this bastard iambs and choreas ... "Bunin explains his dislike for the new literary elite by the fact that he sees its purpose in glorifying robbery , robbery and violence.

We have come to another important problem raised by Bunin in Cursed Days, the place of the writer in the literature of the 1920s.

HOW DOES BUNIN EVALUATE CONTEMPORARY LITERATORS?

During the period of revolutionary transformations, the writer notices the breaking of the former literary canons, a metamorphosis in the writing talents themselves: "In Russian literature now there are only "geniuses". An amazing harvest! The genius Brasov, the genius Gorky, the genius Igor Severyanin, Blok, Bely ... so easily and quickly you can leap into genius... and everyone strives to push forward with his shoulder, to stun, to draw attention to himself" [p. 76].

Bunin recalls the saying of A. K. Tolstoy: "When I remember the beauty of our history before the damned Mongols, I want to throw myself on the ground and roll from despair" and bitterly remarks: "In Russian literature yesterday there were Pushkins, Tolstoys, and now almost only "damned Mongols" [p. 77].

Writers of the older generation did not accept the "depths of thought" of Gorky and Andreev. Tolstoy believed that they were sinning with complete nonsense (“what is in their heads, all those Bryusovs, Belys”). "Now success in literature is achieved only by stupidity and impudence" [p. 90]. The Russian intellectual A.P. Chekhov confessed to Bunin that after two pages of reading Andreev he felt the need to walk in the fresh air for two hours.

Bunin laments that literature is judged by ignorant people, the reviews of the masters of the word "do not put a penny", and how many times the writer dreams of a day of vengeance and a common, all-human curse on the present day: "What can you believe now, when such an inexpressibly terrible truth about man? [With. 91]

The most famous tradition of Russian literature to arouse good feelings with a lyre is trampled, poetry began to serve base feelings: "A new literary meanness, below which, it seems, there is nowhere to fall, opened in the Musical Snuffbox tavern - speculators, cheaters, public girls are sitting, bursting pies on a hundred ruble pieces, they drink hypocrisy from teapots, and poets and novelists (Alyoshka Tolstoy, Bryusov, etc.) read their own and other people's works to them, choosing the most obscene" [p. 32].

Contemporary Bunin literature amazes him with its deceit, pretentiousness, "exhausting" observation "and such an excessive" folk "language and the whole manner of telling that one wants to spit" [p. 33]. But no one wants to notice this, on the contrary, everyone admires.

Literature will help to glorify the "cursed days," Bunin suggests, and above all "that most harmful tribe on earth that is called poets, in which there are always ten thousand empty saints, degenerates and charlatans for one true saint" [p. 91].

Among them, Bunin ranks the hated singer of the revolution V. Mayakovsky, whom he more than once calls the Idiot Polifemovich (the one-eyed Polyphemus intended to devour Odysseus who had wandered into him - V.L.). Mayakovsky feels comfortable in the new conditions, possessing "boorish independence, straight-forward directness of judgment", in the clothes of "badly shaven individuals living in nasty rooms" (4). “Mayakovsky felt in his womb what the Russian feast of those days would soon turn into, it was not for nothing that Mayakovsky called himself a futurist, that is, a man of the future: the polyphemic future of Russia belonged to them, the Mayakovskys” [p. 83].

Bunin believes that the revolution broke the enthusiastic Gorky. "Honor to the madman who will inspire humanity with a golden dream." How Gorky loved to growl! And the whole dream is only to break the head of the manufacturer, turn out his pockets and become a bitch even worse than this manufacturer" [p. 50].

Bryusov in the revolution "everything is turning to the left, almost a uniformed Bolshevik: in 1904 he extolled the autocracy, in 1905 he wrote The Dagger, from the beginning of the war with the Germans he became a jingoistic patriot, it is not surprising that now he is a Bolshevik."

The writer is outraged by the phrase he read: "Bloc hears Russia and the revolution like the wind." From everywhere there are reports of Jewish pogroms, murders, robbery, and "this is called according to Blok "the people are embraced by the music of the revolution - listen, listen to the music of the revolution" [p. 127]. Instead of condemning what is happening, Bunin believes, "people are wiser and philosophize about Blok: indeed, his yarygs, who killed a street girl, are apostles ... " [p. 91]. "Oh, verbiage," he remarks on this occasion in another entry, at all" [p. 49].

The bastard Lunacharsky is in charge of the new literature and culture, under whose leadership even a holiday turns into a "buffoonery" with painted chariots in paper flowers, ribbons and flags. The revolution brought nonsense and bad taste to literature and culture.

WHAT DOES BUNIN SPECIFY IN THE PRESS?

Gorky "New Life": "With today even for the most naive simpleton, it becomes clear that ... about the most elementary honesty in relation to politics people's commissars do not have to speak. Before us is a company of adventurers who, for the sake of their own interests, are rampaging on the vacant throne of the Romanovs" [p. 7].

"Vlast Naroda", editorial: "The terrible hour has come - Russia is perishing..." [p. eight].

Next to these excerpts from newspapers, there is meditation on the words from the Bible: “There are wicked people among my people, ... setting traps and trapping people. And my people love this. Listen, earth: here I will bring destruction on this people, fruit their thoughts..." Amazing..." [p. 12].

Izvestia compares the Soviets with Kutuzov.

From the editors of Russkiye Vedomosti: "Trotsky is a German spy" [p. 29].

Kolchak is recognized by the Entente as the Supreme Ruler of Russia.

In "Izvestia" obscene article "Tell us, you bastard, how much have you been given?" [With. 142].

"Kommunist" writes "about the unprecedented, stampede flight of the Red Army from Denikin [p. 168].

Every day, unfolding the newspaper with "jumping hands", Bunin felt that he "simply perishes from this life, both physically and mentally" [p. 162]. Newspapers pushed him to Europe: "It is necessary to leave, I cannot bear this life - physically" [p. 36].

There were hopes that the Germans, Denikin, Kolchak would destroy the Bolsheviks, but they melted away, and then a passionate desire to leave for a foreign land appeared. In Russia, even native speech has become alien, "a completely new language has formed, entirely consisting of high-flown exclamations mixed with the most vulgar swearing at the dirty remnants of dying tyranny" [p. 45], "the Bolshevik jargon is completely unbearable" [p. 71].

"How many poets and prose writers make the Russian language sickening, taking precious folk tales, fairy tales, "golden words" and shamelessly passing them off as their own, defiling them with retelling in their own way and with their own additions, rummaging through regional dictionaries and compiling some kind of obscene in its arch-Russianism, a mixture that no one has ever spoken in Russia and which is even impossible to read!" [With. 123].

Bunin left his homeland with tears, "wept such terrible and profuse tears that he could not even imagine ... he wept with tears of fierce grief and some kind of painful delight, leaving Russia and all his former life behind him, stepping over the new Russian border, escaping from this overflowing sea of ​​terrible, unfortunate, who have lost all human form, violently, with a kind of hysterical passion, screaming savages, with whom all stations were flooded, where all platforms and paths from Moscow to Orsha itself were literally flooded with vomit and feces ... " [With. 169].

Bunin was a staunch anti-communist until the end of his days, this is a fact, not a reproach or accusation. "Cursed Days" conveys the intensity of hatred that burned in Russia during the days of the revolution. This is a book of curses, retribution and revenge, and in temperament, bile and rage surpasses much of what was written by "white journalism", because even in his frenzy Bunin remains a magnificent artist. He managed to convey in his diary his pain, his agony of exile. Boundless inner honesty, self-esteem, inability to compromise with one's conscience - all this contributed to the veracity of the image of reality: white terror is equal in strength and cruelty to red.

Strange as it may seem, Bunin was a deeply statesman. He passionately desired to see Russia strong, beautiful, independent, and the picture of life pricked his eyes, convinced him of the death of the country.

Bunin could not adapt to the new Russia, for him it was tantamount to abandoning himself. Hence the directness of judgments in Cursed Days, which also manifested itself in the subsequent years of his life ("Fadeev, perhaps, no less scoundrel than Zhdanov", 1946; "the Nazis have a complete absence of such" old-fashioned concepts "as honor, conscience , law and ethics, 1940; Hitler lies that he will establish a new Europe for thousands of years", 1941; "The Japanese, as it should be scoundrels, attacked without warning", 1941; "Only a crazy nerd can think that he will reign over Russia", 1942.

The last diary entry is dated May 2, 1953: "It is still amazing to the point of tetanus! After a very short time, I will not be - and the deeds and fate of everything, everything will be unknown to me."

In "Cursed Days" Bunin reveals to us a page in the history of Russia, eliminates the white spots of part of the literature and spirituality of the being.

Larisa Mikhailovna KORCHAGINA - teacher of literature at the gymnasium named after N.G. Basov at Voronezh State University.

Revolution Apocalypse

Lesson-seminar

Revolution is a convulsion, open space for all evil and bestial instincts.(M. Gorky)

Every revolution is a bloody pool in which immoral deeds are washed away.(R. Chateaubriand)

During the classes

Do the rock build like group work report(messages, reading by heart, comparison of the events of the French and Russian revolutions; background - video slides, fragments from feature films, music).

Teacher's word.“A terrible catastrophe happened to Russia...” - this is how N. Berdyaev wrote about the revolution in his work “The Spirits of the Russian Revolution”, believing that its cruel nature is determined by “old national diseases and sins”.

The works of recognized masters of Russian prose, which warned of the anti-human essence of the revolutionary change in the world, of the disastrous "price" of the consequences, entered into controversy with Marxist publications at the beginning of the century. The dispute was about the most important thing: about the fate of Russia and its peoples, about the human right to protection from social arbitrariness, about the “price” of freedom...

Student. Speaking about the results of October, the activities of the leaders of the revolution, the poet, feuilletonist, journalist Don-Aminado (Aminad Petrovich Shpolyansky), who realized the collapse of the dream of a democratic republic, wrote, longing for Russia, in exile (and his heart was breaking: “You were and will be again, // Only we won't...”) about the system of self-destruction created by the Bolsheviks. (Reading by heart.)

All is well in the distant homeland,
peacefully life is being built.
“Only one strip is not compressed,
She brings a sad thought.”

Party, said Bukharin angrily,
It's a rock, and a rock made of granite!
This he said, and formidable, and things,
The first such thing in the world!

Only ... Rakovsky's neck was twisted,
Only... Sosnovsky is sitting in Barnaul,
Only... Sapronov was sent with him,
Only... Smilga studies Narym,
Only... Like wet brooms in a bath,
Trotsky and Radek rot in Turkestan,
In a word, granite, monolith, virgin soil!
“Only one strip is not compressed.”

I group. D.S. Merezhkovsky. "Coming Ham"

“Passionate idea hunter”, D.S. Merezhkovsky, accused by the variegated press of pride, leftism, reactionary and verbal foolishness, had the ability not to succumb to “literary arts”, to maintain independence of judgment. The publicist treated the revolution without the usual reverence for liberal circles: it is a “malignant tumor” that appeared as a result of the moral decay of society. Any revolution, according to Merezhkovsky, is generated by the disease of obsolete forms of social order and can pave the way for the terrible coming Ham, a self-satisfied slave. In an article published in 1906, the writer claims that the victory of political ignorance, vulgarity and cynicism is facilitated by the autocracy's monopoly on power, the church's monopoly on faith, and the black hundred on the patriotic feelings of the Russian people. So it was until 1917, when, after the massacres of clergy, the publicist called “blasphemy raised to the rank of state policy by a terrible offspring of Bolshevism”. Having learned about the devastation of the relics of ancient Russian saints, Merezhkovsky will make a “diagnosis”, predicted by Zinaida Gippius:

And soon in the old barn
You will be driven with a stick
The people who do not respect the shrines...

Quote Plan articles “The Coming Ham” as a result of group work are offered to all students (copies). Reading and reflection.

1. The life of the Russian intelligentsia is a continuous trouble, a continuous tragedy.

2. The Russian intelligentsia has a double oppression: from above - the autocratic system and from below - the oppression of the dark folk elements. Between these oppressions, the Russian public is milled like the pure wheat of the Lord.

3. So far, nevertheless, the fate of the Russian intellectual - to be crushed, crushed - is a tragic fate.

4. Who created... new Russia? Peter. He imprinted, minted, like coins on bronze, the face on the blood of the flesh of the Russian intelligentsia ...

5. “A Russian man is terribly free in spirit”- says Dostoevsky, pointing to Peter. We are very difficult to move; but since we have moved, we reach in everything: in good and evil, truth and lies, madness and wisdom - to the extreme. “All of us, Russians, love to wander along the edges and abysses”, - our first Slavophile Krizhanich complained back in the 17th century.

6. The "godlessness" of the Russian intelligentsia: they are not yet with Christ, but Christ is already with them.

7. The heart of the Russian intelligentsia is not in the mind, but in the heart and conscience. The heart and conscience are free, the mind is bound.

8. Dear Russian boys! Fear slavery and the worst of slavery ... - rudeness, for the reigning slave is Ham.

9. Ham has three faces in Russia:

The face of autocracy;

The face of Orthodoxy;

The third person, the future, is the face of rudeness coming from below - hooliganism, trampling, black hundred.

10. And above all, a religious public consciousness must awaken where there is a conscious public... “The boor of the future will be conquered only by the Coming Christ”.

II group. I.A. Bunin. "Cursed Days"

I.A. Bunin personified that part of the Russian intelligentsia that sympathized with the common people, condemning the monarchy, but when they saw “Russia with an ax” (or rather, with a rifle and a Mauser), they faced violence and vandalism “pioneers of a brighter future”, became an implacable enemy of the new government, called Bunin “illegal heirs to the throne, ready to sit firmly on the neck of the people”.

"Cursed Days" - diary entries made by the Master of the Word in 1918-1919. it “accumulation of anger, rage and rage” caused in Bunin by the policy of "war communism" and the red terror. “Is the passion only of the revolutionary people important?”- the writer asks with anger on behalf of the intelligentsia of Russia. - But we're not human, are we? No, not people! (see V. Mayakovsky: “You will find a White Guard - and against the wall”).

The world is rigidly divided: white- officers, "Unfinished Bourgeois"(women, elderly, children) and red- revolutionary “liberated people”.

Before Bunin's eyes, the Christian commandments were crumbling: “Thou shalt not kill,” “Thou shalt not steal,” “Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor”... “Now everything is possible!”- the writer exclaims with horror. Like thousands of representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, he feels permanent, “vacant” victim of the "Hydra of Revolution".

Moreover, Bunin prophetically foresaw in the depths of the Civil War the embryos of a system of mass repressions that would turn the Land of Soviets into a single Gulag. The writer believed that Judgment Day would come. It seems that not only Bunin, but also all the tortured "sufferers of the Russian land" are close to the feelings of the lines from the poem by Igor-Severyanin:

And the chosen ones will ask - Russian people -
All the accused Russian people,
Why did they kill in lynching
Color bright culture his fatherland.

Why Orthodox God has been forgotten,
Why did you go to your brother cutting and cutting...
And they will say: “We were deceived,
We believed in what can't believe...”

Cursed - wicked, criminal, damned, outcast, alienated.

1. To curse - to live criminally, unworthily and ungodly.

2. Accursed - unfortunate, miserable, spiritually dead, sinner.

The purpose of the writer. Point out the terrible disease of consciousness, detachment from reality, immersion in utopia, when “violence and destruction today are considered a stepping stone to a beautiful tomorrow”. In terms of genre and essence, this is “a reportage from the core of the Russian rebellion, a cry of pain from a man whose past is forcibly taken away and destroyed in the name of an unknown future, this is the anatomy of a revolution”, as V.M. Akatkin.

Quotation plan of journalistic notes by I.A. Bunin "Cursed Days" (copies of the students on the tables). Reading and reflection.

1. Ham has long been in Russian society. The sailor killed the sister of mercy - "out of boredom."

2. Fast fall people!

3. Manifestation, banners, posters, in hundreds of throats... Deep, primitive voices. Faces... criminal, directly Sakhalin.

4. Kaledin's grave was dug up, six hundred sisters of mercy were shot... This is not the first time our Christ-loving peasant has been beaten and raped.

5. Without exception, everyone has a fierce aversion to any kind of work.

6. Soldiers and workers on trucks muzzles triumphant. Companies of Red Guards. They go randomly, stumbling, they go to war and take the girls with them ...

7. Odessa, 1919 Dead, empty, filthy port ... Our children, grandchildren will not even be able to imagine that Russia- all the power, wealth, happiness.

8. Yes, and the Satan of Cain's malice, bloodthirstiness and wild arbitrariness breathed on Russia precisely in those days when they were proclaimed brotherhood, equality and freedom. I was almost killed by a soldier on Arbat Square in 1917 for "freedom of speech."

9. One of the distinguishing features of the revolution is a mad thirst for play, acting, posture, farce. "A monkey wakes up in a man."

Students analyze events French revolution, offering an analogy to what is happening in Russia.

Conclusions (according to Bunin):“...Committees, unions, parties are growing like mushrooms, and everyone ate each other; formed completely new language, consisting of the most pompous exclamations interspersed with the most common abuse at the dirty remnants of dying tyranny. (As it was during the French Revolution.)

10. “A tramp stands against the windows - a “red policeman”, and the whole street trembles him. The "golden dream" is to break the head of the manufacturer, turn out his pockets and become a bitch even worse than this manufacturer.

11. The truck is a terrible symbol: the revolution associated with this roaring and stinking animal, overflowing with hysterics, obscene soldiers and selected convicts.

12. The people themselves said to themselves: “of us, like from a tree, is both a club and an icon”, - depending on the circumstances, who processes this tree: Sergius of Radonezh or Emelka Pugachev.

13. In the evenings, terribly mystical. And along the strangely empty streets in cars, on scorchers, very often with dressed up girls, rushes to clubs and theaters red aristocracy: sailors, pickpockets, criminal villains, shaved dandies in jackets, all with gold teeth and big cocaine eyes. The conqueror staggers, spits seeds, “covers obscenities”.

14. To the people, to the revolution, everything is forgiven. And the whites, from whom everything is taken away, desecrated, raped and killed, have a homeland, native cradles, graves, mothers, fathers, sisters, - "excesses" should not be.

15. Robberies, Jewish pogroms, executions, wild anger are everywhere - "the people are embraced by the music of the revolution."

16. Dybenko... Chekhov once told me:

Here is a wonderful surname for a sailor: Koshkodavenko.

Dybenko is worth Koshkodavenko.

17. It was then Easter in the world, but gaped in the world a vast grave. Death was in this spring...

18. You catch yourself on a secret dream that someday there will come a day of vengeance and a common, all-human curse on these days.

19. And this huge poster on the emergency room? Steps are drawn, on the top - a throne, from the throne - streams of blood ...

20. In the Red Army, the main thing is promiscuity. A cigarette is in his teeth, his eyes are cloudy, insolent, a cap on the back of his head. Dressed in team rags. On the belt is a browning, on one side is a German cleaver, on the other - a dagger.

(Reminiscence: the student reads a fragment from A. Blok's poem "The Twelve".)

In the teeth - a cigarette, a cap is crushed.

On the back you need an ace of diamonds.

21. Terrible morning! The “day of the peaceful uprising” - the robbery - has already begun. The entire "bourgeoisie" is taken into account.

(Reminiscence: S.M. Solovyov. Time of Troubles. History of Russia from ancient times: “The spirit of materiality, unthinking will, rude self-interest breathed death into Russia ... The hands of the good were taken away, the evil ones were untied for all evil ... Crowds of outcasts , the scum of society were drawn to the devastation of their own home under the banner of leaders of different tribes, impostors, false kings, atamans from degenerates, criminals, ambitious people ...)

22. “The holiest of titles” - a title "human"- shamed like never before!

23. Next to me, a man from near Odessa complained that the bread was good, but they sowed little, - “ were afraid of the Bolsheviks: they will come, you bastard, they will take it!”

24. I read Le Nôtre. Saint-Just, Robespierre, Lenin, Trotsky, Dzerzhinsky... Who is more bloodthirsty, meaner, meaner?

25. In the hall of the Proletkult, a grandiose abitur-ball. After the performance prizes: for a small leg, for the most beautiful eyes, lips and legs to kiss in a closed kiosk... under the pranks of electricity.

26. Libraries "nationalized": books are issued on special "mandates". And here come the bindyuzhniks, the Red Army soldiers, and they take away anything they can ... sell it on the road.

27. They say that Petersburg sailors were sent to Odessa, merciless beasts.

28. The peasants, who in the autumn of 1717 destroyed a landowner's estate near Yelets, plucked feathers from living peacocks and let them, bloodied, fly, rush about with piercing cries ... They say that a revolution cannot be approached with a criminal measure. With what yardstick, other than criminal, can old people, children, priests, officers, whose skulls are crushed by the victorious demos?

The sailors, rabid from self-will, drunkenness and cocaine, shot a woman with a child. She begged for mercy for the child, but the sailors “they gave him an olive”- shot.

29. Poems in Izvestia (fence literature):

Comrade, the ring has already closed!
Who is faithful to us, take up arms!
Brother, the whole house is on fire,
Drop the dinner pot!
To hell, comrades!

30. I staggered out of the house, where, throwing the doors backhand, they had already broken in three times, in search of enemies and weapons, gangs "fighters for a brighter future", completely crazy from victory, moonshine and arch-scottish hatred ...

31. Moscow, pathetic, dirty, dishonored, shot, took on a casual look ...

III group. V.Ya. Bryusov. The image of the revolution in the poems "We are a test", "The Third Autumn", "Parks in Moscow", "Mutiny"

Early 20th century "stone, iron"(A. Akhmatova), "bloody"(V. Mayakovsky), "Centuries of Inhumans"(M. Tsvetaeva), “Century wolfhound”(O. Mandelstam), shakes Russia with the defeat of the first Russian revolution, the Russo-Japanese War; followed by February, the October Revolution, the Civil War ... Although V. Bryusov seems to have easily entered the new Soviet life (in 1919 he joined the Communist Party), sincerely considering himself participating in the process of personal rebirth from Russian person in Soviet, in the anniversary year of 1923, summing up his work, exclaimed bitterly: “My trace is poor!” The poet hoped "exodus ahead".

Bryusov's revolution is ready "sing", accepting its destructive power as beneficence in opposition "chatter" and justifying:

Everything will perish without a trace, perhaps
What was known to us alone,
But you, who will destroy me,
I greet you with a welcoming hymn.
("The Coming Huns")

Condensation, concentration of greatness and indescribable difficulties, a call for a feat in the name of the revolution are heard in the poem "We have a test"(tests "everyone" living per hour "storms").

They baptize us with a fiery font,
We test - hunger, cold, darkness,
Life around whistles like an ice blizzard,
Day after day it tightens the throat like a braid.

The symbolic image of the world engulfed by the “whirlwind of revolution” is built on the antithesis "fire" and "ice blizzard", which enhances the gradation of horror and hopelessness. But ... there are no indulgences for anyone! If someone is tired (a real Bolshevik is metal: “Nails should be made from these people ...”), that enemy, and there will be no mercy for him.

The enemy who says: “I would like to rest!”
A liar who, trembling, sighs: “No strength!”

Who is weak, in the work of a formidable perish!
Drown your love into dust, into blood!

Not "human" in man - this is the main call of that time, and therefore Bryusov, who accepted the revolution, calls, encourages, commands.

Become like granite, pour flame into the veins,
Push the steel of the springs like a heart into your chest!

Imperative verbs sound like an alarm bell calling "Rus to the ax"; combination granite, flame and become creates a fantasy monster man, transformer; metaphor "spring steel" means the absence of blood and a living, warm heart: the man of the future is born today. In other words, become an insensitive machine mankurt ready to kill even his own mother.

Researchers of Bryusov's work believe that the poet calls for "death of the senses" also because at this terrible time sensitive, humane human won't survive.

Strict choice: build, destroy- il fall down!
We need warrior, helmsman, guardian!

Must not be “thirst neg”, because “Whoever slumbers, hesitates, that - not ours”!

The choice is really antithetical: either creation (“system”), or death, death to a rotten world (“razi”). The biblical “Whoever is not with me is against me” is interpreted to the point of terrifying cruelty.

Other professions “in a time of turmoil and depravity” not needed, just kill, lead, guard! God's commandments are forgotten, mass robbery is legalized... The words of N.M. Karamzin: “The people are sharp iron, which is dangerous to play with, and the revolution is an open coffin for “virtue and villainy itself”.” This means that there will be neither winners nor losers, and that's it. "in the name of struggle".

Poem "Third Autumn" written in October 1920. “Significant, majestic, luminous” The revolution took place three autumns ago, and the country is still dominated by hunger, grief, need, which have changed Russia beyond recognition.

In cities, without lanterns, without fences,
Where is dancing Need in houses,
Spin in the blackness of the desert
Once noisy, in the lights...

The noisy, lively world of the city disappeared, becoming a “black desert”, where “dances Need” (the word is capitalized - this emphasizes its hyperbolicity, inclusiveness and terrible pressure on people). And why is joy not visible in a country engulfed "music of the revolution"?

...people crowd
Cursing, writhing, moaning,
Trembling on sacks of cereal...

The gradation of the second line illustrates the apogee of human, universal grief.

The poem speaks of the Civil War sharply, with hatred: in Bryusov it is cruel and senseless.

And there, on the bent fronts,
Where the crowds came to slaughter...

(Reminiscence. In the novel by L.N. Tolstoy, Prince Andrei, looking at the bathing soldiers, heavily, with suffering, calls them "cannon fodder": crowd sent "to kill". But if Tolstoy has these soldiers embraced “hidden warmth of patriotism”, then Bryusov's war is raised "drunken shooting", random and evil.)

The lines of the poem show the poet's inner disagreement with the revolution: it unleashed a war, exposing hunger, need, and erased the human personality (“we sing new hymns”, “over our beggarly feast”); revolution, finally, is dangerous and untimely.

Hurrying over a troubled world
Golden dawn of time.

"Parks in Moscow". Parks are three goddesses of vengeance, one of whom, according to legend, cuts the thread of human life with scissors. Bryusov's parks appeared in Moscow “on the day of the baptism in October”, the day of the revolutionary upheaval, the day when Russia changed the tsar and God to a new, Bolshevik, faith.

And when in Moscow tragic
volleys pleased hearing,
Were creepy in her - classical
Silhouettes of three old women.

“Classic”- this is not beauty and harmony, these are disgusting old women with scissors in "decrepit, crouched hands." The antithesis shows the unnaturalness of the revolution, which legitimized hatred, malice and a bloodthirsty desire to exterminate their own kind. old women "cut" wading to the thread of life all the people getting dressed

That folk cakes,
That peasants in bast shoes ...

It is interesting that the parks do not belong to merchants, or to the nobles, or to the clergy - they "cake girls" and "peasant women", ordinary people, the same people who "cut" everyone else in these October days: violence and death came from the people. That's why N.M. Karamzin calls the people "sharp iron who are dangerous to play with.”

Poem "Rebellion", dedicated to the French poet and friend Emile Verharne, was written in 1920, three years after the revolution. In it, Bryusov gives an assessment of hunger, devastation, poverty and the Civil War.

Dressed in red and black
Giant,
From earth to clouds
Rising stubbornly,
Lord...

According to Bryusov, revolutions are inherent only red(pain, suffering, blood, violence) and the black(darkness, abyss, symbol of chaos and death) colors. A revolution great in its scope giant and sovereign who rises stubbornly up to the clouds, wishes to be a new god. The future is unknown and dangerous, as the revolution - rebellion destroying centuries-old history and bringing joy "roar of the crowd" located in "bloody fog".

Culture, traditions, moral values ​​are destroyed.

Let books are on fire on fires smoky-gray,
Let ancient marbles in togas and robes
Broken apart...

But most importantly, people are dying "in the name of freedom", while at this time:

Under the cries of victory -
Creeps inaudibly robbery,
Senseless and wild, -
Violence, shamelessness, lies!

Bryusov understands that only destruction is not enough, it is necessary build, but this is no longer within three years ! Everywhere reigns boundless rebellion, unable to raise “new life light”.

over the fires,
Above the ruins
Above saddened people,
Above beauty doomed to decay, -
In fire and smoke...

The poet was initially inspired and attracted by the revolution (and the poem ends with a major appeal: “Destruction - Hello!”). However, this destruction every year became more and more persistent and merciless, destroying the whole world once beautiful, rich and great country. Revolutionary giant no longer attracts, but frightens, and Bryusov ceases to trust him.

Summing up the lesson, you can reflect on the poems of other poets (for example, M. Voloshin "Russian Revolution", "Terror", "Massacre", "Descendants (During Terror)").

Homework. Essay "Revolution is...".

It is always worth writing about the current situation in order to leave to posterity a point of view on the events taking place on behalf of an eyewitness. Just think, Ivan Bunin scrupulously wrote down his thoughts in a diary, some of which he later published, and the other he lost, securely hidden and never found, hastily leaving Odessa and leaving Russia forever. His opinion was and will remain the personal understanding of the time. Years passed, borders changed, other countries appeared on the map, and the past remained in the past, but on the pages of eyewitnesses, whose pain is more tangible than information from history textbooks and the fruits of fiction in the reconstruction of lost passions.

The tsar renounced the Empire, the Bolsheviks took power: a whirlwind of events began. You can’t do the right thing in any case, because you don’t know how to do it so that it turns out to be right. Step over yourself and agree to the new rules of the game? Accept a change in the calendar style, the basics of spelling - is it really possible? Wait for the German liberators or hope for the successful advance of the White troops, with varying success overcoming the Reds, immediately losing their captured positions? Or can we seriously count on a radical change in the minds of people who are ready not today or tomorrow to blow up the Kremlin, giving birth to something ugly and incomprehensible?

Cursed and anxious days hung over Russia. Bunin is sick of the soul, not finding a place for himself. His conclusions from each moment are a combination of feelings and emotions: a splash of agitated foam. By virtue of his nature, Bunin speaks caustically about reality, not having hopes for a brighter future, but not driving himself into a black blues. He is in limbo, ready to leave the country at any moment, having first moved from Moscow to Odessa. He became like a word of mouth, putting on the pages of any rumors that serve as even a small opportunity to calm his tossings. The Bolsheviks surrender power, Russia is again on the verge of change, Lenin was bribed by the Germans? Fermentation in society responds to Bunin's fermentation of thoughts.

Bunin was born in such a century. Quiet time does not exist - a person is constantly accompanied by social upheavals: in the center of the storm there is always calm. Bunin regrets; only would he be calmer if he lived fifty or a hundred years earlier? As if the situation could have looked different back then. If he had not been Bunin, he would have been Turgenev and tried on the mask of an epistolary fighter, or even Radishchev, suffering for the desire to show his time with maximum authenticity. You can blame your age, calling it cursed and appealing to the lost hopes for a peaceful stay on given light. Not at all, the crack from the internal rupture passes through all layers, affecting the organs and most of all affecting the mental state.

The energy of the Bolsheviks did not slow down, while the charge of people of the old formation, speeding up, came to naught. Bunin lost his homeland forever, having done nothing to preserve it. He reflects what is happening, realizes and is sad. Failure is followed by collapse. And when people are shot on the spot in the streets, when a severe hunger is piling up, then Bunin takes his own outcome as a necessity. He is more and more overcome by longing and pain - the lost really cannot be returned.

Later in Bunin's work, similar moments will arise more than once, where characters will live a leisurely life, understanding the inevitability of change, eventually resigning themselves to the inevitable and continuing to go with the flow. This is Bunin's point of view. He also understood and realized everything long before the revolution took place. And once accomplished, the revolution began to gain momentum. Bunin did not want to be updated, having neither the strength nor the desire for this. He cynically reflected a pessimistic attitude in his diary: and now his thoughts are available to posterity.

Additional tags: Bunin Cursed Days criticism, Bunin Cursed Days analysis, Bunin Cursed Days reviews, Bunin Cursed Days review, Bunin Cursed Days book, Ivan Bunin, Cursed Days, Jours maudits

“Cursed Days” () Analysis of the work of Ivan Alekseevich Bunin Panasyuk Olga Mikhailovna, teacher of the highest qualification category of the MOU “Secondary School 3 of Kozmodemyansk RME

"Cursed Days" is a book by the Russian writer Ivan Alekseevich Bunin, containing diary entries that he kept in Moscow and Odessa from 1918 to 1920. Ivan Alekseevich Bunin Moscow Odessa Publication history Fragments were first published in Paris in the Russian émigré newspaper Vozrozhdeniye in 1997. In its entirety, the book was published in 1936 by the Berlin publishing house Petropolis as part of the Collected Works. Revival In the USSR, the book was banned and was not published until Perestroika. Perestroika

“Our children, grandchildren will not even be able to imagine the Russia in which we once (that is, yesterday) lived, which we did not appreciate, did not understand, all this power, wealth, happiness ...” “Our children , grandchildren will not even be able to imagine the Russia in which we once (that is, yesterday) lived, which we did not appreciate, did not understand, all this power, wealth, happiness ... "

According to Chekhov, Bunin's works in terms of semantic "density" resemble "condensed broth". This is especially felt in the diary entries of the years, which were entitled "Cursed Days" and published in 1935. A book about the revolution and the Civil War, a monologue, passionate and extremely sincere, written by a man who considered the revolution a curse native land. She was perceived by Bunin as an "orgy" of cruelty, like a rebellion by Stenka Razin, who was a "born destroyer" and "could not think about the social." The Civil War that began after it became a new tragedy of the people, this is one of the main thoughts of the book.

The basis of the work is Bunin's documentation and comprehension of the revolutionary events unfolding in Moscow in 1918 and in Odessa in 1919, which he witnessed. Perceiving the revolution as a national catastrophe, Bunin was very upset by the events taking place in Russia, which explains the gloomy, depressed intonation of the work. Galina Kuznetsova, who was in close relations with Bunin, wrote in her diary: Galina Kuznetsova

At dusk Ivan Alekseevich came to me and gave me his Cursed Days. How heavy is this diary!! No matter how right he is, this accumulation of anger, rage, rage at times is hard. Briefly said something about this angry! It's my fault, of course. He suffered this, he was at a certain age when he wrote this ... Galina Kuznetsova. "Grasse Diary"

On the pages of Cursed Days, Bunin temperamentally, angrily expresses his extreme rejection of the Bolsheviks and their leaders. "Lenin, Trotsky, Dzerzhinsky ... Who is meaner, more bloodthirsty, uglier?" he asks rhetorically. However, "Cursed Days" cannot be considered solely from the point of view of content, problems, only as a work of a journalistic nature. Bunin's work combines both the features of documentary genres and a pronounced artistic beginning.

What worried Bunin the most? What is his pain? "The Russian man is disgraced." And even more bitterly: "the man is disgusted." “The gigantic social catastrophe that befell Russia found direct and open expression here and at the same time reflected on everything the art world Bunin, sharply changing his accents "O.N. Mikhailov

A review of the work of Ivan Alekseevich Bunin "Cursed Days" is a summary of the main events that he writes about in his diary in 1918. This book was first published in 1926. Bunin in the years recorded his impressions and observations regarding the events taking place at that time in our country in the form of diary notes.

Moscow notes So, on January 1, 1918 in Moscow, he wrote that this "cursed year" was over, but perhaps something "even more terrible" was coming. On February 5 of the same year, he notes that they introduced new style so it should be the 18th. On February 6, an article was written that the newspapers were talking about the German offensive, the monks were breaking ice on Petrovka, and the passers-by were gloating and triumphant. Next, we omit the dates and describe Bunin's main notes in the work "Cursed Days", a summary of which is considered by us. -

Story in a tram car A young officer entered the tram car and said, blushing, that he could not pay for the ticket. It was the critic Derman who had fled from Simferopol. According to him, there is "indescribable horror": workers and soldiers walk "knee-deep in blood", roasted an old colonel alive in a locomotive firebox. -

Bunin writes that, as they say everywhere, the time has not yet come for an objective, impartial examination of the Russian revolution. But there will never be real impartiality. In addition, our "partiality" is very valuable for the future historian, notes Bunin ("Cursed Days"). Briefly, the main content of the main thoughts of Ivan Alekseevich will be described by us below. There are heaps of soldiers with big bags in the tram. They flee from Moscow, fearing that they will be sent to defend Petersburg from the Germans. Bunin met a boy soldier on Povarskaya, skinny, ragged and drunk. He poked him "in the chest with his muzzle" and spat on Ivan Alekseevich, telling him: "Despot, you son of a bitch!" Someone pasted up posters on the walls of houses, incriminating Lenin and Trotsky in connection with the Germans, that they were bribed.

Conversation with floor polishers In a conversation with floor polishers, he asks them a question about what will happen next according to these people. They answer that they released the criminals from the prisons they manage, they shouldn't have done this, but instead they should have been shot long ago. There was no such thing under the king. And now you can't drive the Bolsheviks away. The people have weakened ... There will be only about a hundred thousand Bolsheviks, and ordinary people- millions, but they can't do anything. They would have given the floor polishers freedom, they would have taken everyone from the apartments to shreds.

Bunin records a conversation overheard by accident on the phone. In it, a man asks what to do: he has adjutant Kaledin and 15 officers. The answer is: "Immediately shoot." Again a manifestation, music, posters, banners - and everyone is calling: "Rise up, working people!" Bunin notes that their voices are primitive, uterine. Women have Mordovian and Chuvash faces, men have criminal faces, some of them are directly Sakhalin. Further, it is said that the Romans put brands on the faces of convicts. And there is no need to put anything on these faces, since everything is visible even without them.

Lenin's article We read Lenin's article. Fraudulent and insignificant: either a "Russian national upsurge", or an internationalist. The following is a description of the "Congress of Soviets", a speech delivered by Lenin. Read about corpses standing at the bottom of the sea. These are drowned, killed officers. And then there is the Musical Snuffbox. The entire Lubyanka Square glistens in the sun. Liquid mud squirts from under the wheels. Boys, soldiers, bargaining with halvah, gingerbread, cigarettes... Triumphant "muzzles" of the workers. The soldier in P.'s kitchen says that socialism is impossible now, but all the same, the bourgeoisie must be slaughtered.

1919 Odessa. A summary of the following further events and thoughts of the author. April 12th. Bunin notes that almost three weeks have passed since the day of our death. empty port, dead city. Just today I received a letter dated August 10 from Moscow. However, the author notes, Russian mail has long ended, back in the summer of 17, when the Minister of Telegraphs and Posts appeared in a European way. A "Minister of Labor" appeared - and all of Russia immediately stopped working. Satan of bloodlust, Cain's malice breathed upon the country in those days when freedom, equality and brotherhood were proclaimed. Insanity ensued immediately. Everyone threatened to arrest each other for any contradiction.

Bunin recalls the indignation with which his supposedly "black" depictions of the Russian people were greeted at that time by those who were drunk on, nourished by this literature, which for a hundred years dishonored all classes, except for the "people" and tramps. All houses are now dark, the whole city is in darkness, except for the robbers' dens, where balalaikas are heard, chandeliers are blazing, walls with black banners are visible, on which are depicted white skulls and the inscription "Death to the bourgeois!". Ivan Alekseevich writes that there are two types of people among the people. In one of them, Russia prevails, and in the other, in his words, Chud. But in both there is a changeability of appearances, moods, "shakyness". The people said to themselves that from it, like from a tree, "both a club and an icon." It all depends on who is processing, on the circumstances. Emelka Pugachev or Sergius of Radonezh.

Extinct city Bunin I.A. "Cursed Days" adds as follows. In Odessa, 26 Black Hundreds were shot. Creepy. The city sits at home, few people go out into the street. Everyone feels like conquered special people, more terrible than the Pechenegs seemed to our ancestors. And the winner trades from stalls, staggers, spits seeds. Bunin notes that as soon as the city becomes "red", the crowd filling the streets immediately changes dramatically. A selection of persons is being made on which there is no simplicity, ordinariness. They are all almost repulsive, frightening with their evil stupidity, a challenge to everyone and everything. On the Field of Mars, they performed a "comedy of the funeral" of supposedly heroes who fell for freedom. It was a mockery of the dead, because they were deprived of a Christian burial, buried in the city center, boarded up in red coffins.

"Warning" in the Newspapers Next, the author reads a "warning" in the newspapers that there will soon be no electricity due to fuel depletion. Everything was processed in one month: there were no railways, no factories, no clothes, no bread, no water. Late in the evening they came with the "commissar" of the house to measure the rooms "for the purpose of compaction by the proletariat." The author wonders why a tribunal, a commissioner, and not just a court. Because one can walk knee-deep in blood under the protection of the sacred words of the revolution. Dissoluteness is the main thing in the Red Army. The eyes are insolent, cloudy, in the teeth there is a cigarette, a cap on the back of the head, dressed in rags. In Odessa, another 15 people were shot, two trains with food were sent to the defenders of St. Petersburg, when the city itself "dies of hunger."

This concludes the work "Cursed Days", a summary of which we set out to present to you. In conclusion, the author writes that his Odessa notes break off at this point. He buried the next sheets in the ground, leaving the city, and then could not find them.

Results Ivan Alekseevich in his work expressed his attitude towards the revolution - sharply negative. In the strict sense, Bunin's "Cursed Days" is not even a diary, since the entries were restored from memory by the writer, artistically processed. He perceived the Bolshevik coup as a break in historical time. Bunin felt himself to be the last person capable of feeling the past of grandfathers and fathers. He wanted to push the fading, autumnal beauty of the past and the shapelessness, tragedy of the present time. Bunin's Cursed Days says that Pushkin bows his head low and mournfully, as if again noting: "My Russia is sad!" Not a soul around, only occasionally obscene women and soldiers.

Gehenna of the revolution was not only the triumph of tyranny and the defeat of democracy for the writer, but also an irreparable loss of the mode and structure of life itself, the victory of formlessness. In addition, the work is colored by the sadness of parting, which Bunin will face with his country. Looking at the orphaned port of Odessa, the author recalls leaving on a honeymoon trip and notes that descendants will not even be able to imagine the Russia in which their parents once lived. Behind the collapse of Russia, Bunin guesses the end of world harmony. Only in religion he sees the only consolation. By no means did the writer idealize his former life. Her vices were captured in "Dry Valley" and "Village". He also showed there the progressive degeneration of the nobility class.

But compared with the horrors of civil war and revolution, pre-revolutionary Russia, in Bunin's view, became almost a model of order and stability. He felt almost like a biblical prophet, who even in the "Village" announced the coming disasters and waited for their fulfillment, as well as an unbiased chronicler and eyewitness of another merciless and senseless Russian rebellion, in the words of Pushkin. Bunin saw that the horrors of the revolution were perceived by the people as retribution for oppression during the reign of the Romanov dynasty. And he also noted that the Bolsheviks could go for the extermination of half the population. Therefore, Bunin's diary is so gloomy.

Sources Read more on FB.ru: dni---kratkoe-soderjanie-analiz-proizvedeniya-bunina dni---kratkoe-soderjanie-analiz-proizvedeniya-bunina _dni_Bunina_I_A _dni_Bunina_I_A . DAMNED DAYS IN THE LIFE OF I. A. BUNIN / Abakan, 1995.