The opening of the constituent assembly took place. Decree on the dissolution of the constituent assembly adopted

The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly played its part in the beginning of the war and served as a good reason for intensifying popular unrest.

While the new government was being created, the PVRK, headed by little-known political figures, took a series of harsh measures that reflected the grassroots concept of “democracy”: seven newspapers were closed, radio and telegraph were controlled, and a project was developed to seize empty premises, private apartments and cars. Two days later, newspapers were closed by a decree that left the new authorities the right to suspend the activities of any publication that sows anxiety in the minds and publishes knowingly false information.

Against these harsh measures and the virtually total seizure of power by the Bolsheviks, discontent grew, including within the Bolshevik Party.

As soon as it became clear that the new regime expressed the will of the Bolshevik Party, and not the Soviets, some of the supporters of the uprising abruptly changed their position. The Internationalist Mensheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, united around the Novaya Zhizn newspaper published by Gorky and the anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Znamya Truda, supported by the Bund and the Polish Socialist Party, advocated the formation of a socialist revolutionary government, which would consist not only of the Bolsheviks. This trend received the support of numerous workers' trade unions, Soviets, factory committees.

Until October, the Bolsheviks constantly accused the Provisional Government of delaying the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. They couldn't not talk about it. It seems unlikely that Lenin decided in advance to dissolve the Constituent Assembly, although Sukhanov claims that even in Switzerland Lenin called the Constituent Assembly a liberal joke. Since October, Lenin has repeatedly returned to the idea put forward by Plekhanov back in 1903, the essence of which is that the success of the revolution is "the highest right, standing even above universal suffrage." Werth N. History of the Soviet state. 1900-1991. - M.: Process, 1992. - P.259 Any free elections to the Constituent Assembly would have turned into a victory for the Social Revolutionaries over the Bolsheviks, because the bulk of the voters were peasants. By encouraging expropriation, the Bolsheviks gained some confidence from some of the peasants, but not from the majority. Of the 41 million voters in December 1917, 16.5 million voted for the Socialist-Revolutionaries, a little less than 9 million for moderate socialist parties, 4.5 million for various national minorities, and less than 2 million for the Cadets, for the Bolsheviks - 9 million. Of the 707 delegates, 175 were Bolsheviks, 370 were Socialist-Revolutionaries, 40 were Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, 16 were Mensheviks, 17 were Cadets, and more than 80 were various others. In this situation, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks openly considered the question of dissolving the Constituent Assembly. Maria Spiridonova, the leader of the Left SRs, explained that the Soviets "have shown themselves to be the best organizations for resolving all social contradictions ...". ibid. - p.260 On behalf of the Petrograd Bolsheviks, Volodarsky announced the possibility of a third revolution if the majority of the Constituent Assembly opposes the will of the Bolsheviks.

By the opening of the Constituent Assembly on January 5, 1918, the Bolsheviks prepared a "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People", repeating the resolution of the Congress of Soviets on agrarian reform, workers' control and peace. One of the points of the declaration states that the tasks are limited to establishing the fundamental foundations for the socialist reorganization of society.

On January 6, the Red Guards, who were on duty at the doors of the meeting room, did not allow the delegates of the Constituent Assembly, which was declared dissolved, to enter there. This arbitrariness did not cause a special response in the country. Only a few Petrograd Social Revolutionaries tried to offer armed resistance, but it failed.

Troops loyal to the Bolsheviks opened fire on several hundred unarmed demonstrators protesting against the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, which angered the democrats, moderate socialists, and some Bolsheviks. The public remained indifferent. The experience of parliamentary democracy lasted several hours.

By dissolving the Constituent Assembly, the government limited the prerogatives of the supreme body of power - the Congress of Soviets, whose sessions became less and less frequent and were reduced to purely symbolic meetings.

The "power from below", the power of the Soviets, which gained strength from February to October, through various decentralized institutions created as a potential opposition to power, in the blink of an eye turned into a "power from above", appropriating all possible powers, using bureaucratic measures and resorting to violence. Power passed from the majority to the state, and in the state - to the Bolshevik Party, which monopolized the executive and legislative power. For some time, non-Bolsheviks were in the Soviets, deprived of their powers, but even before their activities were banned, their opinions were no longer listened to.

Constituent Assembly- a representative body in Russia, elected in November 1917 and convened in January 1918 to determine the state structure of Russia.

Encyclopedic YouTube

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✪ Why did the Bolsheviks disperse the Constituent Assembly?

✪ Lecture by A. Zubov "The All-Russian Constituent Assembly of 1917: preparation, elections and results"

✪ Intelligence: Yegor Yakovlev on the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly

✪ Intelligence: Boris Yulin on the dispersal of the constituent assembly

Subtitles

Elections

The convocation of the Constituent Assembly was one of the primary tasks of the Provisional Government (the very name came from the idea of ​​“undecided” power structure in Russia before the Constituent Assembly was held), but it hesitated to do so. After the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917, the question of the Constituent Assembly became paramount for all parties. The Bolsheviks, fearing the discontent of the people, since the idea of ​​convening the Constituent Assembly was very popular, hastened the elections scheduled by the Provisional Government for it. On October 27, 1917, the Council of People's Commissars adopted and published, signed by V. I. Lenin, a resolution on holding, on November 12, 1917, general elections to the Constituent Assembly on the appointed date.

On the whole, the inner-party discussion ended in Lenin's victory. On December 11, he achieved the re-election of the bureau of the Bolshevik faction in the Constituent Assembly, some of whose members spoke out against the dispersal. On December 12, 1917, Lenin drew up the Theses on the Constituent Assembly, in which he stated that “... Any attempt, direct or indirect, to consider the question of the Constituent Assembly from a formal legal side, within the framework of ordinary bourgeois democracy, without taking into account the class struggle and civil war, is a betrayal of the cause of the proletariat and a transition to the point of view of the bourgeoisie”, and the slogan "All power to the Constituent Assembly" was declared the slogan of "Kaledintsy". On December 22, Zinoviev declared that under this slogan "is hidden the slogan 'Down with the Soviets'."

On December 20, the Council of People's Commissars decided to open the work of the Assembly on January 5. On December 22, the decision of the Council of People's Commissars was approved by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In opposition to the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries were preparing to convene the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets in January 1918. On December 23 martial law was introduced in Petrograd.

Already on January 1, 1918, the first unsuccessful attempt on Lenin took place, in which Fritz Platten was wounded. A few years later, Prince I. D. Shakhovskoy, who was in exile, announced that he was the organizer of the assassination attempt and allocated half a million rubles for this purpose. Researcher Richard Pipes also points out that one of the former ministers of the Provisional Government, Cadet N.V. Nekrasov, was involved in this attempt, but he was “forgiven” and subsequently went over to the side of the Bolsheviks under the name “Golgofsky”.

In mid-January, the second attempt on Lenin's life failed: a soldier Spiridonov came to the reception to M. D. Bonch-Bruevich with a confession, declaring that he was participating in the conspiracy of the “Union of St. George Cavaliers” and was given the task of eliminating Lenin. On the night of January 22, the Cheka arrested the conspirators in house 14 on Zakharyevskaya Street, in the apartment of “citizen Salova”, but then they were all sent to the front at their personal request. At least two of the conspirators, Zinkevich and Nekrasov, subsequently joined the "White" armies.

Boris Petrov and I visited the regiment to report to its leaders that the armed demonstration was canceled and that they were asked to "come to the demonstration unarmed so that blood would not be shed."

The second half of the sentence aroused a storm of indignation in them ... “Why are you, comrades, really laughing at us? Or are you kidding?.. We are not small children, and if we went to fight the Bolsheviks, we would do it quite deliberately ... And blood ... blood, perhaps, would not have been shed if we had come out armed with a whole regiment.

We talked for a long time with the Semyonovites, and the more we talked, the clearer it became that our refusal to take armed action had erected between them and us a blank wall of mutual incomprehension.

“Intellectuals… They are wise, not knowing what they are. Now it is clear that there are no military people between them.

L. D. Trotsky subsequently sarcastically remarked the following about the Socialist-Revolutionary deputies:

But they carefully developed the ritual of the first meeting. They brought candles with them in case the Bolsheviks turned off the electricity, and a large number of sandwiches in case they were deprived of food. So democracy came to the battle with the dictatorship - fully armed with sandwiches and candles.

Dispersal of a demonstration in support of the assembly

According to Bonch-Bruevich, the instructions for dispersing the demonstrators read: “Return the unarmed back. Armed people showing hostile intentions should not be allowed close, persuaded to disperse and not prevent the guard from fulfilling the order given to him. In case of failure to comply with the order - disarm and arrest. Respond to armed resistance with a merciless armed rebuff. If any workers appear at the demonstration, convince them to the last extreme, as erring comrades going against their comrades and the people's power. ] . At the same time, Bolshevik agitators at the most important factories (Obukhov, Baltiysky, etc.) tried to enlist the support of the workers, but were unsuccessful. The workers remained neutral.

The number of dead was estimated with a range of 8 to 21 people. The official figure was 21 people (Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, January 6, 1918), hundreds were wounded. Among the dead were the Socialist-Revolutionaries E. S. Gorbachevskaya, G. I. Logvinov and A. Efimov. A few days later, the victims were buried at the Transfiguration Cemetery.

On January 5, a demonstration in support of the Constituent Assembly in Moscow was dispersed. According to official data (Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, 1918. January 11), the number of those killed was more than 50, and more than 200 were wounded. Skirmishes lasted all day, the building of the Dorogomilovsky Soviet was blown up, and the chief of staff of the Red Guards of the Dorogomilovsky district P. G. Tyapkin and several Red Guards were killed.

First and last meeting

The session of the Constituent Assembly opened on January 5 (18) at the Tauride Palace in Petrograd. It was attended by 410 deputies; the majority belonged to the centrist SRs, the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs had 155 mandates (38.5%). The meeting was opened on behalf of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee by its chairman Ya. Sverdlov, who expressed hope for "full recognition by the Constituent Assembly of all decrees and resolutions of the Council of People's Commissars" and proposed to accept the draft "Declaration  of the rights of the working people and exploited people" written by V. I. Lenin, 1st the clause of which declared Russia a "Republic of Soviets of workers, soldiers and peasant deputies". The declaration repeated the resolution of the Congress of Soviets on agrarian reform, workers' control and peace. However, the Assembly, by a majority of 237 votes to 146, refused even to discuss the Bolshevik Declaration.

Viktor Mikhailovich Chernov was elected chairman of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, for whom 244 votes were cast. The second contender was the leader of the Left SR party Maria Alexandrovna Spiridonova, supported by the Bolsheviks; 153 deputies cast their votes for it.

Following the Bolsheviks at four o'clock in the morning, the Left Socialist-Revolutionary faction left the Assembly, declaring through its representative Karelin that “The Constituent Assembly is by no means a reflection of the mood and will of the working masses ... We are leaving, we are leaving this Assembly ... We are going in order to bring our strength, our energy to Soviet institutions, to the Central Executive Committee.”

The remaining deputies, chaired by the Socialist-Revolutionary leader Viktor Chernov, continued their work and adopted the following documents:

Dispersal of the Constituent Assembly

Servants of bankers, capitalists and landowners, allies of Kaledin, Dutov, serfs of the American dollar, murderers from around the corner, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries demand in the institutional. gathering all the power for themselves and their masters - the enemies of the people.
In words, as if joining the people's demands: land, peace and control, in reality they are trying to whip the noose around the neck of socialist power and revolution.

But the workers, peasants and soldiers will not fall for the bait of the false words of the worst enemies of socialism, in the name of the socialist revolution and the socialist Soviet republic they will sweep away all its open and covert killers.

On January 18, the Council of People's Commissars adopts a decree prescribing that all references to the Constituent Assembly be removed from existing laws. On January 18 (31) January, the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets approved the decree on the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and decided to eliminate indications of its temporary nature from the legislation (“until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly”).

"The guard is tired"

"The guard is tired"- a historical phrase allegedly said by the sailor A.G. Zheleznyakov (Zheleznyak) (who was the head of the guard of the Tauride Palace, where the All-Russian Constituent Assembly met) at the closing of the meeting of the Constituent Assembly on January 6 (19), 1918 at 4 hours 20 minutes in the morning.

According to the Soviet biography of A. G. Zheleznyakov, the situation was as follows:

At 4:20 in the morning, Zheleznyakov ... with a firm step entered the huge, brightly lit hall of the palace, walked past the rows, and went up to the podium. He went up to Chernov, put his strong hand on his shoulder and said loudly:
- Please stop the meeting! The guard is tired and wants to sleep...
The Left Socialist-Revolutionary Fundaminsky, who was delivering his speech at that time with great pathos, froze in mid-sentence, fixing his frightened eyes on the armed sailor.
Coming to his senses after a moment of confusion that seized him at the words of Zheleznyakov, Chernov shouted:
- How dare you! Who gave you the right to do this?!
Zheleznyakov said calmly:
- Your chatter is not needed by the workers. I repeat: the guard is tired!
From the ranks of the Mensheviks someone shouted:
We don't need a guard!
The frightened Chernov began to hurriedly say something to the Secretary of the Constituent Assembly, Vishnyakov.
There was a noise in the hall. Voices rang out from the choirs:
- Correctly! Down with the bourgeois!
- Enough!

According to another documentary official biography of A. G. Zheleznyakov, the situation was similar, but less conflicting and more plausible (given that the Left Social Revolutionaries left the Assembly after the Bolsheviks, and there were practically no spectators left in the choirs):

At about five o'clock in the morning, of the Bolshevik deputies, only Dybenko and a few other people were in the palace. Zheleznyakov again turned to Dybenko:
- The sailors are tired, but there is no end in sight. What if we stop this chatter?
Dybenko thought and waved his hand:
- Finish it, and tomorrow we'll figure it out!
Zheleznyakov entered the hall through the left side entrance, slowly went up to the presidium, walked around the table behind him and touched Chernov on the shoulder. Loudly, to the whole hall, in a tone that did not allow for objections, he said:
- The guard is tired. Please stop the meeting and go home.
Chernov muttered something in confusion. The deputies began to make their way to the exit. No one even asked if there would be a next meeting.

Effects

Although the right-wing parties suffered a crushing defeat in the elections, since some of them were banned and campaigning for them was banned by the Bolsheviks, the defense of the Constituent Assembly became one of the slogans of the White movement.

The so-called Congress of members of the Constituent Assembly, located in Yekaterinburg since October 1918, tried to protest against the coup, as a result, an order was issued "to take measures for the immediate arrest of Chernov and other active members of the Constituent Assembly who were in Yekaterinburg." Deported from Ekaterinburg, either under guard or under escort of Czech soldiers, the deputies gathered in Ufa, where they tried to campaign against Kolchak. On November 30, 1918, he ordered that the former members of the Constituent Assembly be brought to court-martial "for attempting to raise an uprising and conduct destructive agitation among the troops." On December 2, a special detachment under the command of Colonel Kruglevsky, some of the members of the Congress of the Constituent Assembly (25 people) were arrested, taken to Omsk in freight cars and imprisoned. After an unsuccessful attempt at release on December 22, 1918, many of them were shot.

Attitude towards the Constituent Assembly at the beginning of the 21st century

In 2011, the leader of the Yabloko party, Grigory Yavlinsky, published an article “Lie and legitimacy”, in which he called the state power in Russia illegitimate, and the way to solve this problem was to convene the Constituent Assembly.

In 2015, activist Vladimir Shpitalev wrote a statement addressed to the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, Yuri Chaika, demanding to check the legality of the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly in 1918. In June of the same year, Shpitalev went to a solo picket on Red Square with a poster "Return the Constituent Assembly." He was arrested and taken to the police station. The trial was scheduled for September, but already in August, Shpitalev left Russia due to persecution by the Center for Combating Extremism for an Internet post in which he advocated the release of Oleg Sentsov and the transfer of Crimea to Ukraine. In 2016, Shpitalev received political asylum in the Czech Republic.

In the early morning of January 19, 1918, having dispersed the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks unleashed a civil war: the discussion ended, from that day political issues were resolved on the battlefield

All the political parties opposed to the autocracy, from the Cadets to the Bolsheviks, have long dreamed of a Constituent Assembly, a representative body popularly elected to determine the form of government, the political system, the political system, and so on.

No sooner had the emperor abdicated than the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (the prototype of the Provisional Government) announced the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly. And the Provisional Government itself, immediately after its formation, proclaimed the convocation of the Constituent Assembly as its top priority. As early as March 13, a decision was made to establish a Special Conference to prepare a law on elections to the Constituent Assembly. The appointment of the date of the elections is expected from day to day.

However, the rapidly gaining speed of the car suddenly began to abruptly slow down. A whole month was spent only on the formation of the composition of the Special Conference of 82 people, which began work only at the end of May. For three months the meeting worked out the Regulations on the elections to the Constituent Assembly.

It was the most democratic election law in the world: all persons over 20 years of age were allowed to vote, regardless of gender, nationality and their social status (for comparison: elections to councils were multi-stage, indirect, intelligentsia, entrepreneurs, clergy and non-socialist parties). It looked unusual - at that time, women in almost no country in the world had the right to vote (they received voting rights in Great Britain and Germany in 1918, in the USA in 1920, and in France in 1944). Many electoral systems retained property qualifications or other complex systems of limited representation.

Agitation for the constituent assembly in the Theater passage. Photo: RIA Novosti

The elections, originally scheduled for 17 September and the convening of the assembly for 30 September, were rescheduled for 12 and 28 November, respectively. What explains such a sharp decrease in the pace of preparations for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly? Apparently, having made sure that the monarchists do not pose a serious danger to the revolution, the Provisional Government is losing interest in the idea of ​​convening the Constituent Assembly as soon as possible. They are not afraid of the dangers "on the left".

This delay played into the hands of the Bolsheviks. In April-May their political influence was negligible. During the months provided by the Provisional Government, against the background of the collapse of political and economic life, they significantly strengthen their positions in factories and military units, win a majority in the Soviets. At the same time, they are prudently putting forward the popular slogan of the speedy convocation of the Constituent Assembly, they say, there will be no delays in our presence.

The Bolsheviks take power before the scheduled election date. Not without some hesitation, they decide to hold elections for the Constituent Assembly. Probably, not everyone remembers that the Bolshevik Council of People's Commissars was only a provisional government formed to rule the country, until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the Bolsheviks lull the vigilance of most of their opponents, they say, we will not be for long, only until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, to which we will immediately obey.

The elections are won by the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which received 40% of the votes. The Bolsheviks came second with 24% of the vote. The third place was taken by the Ukrainian Social Revolutionaries - 7.7%. Fourth were the Cadets. Although the total number of votes they received was low - only 4.7% - they performed very well in large cities. In Petrograd and Moscow, the Cadets took second place after the Bolsheviks. In a number of provincial towns, the party generally came first. However, these percentages simply drowned in the peasant sea: they received nothing in the countryside. The Mensheviks received only 2.6% of the vote.

The elections demonstrated the alignment of political forces in Russia. The Bolsheviks won in Petrograd, where their headquarters were located, in Moscow and several industrial central regions, where they had strong branches, in the Baltic Fleet and on several fronts.

The Social Revolutionaries won in all the peasant regions, especially the prosperous ones. But they were defeated in almost all cities. It is worth noting that the Socialist-Revolutionaries went to the polls as a single list, despite the fact that by that time a split had already taken shape in the party and it was divided into right and left - close to the Bolsheviks. Nevertheless, there were few Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, and the party retained the majority even without them.

Residents of Moscow near the building of the election commission to the Constituent Assembly of the Pyatnitsky Commissariat on election day in 1917. Photo: RIA Novosti

In the national regions, national parties showed good results: in Kazakhstan - Alash Orda, in Azerbaijan - Musavat, in Armenia - Dashnaktsutyun. It is curious that such people as Kerensky, Petlyura, General Kaledin and Ataman Dutov were elected to the Constituent Assembly.

After the defeat in the elections, the Bolsheviks began a decisive struggle against the Constituent Assembly. A few weeks before the start of the meeting, by a decree of the Council of People's Commissars, the Cadet Party was outlawed and was unable to take part in the work of the representative body. Lenin appears in Pravda with theses about the uselessness of the Constituent Assembly.

The day before the start of its work, the Bolsheviks hastily adopt the "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People", which proclaims the Russian Republic a Soviet one. Only a person authorized by the Council of People's Commissars had the right to open a meeting of the Constituent Assembly, i.e. Bolshevik.

In order to certainly finish off the Assembly, on the same day they adopt a decree “On the recognition as a counter-revolutionary action of all attempts to appropriate the functions of state power,” which reads:

“All power in the Russian Republic belongs to the Soviets and Soviet institutions. Therefore, any attempt on the part of anyone or any institution to appropriate certain functions of state power will be regarded as a counter-revolutionary act. Any such attempt will be suppressed by all means at the disposal of the Soviet government, up to and including the use of armed force.

The only thing left for the Constituent Assembly was to raise its own army. But this meant starting a civil war, which was exactly what the Bolsheviks wanted and the Socialist-Revolutionaries avoided with all their might. On January 3, the Central Committee of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party decides not to use force to defend the Constituent Assembly. SR leader V.M. Chernov sincerely believes that "the Bolsheviks will save before the All-Russian Constituent Assembly."

In the event of armed uprisings, the Bolsheviks brought to Petrograd the military units most loyal to them: Latvian riflemen and Baltic sailors led by Pavel Dybenko. In the area of ​​the Tauride Palace, any demonstrations were prohibited, the building was cordoned off by soldiers. However, the Constituent Assembly found many supporters who took to the streets. The Reds simply shot these demonstrations.

Finally, on January 18, 1918, the first and last session of the Constituent Assembly began. Least of all it looked like a parliament. The deputies reached their seats through numerous cordons of armed soldiers. The building was surrounded by Bolshevik detachments, who openly mocked the people's choices. In fact, they were hostages.

The Bolsheviks initially knew that the meeting would be dispersed. But the delegation was sent there: to be outrageous and mock. The meeting was opened by the representative of the Bolsheviks, chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Yakov Sverdlov. Viktor Chernov was elected Chairman of the Constituent Assembly, far ahead of his competitor, the Left SR Maria Spiridonova, supported by a coalition of Left SRs and Bolsheviks. Representatives of the Reds actually read out an ultimatum, suggesting that the deputies unconditionally recognize the power of the Soviets by adopting the "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People." This automatically meant the meaninglessness of the existence of the Constituent Assembly, since it was a recognition of the power of the Bolsheviks. The deputies refused to accept the ultimatum, after which the Reds defiantly left the "counter-revolutionary meeting." Further, the Constituent Assembly approved some decisions that had already been previously taken by the Bolshevik Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, in particular, on the nationalization of landowners' lands, which in meaning corresponded to the "Decree on Land" and an appeal to the participants in the First World War to begin immediate peace negotiations, which in sense partly corresponded to the Bolshevik "Decree on Peace".

Lenin instructed the guards to let the deputies sit until the end. And the next day no one is allowed into the building. But there was no strength to endure. Therefore, without waiting for the end of the meeting - it lasted until the early morning of the next day - the guards, led by anarchist Anatoly Zheleznyakov (known to everyone as "sailor Zheleznyak") dispersed the deputies. The building was cordoned off and no one was allowed in. On the same day, Pravda published a decree dissolving the meeting.

The Constituent Assembly ceased to exist by decision of the Council of People's Commissars of Russia. This decision was confirmed by the Third Unifying All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. By the decision of the same congress, all references to the Constituent Assembly were excluded from laws and regulations.

Demonstration in support of the "Constituent Assembly"

But the idea of ​​the meeting did not die. The civil war, in fact, was waged under the slogan of the Whites "all power to the Constituent Assembly" and the counter slogan of the Reds "all power to the Soviets." In the future, the transfer of power to the Constituent Assembly - as the last legitimate institution of power - became the main slogan of almost all white armies. And partially succeeded. After the uprising of the Czechoslovak legion in the territory of the Volga region liberated from the Bolsheviks, the government of KOMUCH (Committee of members of the Constituent Assembly) was proclaimed. KOMUCH became one of the first anti-Bolshevik governments in Russia. Indeed, it included several deputies of the assembly dispersed by the Bolsheviks. The People's Army of KOMUCH was also created, one of the units of which was commanded by Kappel.

Later, under the onslaught of the Reds, KOMUCH merged with the Provisional Siberian Government, creating a single government - the Directory. As a result of a military coup, it was dissolved, and power passed to its military and naval minister, Kolchak, supported by the military.

The Constituent Assembly turned out to be powerless due to unjustified delay in preparing for its convocation. It was important to convene it in the very first months after the February Revolution, while the collapse and chaos had not yet reached the stage when they were irreversible, and the Bolsheviks had not gained strength.

The history of the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly clearly indicates one important circumstance. Unlike, say, Germany, the supporters of totalitarianism in Russia did not win democratic elections. Communist = Soviet power established itself in Russia through violence. The Russian people have never chosen it voluntarily. As soon as, after 70 years of dominance, the communists risked holding real alternative elections, they were again defeated.

On January 19, 1918, the first and last meeting of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly ended. His story clearly demonstrated that liberalism in Russia is not easy to instill.

The documents

During the first and only day of the work of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, the delegates managed to adopt 3 documents.
Decree: The future of Russia is a federal democratic republic, "uniting peoples and regions in an inseparable alliance ..".
Land Law: All land was transferred to the disposal of the republican and municipal authorities. The alienation was to take place without any payments to the owners.
International Appeal: End the war and sign peace treaties.

falsifications

What elections are without fraud? All parties participated in a dishonest game. The most popular technology was the destruction of party lists before the start of voting. For example, in the Krasnogorodsk volost, lists of Bolsheviks were not issued at all.

The lists of voters could also be changed: in Astrakhan, 20,000 people did not receive voting cards.
In the outback there was a place for both threats and stabbing. In the village of Dmitrievo, Vladimir province, several lumberjacks opened the urns with axes, intimidating the commission, and replaced the Socialist-Revolutionary notes with Bolshevik ones. In the Saratov province, a priest slipped cadet lists to his illiterate parishioners.
According to the election results, 1.58% of the votes were not recognized. However, as usual, all violations were not included in the statistics.

Not without bandits

715 people were elected to the Constituent Assembly: more than half are the Socialist-Revolutionaries, a quarter for the Bolsheviks, the Cadets and Mensheviks received approximately 2% each. Other parties, unions and national groups also took part in the elections. Simon Petlyura, who was elected on the Romanian front from the association of Ukrainian socialists, also got into the coveted list. In Ukraine, he was accused of pogroms. The terrorist Vera Figner, who was better known as Vera the "stomp-leg", was also on the list. Before the elections, she participated in the assassination attempt on the military prosecutor Strelnikov in Odessa.

Sailor Zheleznyak

The only meeting of the CA was held in the Tauride Palace, which was guarded by sailors from the same Aurora. The work of the meeting began at 16:00, and ended already in the morning - at 4:40, when it was decided to continue the work the next day at 17:00. The debate could continue, but the sailor Zheleznyakov said: "I received instructions to bring to your attention that all those present leave the meeting room, because the guard was tired." The next day, the entrance to the palace was closed and was guarded by machine gunners. A couple of days later, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee decided to dissolve the assembly.

Execution

On January 18, before the start of the meeting, two demonstrations took place in Petrograd. Some came out to support the work of the assembly, others came out with posters “Down with the Constituent Assembly!”, “Long live anarchy!”. The first demonstration was shot by troops: 21 people were killed and dozens were wounded. The official version of the use of weapons: provocations. The second procession along Nikolaevskaya Street of anarchists-communists passed without excesses. Apparently, even before the start of the meeting, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was ready to stop the work of the meeting at any cost.

Unfulfilled plans

The chairman of the meeting, V. Chernov, convened in Samara the Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch). It included some members of the former representative body. Another committee appeared in Omsk. In Ufa, the former delegates formed the Directory. But it was no longer possible to restore the work of the Constituent Assembly. With dreams of a second day of work, the former delegates went into exile. And the Bolsheviks were engaged in state construction.

January 6, 1918 (January 19). - Dispersal of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks

Dispersal of the Constituent Assembly

55.4 million showed no confidence in the Constituent Assembly and blocked it, i.e. the constitutional majority made the work of the CA impossible, and in the future the CA did not have a vote of confidence of the majority of voters and the issue of changing the system and the abolition of the Monarchy could no longer be resolved by the constitutional minority, but the people believed in imitation of the US and its referendum, it was basically the entire future white guard, but they all became accomplices in the February coup (something like an illegal Belovezhskaya collusion, formally legally formalized according to a democratic model): - http://russun-idea. livejournal.com/5317.html.

But consideration of the question of the legitimacy of the RS might not be so interesting if
touch on the falsification of the century - the act of abdication of Nicholas II, then one can doubt the authorship of the letter on behalf of the Sovereign to Mikhail Alexandrovich ... "I decided to transfer the throne to my brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich."

We will work with documents (after all, until you see it, you will not understand the falsification or the renunciation was)
"A few remarks on the "Manifesto on the" abdication" of Nicholas II. Read the full version of this article!"
document on the abdication of the Sovereign from the Throne and a study of the content, signatures and format:
http://www.pokaianie.ru/article/renunciation/read/20801//

in the end, the result is "and an abdication attack" and the illegitimacy of the US, which was not supported by the majority of voters on a democratic basis (50% + 1 vote)
The monarchy will not be abolished,
The Constituent Assembly will turn out to be an imitation, and not a democratic majority, of the will of the people of R.I., and the abdication of the Tsar, on which the legal basis for the formation of the legitimacy of the US is built, collapses in the very issue, since the act of renunciation is a fake.
Plus, the Extraordinary Commission, which investigated the crimes of the Tsarist Regime, decided personally to Kerensky that there were no crimes against Nicholas II, but Prime Minister R.I usurped the Throne and held the Monarch without guilt. this is Februaryism .... and not Kirill Romanov caused the February revolution, as this version is biased in this source.org

The Grand Dukes were the first to betray the king. Prince Konstantin brought the Guards crew led by him to the Tauride Palace in support of the Provisional Government, thereby betraying both the tsar and the monarchy in general. The entire Romanov gang of thieves and traitors prepared the revolution of 1917. And why drool about the Constituent Assembly if the Socialist-Revolutionaries won the elections. They have a desk. program terror in the first place, and the Jews in the Central Committee more than the Bolsheviks. So what do you miserable Orthodox regret? Poor you are wretched. Cover this thieves' power. And just like the thieves were swept away in 1917, you will be swept away along with your priests.

so did it cause a civil war?

Sailor Zheleznyakov

Any power is God's permission for our admonition. For us today - atheists and the monarchy will not work for the future. Apparently, under the guise of such a "monarch" the Antichrist will come. Changing the political, social structure of society will not be able to improve the health of the people, rather the opposite: the people (its passionate, leading part) will come to God - and under any system and structure, it will be possible to live and develop normally. "The kingdom of God is within you."

In 1917, not just leftists, not just socialists, came to power in Russia, an ultra-left terrorist leftist group came to power, moreover, financed from abroad. According to modern legislation, it would be 100% classified as an extremist, terrorist organization. Its main features are cultural nihilism, the violent and ultra-fast creation of some new culture, experimentation on people and society in the spirit of ultra-left theories with the use of mass violence. The biggest hoax created by Soviet propaganda was the message that the Bolsheviks made the country happy, that they acted in the interests of the people, in fact, the true motive of their activities, or rather the motive from destruction, was the promotion of their crazy ideas around the world, political adventurism, export revolutions, terror and reprisals against dissidents. Bukharin said that the Russian people were not well suited for communism and therefore they had to be driven through concentration camps for educational purposes. The attitude of the Bolsheviks towards the Russian peasantry, towards the Russian people, whom they did not consult when they turned a huge country upside down, was similar to the attitude of the British colonialists in India towards the Indians, whom the British regarded as nothing more than the object of their philanthropic experiments. Even Rosa Luxemburg criticized the Bolshevik regime at the end of her life and accused Lenin of creating not a dictatorship of the proletariat, but a dictatorship over the proletariat. Trotsky said that there are no moral criteria, there are only criteria for political efficiency, doesn’t this echo the cult of “effective managers” in the modern Russian Federation, for whom law and morality are not written if there is a result? Twice in the 20th century, crazy experiments were carried out on Russia and its people - an initially fruitless attempt to build communism and liberal shock therapy, which were carried out by approximately the same people in spirit, because communism and liberalism are two abstract teachings hovering over the facts of the real of the world, both of these false teachings originate from the theory of the Jew Ricardo, and there is a close relationship between communist planning and neoliberalism, which resulted in cultural Marxism. In classical Marxism, the lower classes of society are set against the elite; in cultural Marxism, a person is remade so that he turns into an obedient robot and renounces all the values ​​of civilization. Both work for destruction. Lenin abolished the idea of ​​personal guilt, and with it the whole Christian ethics of personal responsibility, Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin were aggressive practitioners of the most radical vice of the century - social engineering, the idea that people can and should be laid like concrete in the name of a super-idea. And until a proper assessment of Bolshevism is given, social engineering will continue on the Russians.

The only real native FATHER of Russia is the right-believing sovereign Nicholas II. All the rest after him, starting with Lenin, "general secretaries" and ending with "presidents" are crafty, not natural and not native stepfathers.
One of the official titles of the Tsar is "Master of the Russian Land". The owner does not need to steal from himself and from his household, everything is inherited.
Starting with Stalin and up to Brezhnev, these are just taxidermy stuffed and washed by godless Marxism. From Yeltsin - ordinary kleptomaniacs. Medvedev called his presidential position - "chief state manager." Ugh!

Pay attention to the COMPLETE silence on the 100th anniversary of the dispersal of the US. Bolsheviks in the official media. But the 100th anniversary of the creation of the blood-red army (in fact, created at the end of January 1918) will surely be promoted throughout the country!