Information and creative project on the topic: “Customs and traditions of the Circassians. Development of the lesson "customs and traditions of the Circassians"

If we turn to the legends and traditions that have come down to us from ancient times, it will be found that the Circassians possessed many virtues and exceptional qualities, including chivalry, self-esteem, wisdom and intelligence. They were also renowned for their bravery and horsemanship. National education ennobled their souls, tempered their morale and taught them to endure the weariness and hardships of wars and long journeys. The sons of the Circassian nobility were obliged to be able to entertain guests, breed horses, sleep in the open air, where a saddle served as a pillow for them. They lived a simple, truly harsh life abstaining from all sensitivity. Thanks to this upbringing, they acquired moral immunity and stamina and could endure severe frosts and heat calmly. As a result, they became a people who possessed the best human qualities.

Our grandfathers were famous for their stamina and perseverance, but after they were attacked by such wild peoples as the Mongols, Tatars, Huns, Kalmyks and others, they lost these qualities and were forced to leave their lands and hide in the mountains and deep gorges. Sometimes they had to spend months or even years in deserted places, which eventually led to their degradation. Moreover, they had neither the time nor the necessary calm environment to engage in useful peaceful activities and enjoy the fruits of modern civilization.

Such was their position in the dark years marked by tyranny and precariousness. The struggle against the barbarians weakened them and led to the fact that their virtues were forgotten. They vegetated in poverty, having squandered all the skills in the crafts that they had learned from the Greeks when they were still Christians.

The ancient Circassians were admired by their neighbors for their military prowess, horsemanship and beautiful clothes. They were fond of horse riding and kept the best breeds of horses. It was not difficult for them to jump on or off a horse at full gallop, to pick up a ring or a coin from the ground. The Circassians were also extremely skilled at target archery. Before today our men, young and old, are not indifferent to weapons. The one who gets a good saber or a gun considers himself lucky. It is said that our grandfathers believed that the ability to handle weapons was among the first duties of a man and that the carrying of weapons developed in a person excellent posture, grace in movements and speed in running.

When the Circassians were going to war, they chose leaders from their ranks and entrusted them with the command of the army, according to their traditions. In most cases they fought on horseback and did not have any predetermined plan to follow. The commander acted impromptu, according to the circumstances and depending on the speed of his own reaction at decisive moments. They were capable, brave people who were not afraid of danger.

The Circassians were famous not only for their military courage, they were proud of their personal qualities, their weapons and courage. Anyone who showed cowardice or timidity, or fear of death on the battlefield, was subjected to general contempt, and was treated as an outcast. In this case, he was forced to wear a long, dirty hat, mounted on a leperous horse, and paraded to people who greeted him with malicious ridicule. The bravest warriors contested the right to occupy the front lines of positions. They suddenly attacked their enemies, scattering them and infiltrating their ranks.

In addition to exceptional courage, the Circassians also possessed other fighting qualities. They were distinguished by their ability to fight at high altitudes in the mountains and on narrow isthmuses, maneuverability and speed in places where others would experience serious difficulties, and they also knew how to choose a position in deep gorges and dense forests.

As weapons in those distant times, in their offensive and defensive battles, they used swords, long spears, arrows, clubs, heavy armor, shields, etc. Vanity gave rise to courage, fearlessness and willingness to take risks, and their extreme self-confidence and self-esteem gave them unlimited personal freedom. However, they were modest, far from lustfulness and base desires. Their pride was only courage and military victories. Judging by our traditions, we can conclude that lies and treachery were alien to our forefathers. They made any sacrifice to keep their oaths, promises and loyalty to friendship. By virtue of their ingenuity, they attached to these things an importance that is unlikely to be found anywhere else. Among their virtues were such as hospitality and a sense of responsibility for the life and property of the guest.

These noble customs remained unchanged despite the calamities and hardships that befell succeeding generations. The guest is still considered sacred, and everyone accepts him just like an honorary member of the family. The owner must greet his guest with the greatest respect and treat him with the best dishes and drinks, and when the guest leaves the house, the owner is obliged to accompany him and protect him from harm. In addition, everyone was ready to help those who needed it, for it was considered the duty of every person. Seeking help from others was not considered shameful or humiliating, and mutual assistance was common in activities such as building houses and harvesting crops. If any needy wanderer found shelter with them, then he was allowed to get money by illegal means so that he could improve his situation. But such tolerance lasted only a short period of time, after which he was asked to stop such actions.

The Circassians were also distinguished by their shyness. After the wedding ceremony, the groom did not take the bride directly to his house, but left her for some time in the house of one of his friends, who accompanied her to her husband's house with numerous gifts. And when she went to her husband's house, her father usually sent a trusted person with her, who returned to him a year later with appropriate gifts. The bride's head was covered with a thin embroidered veil, which, after the allotted time, was removed by a man called "the one who lifts the veil": he did this deftly and quickly with the help of a sharp arrow.

The woman had an excellent social position in society, as she was the owner and mistress of the house, and although the Circassians converted to Islam at the end of the 19th century, cases of polygamy and divorce were rare.

Despite the fact that the husband had the right to demand the complete obedience of his wife, did not allow himself to contradict himself and leave the house without his permission, she still had her own personal rights, and she enjoyed the boundless respect of her husband and sons. Due to the mutual respect between them, the husband had no right to beat or scold her. When meeting with a woman, the horseman usually dismounted and respectfully followed her, he had to help her or serve her if she needed it.

A woman usually raised her children until the age of six, after. which they passed into the hands of men who taught them the art of riding and archery. First, the child was given a knife, with which he learned to hit a target, then he was given a dagger, then a bow and arrows.

When a husband died, the wife, according to custom, visited his grave every day for forty days and spent some time there. This custom was called "the custom of sitting at the grave", but later it was forgotten.

The sons of princes usually immediately after birth went to be raised in noble houses, a noble person who was honored to raise the son of his prince and lord, considered himself lucky. In the house where he was brought up, everyone called the son of the prince "Kan", and he remained there for seven years. When he was sixteen years old, he was dressed in the best clothes, put on the best horse, given the best weapons and returned to his father's house, which he had never been to before.

The return of the young prince to his father's house was a great event, accompanied by many formalities and conventions, since the prince had to give gifts to the person who raised his son. He sent him servants, horses and cattle, according to his position and generosity. Thus, the relationship between the prince and his trusted vassal was very close, and the former did not hesitate to comply with any requests of the latter.

All this reminds us of the man who raised our legendary national hero Andemirkan, who fell at the hands of Prince Beslan, and about a treacherous servant, through whose fault he fell into a trap unarmed. prince

Beslan, famous for his resourcefulness, began to fear the young hero, who began to compete with him, threatening his life and throne. Since no one could oppose him in an open duel, Beslan treacherously killed him. According to legend, one day the prince went hunting in a wagon driven by his servants, because due to his enormous size he could neither ride a horse nor walk. During the hunt, Andemirkan, eager to show his abilities, drove several wild boars out of the forest and drove them directly to the prince's wagon, so that it would be easier for him to hunt. Then he drove a huge boar to the wagon, and when he was very close to the wagon, he sent a deadly arrow at him, which pinned the boar to one of the wheels. The prince saw in this act audacity and a challenge. He decided to kill Andemirkan by conspiring with his vassal. They killed him when he was unarmed.

As for the prince's daughters, who were also brought up in noble houses, they entered their father's houses only as guests, and when they got married, their dowry /wasa/ was given to those who raised them.

Thus, princely children were brought up in noble houses, where they learned the basic norms of behavior, customs and traditions. They got acquainted with the rules of "Khabz" - an unwritten set of moral and social rules that were observed under all circumstances. It was these rules that determined the rights and duties of each person, group or class of people. Everyone, regardless of position, had to adhere to them, since any deviation from them was considered shameful and impermissible.

However, these rules were supplemented or changed according to the circumstances. Here I would like to note that the famous national thinker Kazanoko Zhabagi, who raised the Grand Duke Kaituko Aslanbek, a contemporary of Peter the Great, was the last to amend this set of rules.

Until recently, every Circassian usually adhered to these rules, observing them carefully, treating them with respect and not violating them. It is they who underlie the secret of the heroism of the Circassians, as they teach courage, patience, fearlessness and other virtues. And although there are a lot of them, and they are not recorded anywhere, they were known and observed by everyone. For their sake, young people, especially from the nobility, risked their lives, deprived themselves of sleep and were content with the most insignificant amount of food and drink. They never sat down or smoked in the presence of their elders, they never started a conversation first. The Circassians never quarreled with a woman, did not utter swear words, did not disturb the neighbors. Life itself could not be imagined without observing these rules. Any disobedience to them was considered shameful / heinape /. A person was not supposed to be greedy in food, had no right not to keep promises, to embezzle money that did not belong to him, or to show cowardice on the battlefield. He was not supposed to run away from the enemy, to neglect his duties towards his parents, to keep the booty captured in the war, or the game killed in the hunt. The Circassian was not supposed to be talkative and allow himself obscene jokes. Thus, these rules were aimed at making a person fearless, polite, gallant, bold and generous, that is, freeing him from all human shortcomings.

It was also considered a shame for a man to kiss his son in someone's presence, to pronounce the name of his wife, and for a woman to pronounce the name of her husband. She had to give him a name or nickname showing her respect for him. These laws demanded to be above base sensuality, severity and severity towards children. It is for this reason that many princes did not know their sons and did not see them until the latter reached adulthood.

It was also considered shameful to sit, smoke or drink in the presence of the father, and also eat with him at the same table. This set of rules taught everyone how to eat, how to carry on a conversation, how to sit, how to say hello and determined the place, rights and duties of each person in society. Without observing them, it was impossible to be a real gentleman. The word Adyghe literally means gentleman, in the national language it also means the name of our people.

However, this set of rules allowed - men to make contact with women, and boys and girls could dance in accordance with the rules of etiquette. In the same way, it was not considered shameful for a young man to accompany a girl from one village to another on the same horse in order to get to a wedding ceremony or races. Women enjoyed all the rights and occupied an honorable place in society, and although Islam allows polygamy, this practice among the Circassians was very rare.

Rules (Khabz). the bards, who were usually ordinary people without education, but who possessed poetic talent and great ability in rhetoric and oratory, also observed. They rode from place to place to read their poems and take part in wars and long journeys. Bards used to give speeches and impromptu poetry before the start of battle to inspire the fighters and remind them of the duty and glorious deeds of their grandfathers.

After the spread of Islam among the Circassians, the number of "troubadours" was constantly decreasing, and soon they disappeared completely, leaving only a good memory of themselves, and a few works of art. Their songs and poems were distinguished by true artistic merit and not only entertained people, but also helped to educate them. We must express our gratitude to them for our knowledge of events, traditions and examples of the prowess of the past centuries, and the fact of their disappearance is truly regrettable.

According to the rules (Khabza), young men were supposed to breed thoroughbred horses. This kind of activity was the main occupation of young people, especially princely sons, who spent long winter nights in the saddles in the open pastures, dressed in cloaks. More than others, Kabardians were fond of horse breeding, and their breeds of horses were the best in Russia and in the East, second only to Arabian horses. Until recently, Kabardians supplied the Russian army big number excellent horses, since Russia had about two hundred cavalry divisions.

On the national holidays young people competed in riding, as they were very fond of sports, especially wrestling and horseback riding. Their favorite pastime was a game in which horsemen and footmen participate. The latter, armed with sticks and whips, stood in a circle, and the rider had to attack them and break into the circle. On foot, however, they prevented him from doing this by inflicting heavy blows. This continued until either side was successful.

Wedding ceremonies were held according to special rules and rituals. They lasted several days and were expensive. But the gifts presented to the groom by his relatives and friends somewhat eased his costs.

Dance evenings were called "jegu" and were held by persons who had the right to do so according to customs and traditions. They had the right to expel from the dances anyone who behaved in an unworthy manner. Wealthy people gave them gifts. At parties, young men and women stood respectfully in a circle while others clapped their hands. Inside this circle they danced in pairs, no more than one pair at a time, and the girls played musical instruments.

The young man chose the girls with whom he wanted to dance. Thus, these evenings gave young men and women the opportunity to get to know each other better, to strengthen the bonds of friendship and love, which served as the first step towards marriage. In the midst of the dances, the men fired pistols into the air as a sign of joy and respect for the dancing couple.

We have many dances that require skill and perfection. Among them are kafa, udzh, lezginka, hasht and lo-kuage, which are both chinny and beautiful. Large dance evenings were held in the open air, where riders also appeared who tried to interfere with the dances, and then they were given simple gifts: silk flags and scarves, sheep skin and fur. The riders retired and arranged competitions in which these things were played out as prizes.

Music occupied an important place in national holidays or celebrations on the occasion of the birth of a child. Among the Circassians, such musical instruments as the harp, guitar and flute were popular, but later they were supplanted by the harmonica,

Young girls were fond of playing musical instruments, composed poems, read them impromptu, turned to young men with rhymed couplets. They freely associated with men, despite the disapproval of the ministers of the Muslim religion, but after marriage they no longer attended dances, but remained at home. Until recently, young women did housework, received and waited on guests, embroidered and did other such work, but these activities have been superseded by more ordinary daily housework and mental work, because modern household appliances have led to the death of those beautiful traditions.

The Circassians / that is, the Adygs / have been engaged in agriculture since ancient times: they sowed grains, such as corn, barley, wheat, millet, and also planted vegetables. Our language has names for all grains except rice. After the harvest, before disposing of the new harvest, they performed certain rituals, as it was necessary to say prayers and spells, after which a feast was prepared from the new harvest, to which relatives and friends were invited. After that, it was possible to dispose of this crop; donations were allocated for the poor and needy, the surplus was sold. In addition to agriculture, our forefathers bred cattle and horses, and since there was no money in ancient times, they carried on barter and bartered cattle, fabrics, clothes and other goods for grain.

Their clothes were similar to our modern attire, which is called “Circassian”, on the head the men wore a “kelpak” made of soft fur and a hood, and on their shoulders a “cloak” made of felt. They also wore long and short boots, fur, sandals, and thick cotton clothing.

Women wore a long robe made of cotton or muslin and a short silk dress called "beshmet", as well as other clothes. The bride's head was adorned with an embroidered hat trimmed with fur; she wore this cap until the birth of her first child. Only her husband's uncle, the paternal uncle, had the right to take it off, but only on the condition that he gave the newborn generous gifts, including money and cattle, after which the child's mother took off her hat and tied her head with a silk scarf. Elderly women covered their heads with white cotton scarves.

From the earliest times, the Circassians used to build rectangular houses. Usually four families were given a square piece of land to build four houses on it, one in each corner.

The space in the center was reserved for carts and livestock. These buildings resembled some ancient fortresses in the country of the Circassians. Guest houses were built at a distance from the houses of the nobility and at a certain distance from the princely houses. The ruins of old buildings and those houses that are now being built in our homeland convince us that our forefathers built fortresses and castles for military purposes with great skill and ingenuity.

The excessive pride of the Circassians was caused by their highly developed self-esteem. Therefore, it was difficult for them to endure the insult, and they did everything possible to avenge themselves. If a murder happened, then not only the killer, but also his whole family and his relatives became the target for revenge.

The death of his father could not be left without vengeance. And if the killer wanted to avoid her, he had to adopt a boy from the family of the deceased himself or with the help of his friends and raise him as his own son. Subsequently, he returned the young man to his father's house with honors, providing him with the best clothes, weapons and horses.

The punishment for murder was death, the sentence was usually pronounced by the people themselves, the murderer was thrown into the river, after several stones were tied to him 14.

The Circassians were divided into several social classes, the most important of which was the class of princes /pshi/. The other classes were the class of nobility /warks/ and the class of ordinary people.

Representatives of the nobility /uzdeni or warki/ differed from other classes in their culture, attractive appearance and strict adherence to the principles of good education. The youth had great respect for their elders.

The princes occupied the highest position and exercised executive power. With the help of the nobility, they carried out decisions and instructions adopted by a majority vote at the people's council. They looked at the prince as at a saint whom every person, regardless of his position, had to serve and seek his favor. Everyone, without hesitation, could sacrifice himself for the sake of the prince, since from the earliest times it was known that the princes are the defenders of the people / such is the meaning of the word pshi in our language /. They had many supporters and followers in all strata of society. A folk song confirms this by stating: "In misfortune, our princes are our strongholds." Despite the high position, holiness and the fact * that they owned all the lands and what was on them, the princes were extremely modest. They treated members of other classes as equals, showing neither pride nor boastfulness. That is why the people deified and loved them. The princes, despite their power and greatness, lived in modest dwellings and were content with simple food. In most cases, the prince was satisfied with a piece of boiled meat and oatmeal bread, while the famous booze served him as a drink.

Thus, the powerful ruler did not own anything for himself, and his condition was such that people used to say: “The salamander brings food for the prince,” meaning that he himself did not know where it came from.

However, he received everything he needed from his supporters and followers. In return, he had to fulfill the requests of his subjects and protect them from attacks. Any of his subjects or supporters had the right to come to him at any time to sit with him and share his food and drink. The prince was not supposed to hide anything from his subjects and had to give them generous gifts. If any thing was liked by his subject, for example, a weapon, and he asked for it, the prince never refused it. Because of their "generosity in giving away personal clothing, the princes were rarely as smart as their subjects. They had to wear simple ordinary clothes.

The country of the Circassians had no administrative divisions, and its people were not subject to strict laws. In most cases, people had to defend their freedom themselves and hated any manifestation of strict power and despotic rulers. The people instinctively abhorred the obedience to strict orders, for they believed that absolute, unlimited personal freedom was greatest gift God to mankind and, therefore, everyone had a right to it.

And yet discipline and calm reigned in the family and in society. Authority in the family was determined by age and gender. So, the children obeyed their father, the wife - her husband, and the sister - her brother, etc. Everyone was free to choose his homeland and build his own house, where and when he wished. Traditions had the force of law, they were obeyed in all civil matters, and disobedience to them was considered a crime.

The elders convened popular assemblies when the need arose to think over and discuss serious issues. Their decisions were considered indisputable, and they were unquestioningly obeyed.

With regard to legislation, here the princes presented draft laws and regulations to the council of elders, which was convened to discuss the proposed projects. If the council approved the proposal, it was passed on to the council of nobility, which, like the council of elders, studied and considered these proposals to see if they were useful.

Even in ancient times, our people joined the progress and civilization. The Circassians armed fortresses and castles, built walls around their cities to repel the attacks of wild peoples. In addition, they were engaged in crafts, including the production of iron, which they mined from their land and from which they made household utensils, such as mugs, cups and barrels, as well as military weapon: swords, shields, etc.

Monuments that still stand in old cemeteries and depict heroes, horsemen and noble people with shields, helmets, swords and other armor, as well as inscriptions and carvings (hands, swords, armor, boots, etc.) that we find on the rocks, convincingly show us how our grandfathers succeeded in carving, sculpture, drawing and other types of fine arts.

Many ancient sculptures were found on the banks of the Lesken River in Kabarda. Most of them are works of art in memory of heroes and princes. The names carved on these sculptures coincide with the names of the heroes mentioned in our traditions and legends.

As for the ancient buildings still existing in the country of the Circassians, they were built when the people were under the influence of the Greek civilization, and now we find the remains of churches that were built in the Greek style. One of these churches is located on the banks of the Kuban River, and the other two lie between the rivers Kuban and Teberda. The first of them is known as "shuune", which means "house of the rider", and one of the other two is known as "hasa ​​miwa", which means "stone of the judge". It is said that there is a rock in it with the image of a dog's foot and a horseshoe, and that there was a narrow hole in the rock, with the help of which the guilt or innocence of the accused was determined. Every suspect was forced to pass through this hole, and it was said that the innocent passed freely through it, no matter how obese they were, while the guilty could not pass, no matter their size.

The Adyghes usually visited the Dzhulat castle near the Malka River, where they took oaths, asked for forgiveness from God, made sacrifices in the name of reconciliation of warring brothers or friends, when a quarrel broke out between them. If two brothers were in a quarrel and wanted to make peace, each of them went to this castle, taking with him a bow and arrows. And in this sacred place they took different ends of the arrow, and each swore an oath not to deceive, not to harm and not to quarrel with another. Then they broke the arrow and returned as two true friends. It is known that after this place was occupied for some time by the Tatar prince Kodzha Berdikhan, the Kabardians began to call it Tatartup.

One of the most interesting places Kabardy is Nart-Sano, which is located in the city of Kislovodsk, and where the source of mineral waters originates.

This place plays a significant role in ancient folk songs and legends. The ancient Circassians deified this place and drank from its source. They called it the "water of heroes" or "the source of the Narts", which we have already spoken about. When the Narts wanted to drink from this source, they gathered in the house of their leader, who was the eldest and most noble of them, and a yellow bull was tied to the door of the guest house, which they were supposed to sacrifice. Then they lit six torches, said prayers and incantations, sang songs in which they praised the source of heroes: “The time has come. Let's go drink from the well of heroes!"

N.N. Mozgovaya-Giryanskaya
deputy educational director,
teacher of Russian language and literature, secondary school № 9
Volnoe village, Koshekhablsky district, Republic of Adygea

The family is the foundation of the life of every nation. The world of family relations, family arrangements, customs and traditions one way or another played a significant role in the upbringing of the younger generation among both the Cossacks and the Adygs - two peoples who have lived side by side for several centuries. The traditions of education of these two peoples have much in common and have common features.

According to the folk tradition that came from the depths of centuries, both the Cossacks and the Circassians considered the creation of a family to be the moral duty of every person. Her cult dominated the Cossack and mountain communities. The family was the basis of being, a shrine protected not only by its members, but by the entire community. The Cossacks valued family life and treated the married with great respect, and only constant military campaigns forced many of them to remain single.

Now folk methods of treating arthritis have become very popular among the people. At first glance, this is due to problems in official medicine.

Until the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. Cossacks and Adygs are characterized by the existence of a large undivided family. Its long-term preservation was facilitated by a special social position and a specific way of life: the need to cultivate large land plots, the impossibility of separating a young family during service (among the Cossacks) or before it began, and the isolation of family life. Families consisted of 3 - 4 generations, its number reached 25 - 30 people. Along with numerous, small families were known, consisting of parents and unmarried children. Intensive development of commodity-money relations at the beginning of the 20th century. hastened the disintegration of the extended family.

The head of such a community among both the Adyghes and the Cossacks was the eldest man - the father or (after his death) the eldest of the brothers, who represented the family at the village level, regulated the daily economic activities of the family, disposed of its funds, and resolved all issues of the marital nature of family members. The power of the father over his sons was exceptionally great. For a serious offense, he could exile or disinherit any of them. At the same time, the unreasonable despotism of the head of the family was condemned by both the Circassians and the Cossacks. The authority of the father was to be based not on fear, but on respect for wisdom, humanity, and economic competence. The word of the owner of the family was indisputable for all its members, and an example in this was the wife - the mother of his children.

As much authority as the head of the family, the eldest woman, who was in charge of household matters, enjoyed. Children were charged with the obligation to honor their parents, even as adults. Quarreling with parents was considered a grave sin.

The peculiarity of the family structure of the Cossacks was the relative freedom of a woman - a Cossack woman in comparison, for example, with a peasant woman. Cossack women were equal in the family, regardless of nationality, because. the Cossack woman was necessarily baptized. The Cossacks had an independent and proud character. Contemporaries wrote about Cossack women: “Combine the beauty and charm of a Russian woman with the beauty of a Circassian, Turkish and Tatar woman, and if you add the fearlessness of the Amazons, you have a portrait of a true Cossack woman.” Cossack women above all (after mother and father) valued honor, glory, loyalty, knew how to stand up for themselves, handle a horse and weapons, and on occasion helped men in battle.

The harsh military life left a bright imprint on the entire culture of both peoples. From the age of 18, the Cossack went to work. After serving for 5-6 years, he returned to the village and, as a rule, started a family. Marriages in Cossack families were concluded with the consent of the bride and groom. The qualities of a bride were judged by her parents. Until the middle of the XIX century. the groom's parents were engaged in the choice of the bride, but later the main role began to be assigned to the groom himself. The Cossack tried to find a bride for himself - an equal in terms of financial situation. It was not allowed to marry girls to other villages if there were enough bachelors in their own. There were few marriages between Cossacks and nonresidents. A Cossack woman, marrying a non-resident, lost her privileged position, and her parents were very opposed to this. Wives from other cities did not have a great influence on the life of the Cossacks, since their position in the house was disenfranchised. Marriages between Old Believers and Orthodox were rare. As a rule, the Cossacks took their wives from their village.

Among the Circassians, marriages were strictly exogamous, it was forbidden to marry blood relatives up to the 7th generation, namesakes, as well as representatives of different surnames who raised themselves to a common ancestor. Relatives acquired through artificial kinship - atalystvo, adoption, milk kinship, as well as individual and inter-clan twinning - were also excluded from the marriage sphere. Ignoring such prohibitions has always caused extreme rejection of the community, leading to the expulsion, and often to the murder of violators. Marriages between representatives of different classes were exceptionally rare.

The Circassians had several forms of marriage, the main of which was considered an arranged marriage, i.e. mutual consent of the parties. The existence of such a marriage was due to the considerable freedom of the Adyghe youth in choosing a future life partner. Boys and girls could meet, get acquainted and show each other signs of attention at wedding games, parties that accompanied the rite of healing the wounded. A place of pastime for young people was also special girls' rooms (psh'esh'euyne), allocated in every house for girls who had reached marriageable age. , in the presence of a younger sister or girlfriend, and there should have been an explanation of the girl with potential suitors. It happened that young men from neighboring villages and even from remote corners of Circassia came to woo a girl known for her virtues. At the same time, in the situation of matchmaking, both parties actively used huerybze - figurative, allegorical language of playful courtship. The girl who made her choice, through intermediaries, informed her parents about this. If they agreed to this marriage, the young people exchanged a pledge of fidelity, and a date was set for the bride to be taken away.

The wedding rituals of both peoples were characterized by bright features of folk art, embodied in wedding songs, dances, games, and competitions. They taught young people to observe mountain etiquette, to show restraint and good manners. Young people learned the culture of communication.

The wedding was the most joyful family and public holiday. The wedding began a new life, a new family, the continuation of the family. “The creation of a new man, a new world, must be pure and holy. For this reason, the wedding led the young through so many rituals, through so many songs and laments, through such unthinkable beauty, so that they, the young, would understand this. The moral lesson that the wedding presented to the young was not limited to parting words and congratulations.

Children were one of the main purposes of marriage. Childlessness was considered a misfortune. No wonder it was the birth of a child that completed the wedding cycle, finally cementing the marriage. But both peoples saw the meaning of the family not only in the birth, but also in the upbringing of children. A model was considered a young man, comprehensively developed, able to adequately endure any adversity, endowed with intelligence, physical strength and moral virtues. The process of educating the younger generation proceeded under the direct influence of the whole way of life, environment, labor activity, customs and traditions of peoples.

The system of family education of the Circassians has its roots in the distant past. It was believed that already in adolescence, children should have known all the adats and customs of the people, the laws of hospitality, etiquette, signs of attention given to each other by a man and a woman.

The Cossacks did not have clearly defined recommendations in the upbringing of the younger generation. The basis of the life of the Cossacks was the protection of the borders of the Fatherland. The difficult military-agricultural way of life required the Cossacks to be always in constant combat readiness, in good physical shape, hardy, courageous, and to bear at the same time the hardships of military and economic activities. Education in Cossack families was based on the principles of Domostroy, which assumed the unconditional authority of the father or the elder Cossack, thus, in fact, we are talking about the principle of positive authoritarianism.

In family education, parents sought to observe a differentiated approach to children, thereby creating conditions for the harmonious development and self-expression of the individual. The upbringing of boys in the Cossack family, like that of the Adyghe, was influenced by the military-border organization of life. This is the reason for the multi-stage rites of initiation, i.e. the dedication of the boy to the Cossacks, taking into account his main purpose - serving the Fatherland. The traditional culture of the Cossacks and the Circassians was focused primarily on the education of a male warrior, a defender with a firm civil and patriotic position, a hard worker, a diligent owner, a person focused on Orthodox values ​​regarding family and society, and creative work.

From an early age, parents taught their children to get up early, help with the housework, and perform the simplest self-service activities. From the age of seven, they were entrusted with feasible work - caring for poultry, weeding, cleaning the yard and house. At the age of three, the boys of the Cossacks and the Circassians sat freely on a horse; at ten - teenagers could drive horses to a watering place, harness and unharness a horse, graze horses at night; at twelve, they were prancing on horseback, navigating the terrain, providing first aid, 14-15-year-old teenagers knew how to jigit, overcome obstacles at a gallop, cut down a vine, make a fire.

The family did not provide systematized specialized knowledge. Initiation to work, comprehension of crafts was carried out through the prism folk wisdom, game activity. Children's games were not only entertaining, but also educational, developing. So, many of them were part of the military-patriotic and physical education.

The boy, both among the Adyghes and the Cossacks, was brought up much more strictly than the girl, and his life was very early age filled with work and learning. From the age of five, the boys worked with their parents in the field: they drove oxen to plow, graze sheep and other livestock. But there was still time to play. Until the age of 7-8, the Cossack girl lived in the female half of the kuren. At this moment, the upbringing came from the female part of the family, and from the male. Basically, it was based on visibility. And the main thing here is the personal example of the elders and the immersion of the "boy" in the appropriate environment.

From the age of 8, a Cossack girl was moved to the male half of the kuren. From that time on, the Cossack girl learned to wield a whip, they began to invite him to "conversations". The main point in the education of the Cossack in this period was the following: to teach him to cope with his own fear in any of its manifestations. And, observing the reaction of the Cossack, the elders said: “Do not be afraid, the Cossack is not afraid of anything!”, “Be patient, Cossack, you will be the chieftain!”.

At the age of 12, the process of physical education was basically completed. It is learning, but not development. From the age of 12, a Cossack girl was taught to use a military weapon - a saber (dagger). And at the age of 16, according to the readiness of the Cossack, a more serious test awaited him - basically it was hunting for a predator (wolf, wild boar, etc.).

We can observe the same among the Circassians. From childhood, they accustomed their children to military affairs, paid exceptional attention to the military education of young people. Almost continuous clashes with external enemies made excellent warriors from the Circassians.

The upbringing of the girl by the Cossacks involved special military-physical training, which made it possible to simultaneously play the role of a protector-educator and know the basics of family life. Without fail, the girls were taught self-defense techniques, shooting, the ability to manage a horse, swim under water, along with this, perform the functions of a teacher, a faithful wife, and a mistress. Until the age of 13, girls played the same games with boys, getting acquainted with the basics of military art, including learning to ride a horse. They spent the rest of their games participating in cooking and learning how to sew. Over the years, the girls improved in housekeeping. Like an Adyghe girl, a Cossack woman had to be able to sew, “knit” a blanket or caftan with a pattern, cook, take care of cattle, etc. It was considered prestigious for a young housewife to master all the intricacies of housekeeping. Over time, girls began to be sent to school. Every Sunday and on holidays, girls and girls put on the most elegant dress and went with their grandmothers to matins, mass and vespers. In the evenings they were allowed to sit and walk on the porch of their house, but they were obliged to hide each time if they noticed a young man. Only at weddings or on big holidays, Cossack women could see the guys, but under the supervision of their elders. Here they danced, danced, sang. In the 19th century girls could attend schools at the request of the family, and study at home was limited to reading akathists and canons.

An Adyghe girl under 12 was allowed a lot, but there were also strict restrictions: the girl did not have the right to leave the female half and participate in adult holidays. With the advent of the 12th birthday, she was put on a corset so that the girl had a thin waist and a flat chest. It was not removed even during bathing and sleeping. Only on the wedding night, the husband tore the corset with a saber or dagger. From the age of 12, the girl was allocated a room into which men and even her father had no right to enter, without the presence of another girl or woman. In the room, the girl not only rested, but also learned needlework, began to prepare her dowry: she sewed beautiful scarves, weaved carpets, knitted ...

The division of labor was based on gender. As a rule, men were engaged in joint field work and pasture cattle breeding, and women were engaged in housekeeping. The children helped the adults. Family consumption was also shared. All this had a beneficial effect on the formation of collectivist aspirations and diligence in children, sensitivity and attention to each other. The strict nature of the upbringing of children in the family was determined by patriarchal relations. According to the custom in large families, the upbringing of children was carried out not so much by parents as by grandparents, aunts, brothers and sisters. In small families, the parents and their older children were engaged in the upbringing of babies. In education, various means and methods of influencing children were used. The elders, taking care of them, told them fairy tales and legends. They taught them respect for the customs and traditions of the people. As a rule, methods of persuasion, testing, coercion were used; forms of social influence were practiced: public reprimands, censures, and sometimes severe punishments.

Godparents had a great influence on the child among the Cossacks. It was believed that due to softness or excessive strictness, natural parents could be biased in the course of the educational process. Godparents must be objective in assessing the actions of the godson, moderately strict and necessarily fair. The godmother helped her parents prepare a Cossack girl for a future married life, taught her to housekeeping, needlework, frugality, and work. The main duty was assigned to the godfather - the preparation of the Cossack for service, and for the military training of the Cossack, the demand from the godfather was greater than from his own father.

An element of such upbringing is also found among the Circassians of the nobility. Raising a child by parents was considered unacceptable. Among other things, this could lead to excessive affection, softness, which in no case could be demonstrated - especially in public. Therefore, the boys were handed over to educators (atalyks).

Adyghe ethics condemned excessive emotionality, due to which the demonstration of mutual affection, parental or filial love had to be carried out not in verbal form, not in the outward manifestation of feelings, but within the framework of the permissible Adyghe habze code. The manifestation of other manners was tantamount to "loss of face", loss of honor (nape). Because of this, with all the severity of education, children were influenced not by a ban, not by punishment, but by persuasion and own example. The child had to realize that his abnormal behavior could harm the reputation of the parents, family and clan as a whole.

A distinctive feature of the Cossack and Adyghe family pedagogy was the religiosity of education. Religious worldviews helped them create special pedagogical conditions in the family, which formed high moral standards in the child, necessary, on the one hand, to remain a Christian (among the Cossacks), a Muslim (among the Adyghes) - a warrior-defender, and on the other hand, a friend-diplomat for neighbors. The main goal of family education was to form in the mind of the child an understanding of the appointment of a soldier-border guard-diplomat, virtuous, merciful, conscientious, capable of comprehending the beautiful, believing in the possibility of improving the world and people, striving to contribute to this with personal participation. Through faith, the child learned his connection with the world, mastered the moral and ethical standards. Faith formed a sense of belonging to one's family, helped tolerantly overcome national prejudices in connection with a different religion of a multinational region North Caucasus.

The family instilled in the child the foundations of patriarchal morality, embodied in a set of laws and rules that instructed to be worthy in thoughts and deeds, sincere in speeches, temperate and moderate in actions and desires. Important in family education was the desire of the elders to instill in children a sense of kindness and benevolence, generosity and hospitality, religious tolerance. An integral part of family education was the involvement of the younger generation in folk art. From early childhood, children were brought up on the examples of the valor and honor of folk heroes, legends, proverbs, sayings, songs.

In the family way of the Cossacks and Circassians, the desire of the child to master the game, which develops and strengthens the spirit and body, was strongly encouraged. The complex of children's games, formed in folk pedagogy, made it possible to develop ingenuity and speed of reaction, eye and observation, endurance and the spirit of collectivism.

From childhood, children in Cossack and Adyghe families were raised by their elders to understand good and evil, taught to distinguish true truth from false, heroic from cowardice. The older generation instilled in their sons and grandchildren the need to recognize the mood of a person. The Cossacks said: “Fear the goat in front, the horse behind, and the man from all sides. And in order to recognize a person, do not look at his face, but look into his heart, ”and the Circassians:“ TsIykhuym yikhyetyr laguyn hueysh ”-“ You need to see the hatir of a person”, “Eri fIyri zehegekI” - “Understand where good and where evil” .

Particularly vigilantly watched that the child was not infected with envy. The Cossacks, like the Circassians, believed that envy is hatred. Envious people are people who do not shy away from theft, nor a knife, nor an ax.

Important in the family education of the Cossacks was the desire of the elders to teach the younger generation to evaluate themselves from the outside, analyze every day they lived, correct mistakes in time and remember: you need to be born a Cossack, you need to become a Cossack, you need to be a Cossack. The Circassians believed that an important component of self-consciousness is the duty of prudence, which obliges you to know and evaluate your capabilities - “Uishkhe ynIal'e zegash Ie” - “Know thyself”.

Children were taught the skills of honoring the roots of kinship. Close kinship was considered up to the fifth generation. By the age of six, the child knew almost all the close relatives living in the village among the Cossacks. Visits to relatives on holidays, help in difficulties not only strengthened family ties in children, but also brought them up within the framework of the requirements of traditions, customs, mores, and labor skills. The Cossack was obliged to know all the degrees of kinship and his ancestors by name. This was facilitated by memorials, which were kept behind the icon in the icon case in each family.

From childhood, it was customary for the Cossacks to bring up respect and respect for the elders, and punishment followed for violation of traditions. The youth were ashamed to commit the slightest obscenity in front of the old man, and the old man could not only remind them of their duties, but also punish them without fear of their parents. Theft and deception were considered the most heinous crimes, and courage and chastity were considered the greatest virtues. The youth did not dare to sit down in the presence of the elders. Parents refrained from clarifying their relationship in the presence of children. The address of the wife to her husband, as a sign of honoring his parents, was only by name and patronymic, since the father and mother of the husband (father-in-law and mother-in-law) for the wife, and the mother and father of the wife (mother-in-law and father-in-law) for the husband were God-given parents. Among the Cossack children, and among adults, it was customary to greet (greet) even a stranger who appeared in a farm or village. Restraint, courtesy and respect were observed in dealing with parents and elders in general. In the Kuban, they turned to their father, mother only to “You” - “You, mother”, “You, tattoo”. These rules were strong families.

In the family life of the peoples of the North Caucasus, the customs of avoidance were widespread. Men and women lived separately, in different rooms. In the presence of parents and elders, the husband generally avoided meeting and talking with his wife, and in front of strangers he pretended not to notice her. In turn, the wife avoided meetings and conversations with her husband's older relatives and close neighbors, even their names were forbidden to her. There was also avoidance between parents and children. The father, in the presence of strangers, did not pick up the children, did not call them by name, but in every possible way showed outward indifference towards them, since it was considered shameful for a man to demonstrate his love and affection for children.

In all the mountain peoples of the North Caucasus, children of both sexes were completely dependent on their parents. The slightest disobedience to the parental will was severely punished by adat. It was also condemned by public opinion, and according to Sharia it was considered the greatest sin.

Deep respect and reverence for father and mother was expressed in unquestioning obedience to them, constant care for them, and the strictest observance of behavioral prohibitions. Relationships in the mountain family were built on the principles of Adyghe etiquette, which provided for mutual respect, courtesy and tact. Both boys and girls had to know these laws from early childhood and strictly follow them according to their age. Great help in memorizing and fulfilling the complex etiquette of hospitality was provided by folk legends. Any villager or stranger walking down the street, in response to his greeting, hears “keblag” - welcome. This means that everyone invites him to his house and wants to treat him. If the guest refuses the treat and asks for directions to someone, then the host, leaving all his affairs, escorts him to his destination. And the destination may be a neighboring village. The hospitality of the Circassians extended even to blood enemies.

Among the Cossacks, the guest was considered a messenger of God. The most dear and welcome guest was considered to be an unfamiliar from distant places, in need of shelter, rest and care. Anyone who did not show respect to the guest was deservedly subjected to contempt. Regardless of the age of the guest, he was assigned the best place at the meal and at rest. It was considered indecent to ask a guest for 3 days where he came from and what was the purpose of his arrival. Even the old man gave way, although the guest was younger than him. It was considered a rule among the Cossacks: wherever he went on business, to visit, he never took food either for himself or for his horse. In any farm, village, village, he always had a distant or close relative, godfather, matchmaker, brother-in-law or colleague, or even just a resident who would welcome him as a guest, feed him and his horse. Cossacks stopped at inns on rare occasions when visiting fairs in cities.

Folk ideals of moral education were determined by the moral code that existed among all peoples, which meant not only a system of rules and norms of behavior, but also volitional qualities, emotions, feelings associated with the observance of decency in actions and in relations between people, consecrated by traditions, customs, popular law. The latter demanded the upbringing of children in the spirit of love for the fatherland, their people, parents, friendship and respect for other peoples. Therefore, both the Circassians and the Cossacks had traditions in education, and very deep ones:
1. Education of diligence, honest military service, decency.
2. The teaching of goodness, benevolence.
3. Developing the ability to correctly evaluate life situation.
4. Teaching obedience. From the obedient one will always come out a reasonable person, a good worker, a kind family man and an honest Cossack, and from a disobedient one - a skygazer, a thief, a deceiver, a rapist.
5. Teaching to live with your mind, to sympathize with people.

Father and grandfather taught sons and grandsons how to manage, how to survive in dangerous conditions: how to behave with enemies, when meeting a dangerous beast in the forest, they taught how to make a fire in the rain. Mothers and grandmothers taught girls about housekeeping, the ability to love and take care of the family, taught compliance, affection. Parents strictly followed the relationship of young people before marriage. The height of indecency was considered the manifestation of feelings in the presence of elders.

There were practically no divorces in the Adyghe and Cossack families.

The combination of these qualities, a harmonious system of family education, its social nature helped both the Cossacks and the Adygs to preserve their ethnic identity, a powerful layer of spiritual and material values.

The key means of upbringing in the family were labor, military sports and festive events, teachings and teachings. Many specific, inherent only to the Cossacks, only to the Circassians, methods and techniques of education, being passed down from generation to generation, became traditions. They strictly regulated the behavior of all members of the family and community, thereby maintaining intra-group cohesion and ensuring a high level of self-organization. In general, the ideas of the Cossacks about love, family, morality and honor are reflected in a complex of well-thought-out educational practices and norms of relationships that make up the entire wealth of folk pedagogical culture, assimilated with the culture of the peoples of the North Caucasus.

Notes:

1. Velikaya N.N. Cossacks of the Eastern Ciscaucasia in the XVIII-XIX centuries. Rostov-on-Don, 2001, p. 196; Gardanov V.K. Culture and life of the peoples of the North Caucasus. M., 1968. S. 185.
2. Ibid.
3. Butova E. Stanitsa Borozdinskaya // Collection of materials for describing localities and tribes of the Caucasus. Issue. 7. Tiflis, 1889. S. 51, 100.
4. Aleinikov V. Cossacks - Russian pioneers.
5. Kumakhov M.A. Adyghe (Circassian) encyclopedia. M., 2006. S. 554.
6. Meretukov M.A. Marriage among the Circassians // UZ ARI. 1968. V. 8. S. 208.
7. Kirzhinov S.S. The system of education of the Circassians in the past: author. dis. cand. ped. Sciences. Tbilisi, 1977, pp. 13-14.
8. All-Russian scientific and practical conference "Cossacks in the history of Russia" (Moscow, October 3-4, 2007) // Cossack Terek. 2007. No. 9-10. S.3-6, 28; GASK. F.318. D. No. 5. L.6.
9. Gardanov VK Culture and life of the peoples of the North Caucasus. M., 1968. S. 185; Kirzhinov S.S. The system of education of the Circassians in the past: author. dis. cand. ped. Sciences. Tbilisi, 1977, pp. 13-14.
10. Karachaily I. Life of the mountain peoples of the South-East. Rostov-n / D., 1924. S. 11.
11. Kokiev G.A. To the question of atalychestve // ​​RG. 1919. No. 3.
12. Velikaya N.N. Cossacks of the Eastern Ciscaucasia in the XVIII-XIX centuries. Rostov-n / D., 2001. S. 196.
13. Kumakhov M.A. Decree. op.
14. Kokiev G.A. Decree. op.
15. Kumakhov M.A. Decree. op.
16. Gardanov V.K. Decree. op.
17. Aleksandrov S.G. Folk outdoor games Kuban Cossacks. Krasnodar: KGAFK, 1997. S. 3, 83.
18. Kumakhov M.A. Decree. op.
19. Ibid.
20. Gardanov V.K. Decree. op.
21. Ibid.
22. Kumakhov M.A. Decree. op.
23. Gardanov V.K. Hospitality, kunachestvo and patronage among the Circassians (Circassians) in the 18th and first half of the 19th centuries // SE. 1964. No. 1.
24. Kokiev G.A. Decree. op.

Issues of Cossack history and culture: Issue 7 / M.E. Galetsky, N.N. Denisova, G.B. Luhansk; Kuban Association "Regional Festival of Cossack Culture"; Department of Slavic-Adyghe cultural relations of the Adyghe Republican Institute of Humanitarian Research named after A.I. T. Kerasheva. - Maykop: Publishing house "Magarin O.G.", 2011.

KHAN-GIREY

BELIEF, MORALS, CUSTOMS, WAY OF LIFE OF THE Circassians

I. Religion

II. Upbringing

III. Marriage and wedding ceremonies

IV. Feasts, games, dances and bodily exercises

V. Pastime

VII. Burial and commemoration

I
RELIGION

The only religion of the Circassian tribes (with the exception of a very small number of inhabitants inside the mountains, who still adhere to paganism) is the Mugamedan, the Sunni sect. The restless way of life of the Circassians is the reason that they poorly perform the rites prescribed by religion, although many of them are ready to give their lives for the slightest insult to their confession. I happened to see among them people who surpass even the Turks themselves in religious fanaticism and diligence in fulfilling the rules of religion, which the clergy teaches them. The Circassians unanimously say and believe that people will be punished for their sins in the future life, in proportion to their criminal deeds, but that, being a Mugamedan, a person will not become an eternal victim, but will return again to the bliss of paradise. Here is the main distinctive dogma of the Circassian faith.

As for their ancient confession, overthrown by the introduction of the Mugamedan religion among them, it was, as elsewhere, pagan. The Circassians believed in polytheism, performed festivities in the name of thunder, paid divine honors to corruptible beings, and marked their error with many other beliefs of idolatry. During pagan times, the Circassians had the main deities:

1. Mesith (god of forests). They begged this deity, who, in their opinion, had the fate of animals, for success in fishing. In absurd beliefs, they imagined him riding a golden bristled pig, believing that by his command the deer converge in the meadows and that there some maidens milk them.

2. Zeykuth (deity of riding). The imagination of the Circassians created this deity, who was supposed to patronize their famous craft - raids, but legends do not implement it in forms.

3. Pekoash (princess of the waters). A deity who rules over the waters. If the Circassians knew painting, then, of course, they would depict him in the form of a beautiful goddess, because their imagination represented the princess of the waters as a maiden.

4. Achin. This deity was represented as a very strong being, and it must be assumed that he was especially revered as the patron of cattle, because to this day there is one family in the mountains, which at a certain time of autumn usually drives one cow out of its herd to a sacred grove or tree, tying it to the horns her cheese and bread. Residents of the surroundings accompany this sacrifice, which is called the self-walking Achin's cow (Achin and tchemleriko), and upon reaching the sacred place they cut it. It is remarkable that when making a sacrifice, the skin is not torn off at the place of slaughter, but at the place where the skin is removed, meat is not boiled, and where it is boiled, they do not eat there, but gradually move from one place to another. During the cooking time, the people gathered under the tree of sacrifice dance with their heads bare, while special prayer songs are loudly sung. They assure that a cow from the herd of the aforementioned family, when the time of Achin's festival comes, goes to the place of sacrifice itself, which is why she received the name self-walking. During the flood of the rivers, the people accompanying Achin's cow linger on their way, bypassing the tops of the rivers, but the cow swims across the rivers and reaches the tree of sacrifice itself. There she waits for the arrival of the owner with the people. When the time of sacrifice approaches, the cow, chosen by Achin, with a roar and various movements, makes the owner notice that she has been chosen as a sacrifice to Achin. It goes without saying that all such stories about the supernatural nature of Achin's cow are nothing but absurdities, but it is true that in former times sacrifice was made to this deity with the greatest reverence.

5. Sozeresh. This deity was revered as the patron of agriculture. From a tree called hamshkhut by the Circassians, a stump with seven branches was kept by every family man in a grain barn. At the onset of Sozeresh's night (after the harvesting of bread), each family, having gathered in their homes, brought an idol from the barn and placed it in the middle of the hut on cushions. Wax candles were stuck to its branches, with open heads they prayed to him.

6. Emish. The pagans revered this deity as the patron of sheep breeding and in honor of him they celebrated a festival in the fall, during the mating of rams. However, all these deities invented by gross delusion, which the Circassians honored, did not prevent them from comprehending the essence of the supreme creator of the universe. Saying: Thashho (great god), they seemed to understand him. It is also noteworthy that the Circassians did not, like the Slavs and other pagans, sacrifice people, did not drink their blood and did not make healthy cups from their skulls.

During pagan times, the Circassians, in addition to deities, also had saints, the Narts: among them Sausruk was revered more than anyone else; on a certain winter night they celebrated in honor of his feast, and carried to the drawing room the best food and drink for Southrook, and in the stable prepared hay and oats for his horse. Of course, Southrook did not appear, but a guest who happened to come in replaced him, and everyone, considering the arrival of a guest as a good omen, gladly treated him. If no one happened to come that night, the joy of the holiday was not so solemn. Thus, superstition itself made the Circassians hospitable. It is noteworthy that in the Circassian song about this imaginary saint, the land of Uris, or Rus, is mentioned.

The blacksmiths revered some Leps as their patron, and it seems that all the people had a special reverence for him. And now, when caring for the wounded, as we will say later, they sing a song in which they ask Leps for the recovery of the patient.

There are extremely many pagan rites left in the fresh memory of the mountain Circassian tribes, and a detailed description of them would be very curious. We confine ourselves to what has been said here, but nevertheless, we also note that, by a strange coincidence, after the Circassians adopted the Mugamedan faith, some of the ancient saints or who were known as such during pagan times, especially from the Narts, turned into famous warriors and other heroes of Arabian history. So, for example, they say that of the Circassian Narts Albechko-Tutarish was the one who is known in the stories of the Arabians under the name of Khamze-Peglevan, and the first Caliph Abubekir was the hero, whom the Circassians called Orzemed, and the Caliph Aliy, the son-in-law of Muhammed, the one who which was called among the Circassians Meterez. Further, that one of the Egyptian kings, or pharaohs, was the one whom the Circassians called Sausruk. One must think that the Circassians, who initially learned to interpret the Mugamedan books, with the intention of their saints and heroes of the times of paganism, whom they still did not completely cease to honor, transformed them into famous faces that they found in Arabic legends.

Examining the remnants of the rites of paganism among the ancestors of the current Circassians, we also find obvious traces of Christianity. So, for example, the Circassians have a song in honor of St. Mary, in which they sing the words: “Great Mary, mother of the great God.” Christian names of days have also been preserved. Finally, the use of the image of the cross is an undoubted sign of the Christian confession. Everything certifies us that the ancestors of the present Circassians were Christians. But here it seems somewhat strange that in the remains of the ancient confession of the Circassian people there are signs of Christianity and idolatry in the same religious rites. This circumstance makes us think that not all Circassians were Christians, contrary to the opinion of some writers, but that only some tribes adopted the Christian confession due to the influence of the Greeks, and when the Greeks could not support the faith they introduced, it, gradually weakening, turned into paganism, forming a special a sect whose rites were composed of the rites of former idolatry mixed with the rites of the Christian faith. Thus, the transformed idolatry, in which the ancestors of the current Circassians were immersed for a long time, before they adopted the Mugamedan faith, left between the descendants now visible, obvious traces of Christianity and paganism, mixed together. However, how is it possible to uncover past secular events where everything past is swallowed up in the abyss of the unknown, where the curiosity of the prospector listens in vain to the deceptive echo of dark legends? Such is the fate of unenlightened peoples: their being and deeds, passing, are lost in the mist of oblivion.

Speaking about the beliefs of the Circassian people, it will not be superfluous to mention their superstitions. Let us offer here a description of some of the prejudices left by the Circassians from the time of paganism.

Fortune-telling on a mutton shoulder is in some way a common custom among the Circassians, as well as among other Asian peoples. Looking at the features on the planes and bulges of the lamb shoulder, they predict soon the upcoming hostilities, famine, harvest next summer, cold, snow of the coming winter and, in a word, portend about all the upcoming prosperity and disasters. Chance reinforces the belief of the people in such divinations. Here is an example that the Circassians tell: a Circassian prince, spending the night in one village, looked at a fortune-telling bone at dinner and told those who were here that there would be alarm on the coming night. He went to bed without undressing. Indeed, at midnight, a party of robbers from a neighboring tribe attacked the village, which was near the place of lodging for the night of the prince-soothsayer, who, being ready, set off after the party of robbers and forced them to leave the captives they had captured and seek salvation in flight, leaving the body of their murdered comrade. Unsuspecting that the prince could have been warned of the enemy's intention, or that his prediction was an accidental concatenation of circumstances, everyone remained confident that he had foreseen the attack through divination. They also say that recently there lived two brothers, fortune-tellers by bones, who foresaw the future. Once they were both visiting in a neighboring village and were in the same apartment. In the evening, the elder dined in the living room of his master's neighbor and, returning, did not find his brother in the apartment. When asked about the reason for his absence, the hosts answered that his brother looked at the fortune-telling bone at dinner, ordered to saddle the horse and hurriedly left for no one knows where. The older brother asked the bone that his brother was looking at, and, examining it diligently, with a laugh announced to those around him that the bone showed his brother a man with his wife in his house, why he hastened to gallop away there, but that jealousy blinded him, for he did not see that the man in his house was the minor brother of his wife. Surprised by this explanation, the hosts sent a messenger after the soothsayer's brother, and the messenger returned with the news that everything had happened exactly as predicted. This story, of course, is an obvious invention of some lover of such miracles, but nevertheless it confirms this kind of prejudice in the Circassians.

Another kind of divination is done on beans, but it is done by women and mostly by old women. Their predictions are even funnier than divinations on a mutton bone; despite the fact that they are often resorted to in different cases.

The most terrible offspring of superstition among the Circassians is the suspicion of people in intercourse with some kind of evil spirits, and among the Circassians, as well as among other unenlightened peoples, it is a source of severe persecution. They think that people who have a connection with spirits can turn into wolves, dogs, cats and walk invisibly. They are called uddi and are attributed to them slow childhood illnesses, headaches that suddenly happen, the death of calves, lambs and, in general, livestock, which they allegedly jinxed. Finally, unfortunate sorcerers are even suspected of killing their own children. There is a belief among some Circassian tribes that on a well-known spring night the Uddis flock to a mountain called Sbroashkh and is located within the Shapsug tribe; they come there riding various animals, domestic and wild. There they feast and dance all night, and before dawn, having snapped up several bags, one of which contains a crop, and the other contains various diseases, they fly home; those who did not get the bag chase the others. From such a belief, one can guess that all the diseases that suffer in the spring are attributed to udds, and in former times they were often subjected to the horrors of torture: they put a bound uddi between two fires, flogged it with prickly rods, and the tormented inhumanly unfortunate victims of superstition confessed to crimes, of course , unknown to them. Then they forced them to swear that henceforth they would no longer harm others. Kyiv witches are real sisters to the Circassian udds, like all similar legends among all peoples, they are twins.

“Ignorance, superstition and deceit always give each other help, and everywhere, although in different forms, but with united forces they oppress the human race,” one of the smart writers rightly said.

Every nation had and still has more or less pernicious superstitions. We will not expand here further on the superstitions of the Circassians, but only say in conclusion that although since the spread of the Mugamedan religion in Circassia, the superstitions of the Muslim clergy increased many of the prejudices of the people, but gave them a more philanthropic direction. Now there is no longer any torture, nothing like that against sorcerers; prayers and talismans have replaced all other ways to get rid of them.

I
UPBRINGING

It is not heard in Circassia of an example that the children of a significant person were brought up in a parental home under the supervision of their parents; on the contrary, after the birth of the baby, they immediately give him up for education in the hands of others, that is, in the hands of a person chosen to be uncles. The chosen one often arrives even before the birth of the baby to the house of the one from whom he received consent to take his future child for upbringing, and waits for permission from the burden of the mother of his future pupil. Then, having made a decent celebration in the house of his parents, he returns to his place with a newborn and brings him up to perfect age.

It is easy to imagine that a baby, carried away in this way under someone else's cover, who still does not know how to distinguish objects, having come in his youthful years, only by ear knows his parents, brothers and sisters, for whom he naturally cannot always have tender love. Alienated from the home of his parents, he gets used to those people who have every minute care for him; he reveres them as his parents, and almost always loves their children more tenderly than his own brothers and sisters. Such a habit also cools in some way the parental tenderness of the father towards the children. A proof of this, and a very clear one, is the fact that parents have a more tender affection for those of their children who are brought up by a neighbor, therefore, under their supervision. Is it surprising after the fact that often children show a dislike for parents, whom they are accustomed to consider, so to speak, as strangers? Is it any wonder that almost always brothers, who out of habit have become the children of strangers, harbor mutual hatred, being partly disposed towards this by the daily examples set by their educators, who, seeking one before the other the favor of a strong parent of their pupils, to each other keep eternal enmity? Finally, is it surprising that the children of the same parent, in adolescence and youth, accustomed to harboring vicious hatred for each other, which they sucked into themselves with their mother's milk, having come into adulthood, do not spare each other, like the most fierce animals? This is the source of the enmity that tears apart the families of the upper class in Circassia, and the beginning of civil strife that absorbs the happiness of thousands of people in that region.

The reason for the introduction of this kind of education into the habit was, it seems, the following: the princes from time immemorial, in order to increase their strength, have been looking for all possible means to tie the nobles to themselves, and the nobles, in order to always protect and help themselves in all cases, always wanted to get closer to the princes: the poor always and everywhere need the help of the rich, and the weak in the patronage of the strong, whose power is increased by the vastness of their influence on others. For mutual rapprochement, it turned out to be the surest means of raising children, which, linking two families, in a sense, by blood relationship, brings mutual benefits, the consequences of which have given rise to a strange and harmful habit for people's morality, which has now taken the force of law among the Circassians, consecrated by time and supported by rooted opinion people, that the prince, whose children are brought up in his own house, is weak in his own country, having no connections. Such an opinion would harm his power, and besides, he would be considered a miser, which among the Circassians is considered the greatest shame. In order to avoid such an opinion, the princes and nobles of great importance piously adhere to the introduced custom, the reason for which, it seems, is thus easily explained.

Let us describe the image of the upbringing of a Circassian. The educator, or atalyk, exerts his care that his pupil be dexterous, courteous in dealing with the elders, observe the decency of his rank with the younger ones, and be equally tireless in riding and brave in the use of weapons. Ataliks travel with pupils to distant tribes in order to acquire new friends and acquaintances for those who enter the path of equestrianism. When the pupil reaches the age of maturity, the teacher returns him to the parent's house with a triumph, which consists in the fact that the atalyk with his family, accompanied by his relatives and friends, with carts filled with food and drinks, comes to the house of the parents of his pupil, whom on that day they are richly dressed and armed with shining armor. Here opens a seven-day feast; games, fun and dancing are replaced by one another. In this case, the teacher's wife dances, despite the prohibition for women to dance, for only girls have the right to do so among the Circassians. At the end of the celebration, the father of the pupil generously gives the teacher and those who were invited by him to the feast. After that, the atalyk and his friends return to their homes. This exact triumph takes place even before the complete return of the pupil to the parental home, when they bring him to the show to his mother.

A girl given up for education is brought up under the care of the atalyk's wife, or foster mother. She is accustomed to needlework, decent manners, in a word, to everything that is necessary for her future life in marriage. The foster mother goes with her to the festivities, accompanied by dancing, and under her supervision the pupil spends time dancing there. When the pupil returns to the parental home, the same rituals are observed that are performed upon the return of the pupil.

Not only the educator's family enters into a close connection with the ward's family, but even all his relatives and all his subordinates come under the ward's protection.

Everything we have said refers to the highest rank; however, it is observed in proportion to the state of each family. As for the common people, even the lowest rank people with a good fortune also very often give their children to be raised in the wrong hands. Of course, the poorest enjoy the favor of the rich, and if a poor man from petty nobles takes to himself the son of a rich man from the rank of free farmers, then this adopted son, proud of such a connection, spares nothing to satisfy the educator. He becomes a real "philistine in the nobility" and often becomes the subject of ridicule for arrogance. However, among ordinary people, domestic education is considered more decent, and education in other people's houses does not produce such strong hatred between brothers as in the highest circle.

Atalik cannot have more than one pupil without displeasure from the first pet. When a pupil from a princely family dies, the teacher, as a sign of his deepest sadness, sometimes cut off the ends of his ears in the old days; now they are content with a year of mourning.

When the pupil marries, the teacher receives from the payback given for the girl, a big gift from the spouse of the pupil.

In general, it is surprising how strong the attachment of educators to the children they have raised and those to their educators can be.

Speaking of atalyks, by the way, it should be said here that atalyk can be acquired when one is already in the years of courage. When a nobleman wants to get closer to the prince, he invites him to him, makes a celebration and brings him gifts, which usually consist of weapons, with the fulfillment of the custom observed during reconciliation and consisting in the fact that you need to put your lips to the nipples of the wife of the nobleman who is being made atalyk. In the lower ranks of the people, these customs are observed, but much less often. A noble pupil may have several atalyks; among them is supposed to be the one who shaved the head of a young prince or nobleman for the first time and keeps his hair.

III
MARRIAGE AND WEDDING RITES

Young Circassians, having free circulation with the girls, have the opportunity to please each other and make their feelings clear. After such an explanation, the man asks for his wife the chosen girl from her parents through his attorneys. If the parents agree, he gives the girl's father or brother a gift called euzh, which corresponds to betrothal or collusion. After this rite, the chosen maiden belongs to her fiance. Then they make conditions about the time of payment of the ransom in full or the agreed part. The brother or closest relative of the one who marries with numerous friends, who are invited on this occasion, comes to the bride's house, where they spend several days before the deal regarding the payment of the ransom, and the invited friends of the groom each pay something for him. During this time, there are no remote and funny jokes that those who came for the bride would not be subjected to. Every night young people gather in the house where the guests are located, and spend in noise, games and pranks all night until light. All good clothes are removed from the guests, usually giving them the most worn out in return, which is why those who come for the bride often dress in bad and worn out clothes.

Just before leaving, one of those who came for the bride, having entered the house where she is, surrounded by many women, should touch her dress, which the crowd of women who are with the bride tries to prevent, which they often succeed in doing. In order to avoid such a struggle, gifts are given to elderly women, who on this occasion, so to speak, have a ceremony, and after that the groom freely receives the bride. This habit is called the withdrawal of the bride.

If the house appointed for the initial stay of the bride is not in the same aul, then she usually rides on a cart drawn by a pair of horses or oxen. Mounted crowds ride in front and behind the carts, singing long drawn out cheerful songs, folded on purpose for wedding occasions, and incessantly firing from rifles and pistols. If someone meets the wedding train, they usually stick to it, but otherwise the youth play on impolite travelers, shooting through their hats, throwing them off the saddle and tearing off their clothes.

Throughout the train, singing and shooting continue. The bride is rarely brought directly to the groom's house, but usually the house of a friend is appointed, at the door of which the whole train stops. The bride is taken into the chambers, and those accompanying her disperse, firing a few more shots, usually aimed at the chimney of the house where the bride is.

While staying in this house, the bride is called teishe. Marriages are also performed here according to the rites of the Mugamedan religion. If the husband of the newlywed has parents or an older brother, he usually retires to the house of some of his friends and from there visits the young wife after sunset, accompanied by one young man. Before his arrival, there is usually no stranger. The young wife stands by the bed in silence until her husband's escort leaves the room. Spouses usually part before sunrise.

Often, the beginning of the entry of the newlywed into the house appointed for her temporary stay is accompanied by a festival, and the end of her stay there is always marked in the most solemn way: the owner of the house where the young woman is, having prepared everything necessary for the upcoming festival, gathers the people. Girls from the surrounding villages come at his request, the celebration opens with dancing, which sometimes lasts three days in the house where the young woman lives, and on the fourth day the newlywed is taken to her husband's house. She walks, surrounded by a large crowd of women and girls, with loud noise and songs. The procession is opened by several people sitting in a cart drawn by horses or strong bulls. The arba is covered with a red silk cloth, which is blown by the wind during rapid movement. The people pursue this solemn chariot, trying to rip off the veil, and those who sit in the cart try not to let those running around, and for this, forcing horses or bulls, they rush quickly. Numerous crowds of people running after them make a terrible noise. At the very fence of the husband's house, the escorts of the newlywed stop her. Here the husband's relatives must spread a silk cloth on the ground, starting from the doors of the fence to the doors of the house, for the young wife to enter the house along it, where a new era of life will begin for her. If the young one is traveling, then the cart in which she is placed is also covered with a cloth.

On the threshold of the husband's house, the newlywed is showered with crackers made on purpose, which is called shedding. After that, a dish of honey and butter or nuts is brought to her. The old women are emptying the dish. For three days, solemn dances and games continue again. And here, as at home, the former owner treats the people. On the seventh day of solemn entertainment, they go home, and the host, who invited the guests, thanks the most honored persons from among the visitors. Before, when it is time for the assembly to disperse, a large, whole, yellow sack, smeared with butter or lard, is thrown at the people from a dais, and the crowds, rushing at it, try, each vying with each other, to pull it over to their side in order to have time to carry it away from with you to your village. The struggle sometimes lasts for several hours and is accompanied by the noise and shouting of a crowd of foot and horsemen. This game belongs only to the wedding celebration, although, however, it is not commonly used everywhere.

The owner of the house where the young wife has stayed for some time becomes her husband's atalyk, just like the educators.

In these days of joy and fun, the inhabitants of not only the village where the celebration takes place, but even the surrounding villages participate in it. Only the young spouse remains in seclusion or goes on raids, and not before the end of the wedding celebration and all the rites, while being observed, returns home.

Wedding rites among the common people are consistent with the rites that accompany weddings of the highest rank, in accordance with the state of each person. Whoever is poorer invites guests less, as is the case everywhere, and treats them more simply.

Marriage must be entered into on the basis of gender equality. Princes take wives from princely families and evenly give away their daughters only for princely sons. Nobles are united by marriage without fail with nobles.

When the girl’s parents do not agree to give her to the one who asks for her hand, the groom steals away the bride and marries her without the will of her parents, which is often done because the marriage of girls for parents or their brothers is associated with significant costs: should dress the bride as richly as possible, give her a maidservant, and so on, which can be avoided when taking the bride away. Therefore, the Circassians look at the abduction of girls, so to speak, through their fingers. It also happens that a father marries his son, without asking his desire, and to such a person whom he has never seen, which, however, is very rare. Often there are weddings against the will of the girl and her parents. A young man in love with a beauty gathers a crowd of young comrades and friends and, choosing a convenient opportunity, seizes the girl and gives her to the house of a person respected by the people. There he enters under his patronage into a forced marriage. It is easy to imagine what unfortunate consequences such an inhuman habit and a marriage contrary to common sense must have for spouses!

IV
FESTIVALS, GAMES, DANCES AND BODY EXERCISES

During the prosperity of the people, hours free from business are usually devoted to pleasures. On the contrary, with the disasters that befall the people, their pleasures become less frequent. The Circassians, never reaching the degree of proper prosperity and having been subjected to serious disasters, are now alienated from many games and amusements of the people, which once gave them the greatest pleasures in idle hours.

Of all folk games, now almost forgotten, is more remarkable than others called dior. It is very likely that it remained among the people from those times when the rites of paganism and Christianity were mixed (in the dialects of some Circassian tribes, dior means “cross”). This game began with the onset of spring. Residents in all auls were divided into two parties, upper and lower. Dwellings in the eastern part of each aul were called the upper reaches, and the western lower reaches, and this division still exists in large and oblong auls. Each took a long pole in his hands, on top of which an attached basket was stuffed with dry hay or straw. In this way the armed parties stood against one another, lit baskets, and with these huge torches attacked one side against the other, shouting with all their might: Diora, diora! The game usually began with the onset of night darkness, and the sight of the lights blazing in the darkness of the night produced a very remarkable spectacle. The parties, mutually attacking one another, captured captives as far as possible, who, with their hands tied, were brought to the guest house of the foremen, where, at the end of the struggle, each party gathered separately. Here they negotiated among themselves, exchanged prisoners, and then each party ransomed the rest or set them free, taking from them a promise to deliver the ransom appointed for them, which usually consisted of food supplies. Thus, the collected supplies were entrusted to one of the elders of the party, who prepared the feast, called other elders of the aul to himself or to the guest house of one of them, where they brought tables with food and drinks. There they feasted all day or only in the evening, spending time in the full joy of carefree fun. The game was started from both sides by young people with baskets, but as if on alarm, older people ran to them, and even the elders came, partly to look at the merrymakers and sigh, remembering the past years of youth, partly to take precautions against fire, which could easily cause baskets, in the madness of fun, quickly carried from one corner of the aul to another. Old men were often taken prisoner, being weak and unable to resist strong young fighters who imposed belt shackles on them. However, such captives were costly to the victors, as well as to the party from which they were stolen: in order to reconcile with them, it was necessary to satisfy them because, not respecting their gray hairs, they carried them into captivity, and in this case the perpetrators prepared food and drinks , and reconciliation with the elders consisted of a new treat.

Princes and nobles, mainly during their stay in the field or at congresses, were divided into two sides, and one announced its demands to the other under some pretext. They elected judges, before whom the defendants defended themselves by the power of eloquence, and the accusers did not spare strong expressions to win their opponents. Thus, a field was opened where the foremen, princes and nobles showed the power of their eloquence and knowledge of the existing legalizations of the people's and feudal rights of the ancient families of their nation. This fun, or, if I may say so, an exercise in oral eloquence, served among the Circassians as a school that formed speakers among them.

Here is another game: in winter, after harvesting bread and hay, the inhabitants of the village, also divided into two parties, attack each other. First they fight with clods of snow, then it comes to hand-to-hand combat and then they capture prisoners who are forced to pay off, after which a treat follows.

In a large aul, when there is a congress and many young princes and nobles gather, they often amuse themselves in this way: the youth of the highest rank, that is, the princes and nobles, form one side, and the youth of free farmers - the other, and both enter the struggle. The first, how many captives she captures from the second, leads them with their hands tied to the guest house of one of the noble foremen of the aul; the second leads her captives into the living room of one of her foremen. This game also begins with young people, but, nevertheless, it always comes to the old people. The side of the higher rank begins to capture the elders of the common people in their homes, and the commoners in turn attack the elders of the higher rank and take them away, often without any mercy and caution, into captivity. Then negotiations begin, prisoners are exchanged or released on conditions. The nobles give for the ransom of their various things, and the farmers are obliged to deliver oats for the horses of noble youths and similar needs, decent for their place of residence. Followed by the satisfaction of honorable people. Outsiders, who did not participate in the game, are elected, who determine satisfaction. Usually, the sentences consist in the fact that the side of the simple, having prepared a lot of food and drinks, comes with a humble head to the guest house of the senior prince or nobleman, where everyone gathers and feasts, and the princes and noblemen give gifts to the elders, who, not respecting their gray hairs, were taken to captured, and thus peace is established.

Circassians play chess and checkers, especially checkers in great use. We will talk about other games that take place at commemorations and weddings when describing these rites.

The dances of the Circassians are divided into two categories: some are called udchi and are preferred. The men, taking the girls under the arms, stand in a circle, in the form of a Russian round dance, and gradually move to the right side, stamping their heels. Sometimes the circle is so large that musicians, violinists, flute players, strangers are placed inside it, and often the children of foremen are brought there, on horseback, when they dance in an open place. All decent people, except for the elderly, dance in large gatherings, somehow: at the marriage of noble persons, at the birth of children, giving them up for education and returning to their parents' house. In such meetings, a few quick people are appointed to keep order in the circle of dancers. Their duty is to keep the people from crowding the dancers, and also to keep the horse riders from getting too close. In addition to these overseers, several more honorable people are appointed at the special choice of the owner, and their duty is considered the most important: they lead the girls to the dancing men, strictly observing the accepted decorum, which consists in not leaving visiting guests without ladies, and so on. It should be noted that public opinion requires that a girl should not dance too often and for a long time with one man, and, on the contrary, it is considered more decent to dance in turn with many. The girl can leave her cavalier, or rather the cavaliers, who are on both sides of her, and go to another, and also return to the room to rest. Then she is accompanied by elderly women, usually with princesses and noble girls, and when they dance, the attendants do not take their eyes off them, standing at a distance. The girls are also accompanied on their return to the room by persons chosen for that purpose and family friends of the host who gives the celebration. A man in the midst of a dance, on the other hand, must by no means leave his lady, but he can dance without her.

The dancers talk freely with the girls, and the girls answer them freely and without shyness, of course, observing all decorum, do not laugh, do not talk to each other about what is obscene to sex and rank; at least, this is how it should be according to the generally accepted law of the hostel, not following which the girls are considered badly educated, but men are rude and alien to the knowledge of decency inherent in a nobleman. During the dance, the musicians stand against the noblest girls: the violinist plays near her, and the humming one shouts at the top of his voice that “a girl such and such, dancing with such and such is surrounded” and that “they will take a scarf from her (usually tucked behind a belt with which the dancer wipes sweat off his face). Then he says: “Does her gentleman have friends who could buy his lady?” Then the gentleman's friends appear and give some thing, mostly a pistol (and, giving it away, they usually shoot into the air). The musician's assistant proclaims, raising the donated item, that "such and such made some kind of gift for such and such", after which the donated item is hung on a pole set for this in the middle of the circle. Not infrequently, even the horses thus presented are led into the circle, of course, when they are dancing in the open air, which always happens if the weather does not interfere.

When the circle is large and there are many musicians in the middle, the shooting from the given pistols continues incessantly and the smoke rushes over the circle of dancers. The noise, the talk, the cries of the people crowding in the circle, merging with the sounds of instruments and shots, fill the air. Young riders with beauties who are the objects of their sighs, sometimes, plunging into sweet dreams, then indulge in pleasant hopes of the future and do not miss the opportunity to put in a word to each other about those feelings that fill the hearts at that time. Thus, the dance continues for several hours in a row, and then it is replaced by a game that is noisier and very dangerous. Crowds on foot, armed with huge stakes, crowd out mounted riders, ready to fight, to show the agility of their runners and their own dexterity. Footmen rush at them in dense crowds, shouting and beating both them and the horses without mercy. The riders also, for their part, do not spare the pedestrians, trample them with their horses, fearlessly rushing into the middle of the crowd, ruthlessly hitting them. Often horsemen overcome footmen, disperse them under the protection of the walls of houses, even into the houses themselves, and inflamed daredevils on dashing runners sometimes jump over high fences surprisingly easily, breaking weak buildings with their horses' chests. Such attacks continue until one side defeats the other. Things sometimes come to a frenzy on both sides, and then the old people, entering into mediation, stop such a dangerous amusing battle.

It is easy to imagine that accidents are almost inevitable here. Often they kill horses, even people, or inflict heavy blows, knock their limbs over. No wonder the Circassians say that "who is not afraid on the day of such a game, he will not be afraid in battle either." Indeed, this reckless game can in some way show bravery and courage, qualities so necessary in battles.

After dancing and playing until tired, the feast begins. Drinks and tables laden with food are served to guests and honorable persons. People gather in different places, residents of one aul in one place, and another in another place, and so on. Meals are carried everywhere and distributed under the supervision of the elect, who make sure that old people and the most honorable persons are decently treated and that young rascals do not plunder the food, which often happens.

Such festivities sometimes last for several days, and at the end of their host, that is, who gave the triumph, expresses his gratitude to the most honorable persons who honored his festivity with their presence, and the people go home, satiated with pleasures, food and drinks.

Musicians receive gifts and, moreover, as a reward for their labors, they take for themselves the skins of bulls and rams slaughtered for a feast. The gifts made by him during the dance, they return to those who gave them, receiving several charges of gunpowder for each, and sometimes the princes give them especially different things and horses.

These festivities are also held among the common people, but then they are in accordance with the state and significance of the persons who give them.

As for another kind of dance, it consists in the fact that one, speaking in the middle of the audience, dances, making very quickly various difficult movements with his feet. He goes up to one of those present, touches his clothes with his hand, and then he replaces him, and so on. Girls also take part in this dance, but both they and men do not make indecent gestures, which happens among other Asian peoples. However, such a dance is not in respect.

Large celebrations in general are now becoming less frequent in Circassia due to incessant unrest. To this, the preaching of the clergy contributes a lot, which makes any kind of public amusements in community with women contrary to the Muhamedan religion, and in the absence of the fair sex, no public amusements can no longer be enlivened with pleasure, even among a semi-savage people.

It is noteworthy that the ancestors of the present-day Circassians during pagan times, invoking the blessings of the objects they idolize or expressing their gratitude to them, danced, which is clear from ancient dance songs. There are even now old people who have repeatedly participated in such dances, when festivities were held in honor of thunder, and so on. They say with regret that the blessed times of old had many charms, which now, amidst the violent cares of life, have become rare in their homeland.

During plowing, the inhabitants of the aul are usually divided into two sides: those who are in the field make up one, and the others who remain in the aul make up the other. The first ones come to the aul, grab the hat of the maiden of a noble house and take it to their huts. They are pursued, but rarely caught up, because they come and make their raid in stealth. After a day or more, they return the hat, wrapping it in a scarf, and, moreover, they bring food and drinks from the field, prepared for such an occasion, to the maidens' house, and there they often feast and dance all night, having gathered all the inhabitants of the village. At the end of the entertainment, the father or brother of the girl gives gifts, but for the most part, young princes or nobles living in the village do not allow this, but generously reward the kidnappers from themselves.

The other side, in revenge against the opposite, having gathered in a crowd, goes into the field; there, grabbing the strap with which the plow is tied (it is called vvashe), carries it away, defending itself from the pursuers. To help out the belt, they bring food and drinks to the house where the belt is laid and spend the whole evening in fun. When the plowmen return, the other side meets them and a fight begins; each side tries to push the other into the water in their robes. Often women are doused with water or dragged into the river. This fun is considered very important, because there is a belief that it must be done for the harvest.

Lifting weights, throwing cannonballs and stones, wrestling, running, horse racing, jumping over fences and raised cloaks, and so on, the Circassians also have fun items that strengthen the body and are good for health. But the main subject of bodily exercises is to wield weapons and horses with special dexterity, in which the Circassians are truly inimitable. With incredible speed, at full gallop of the fastest horse, they load their guns in cases, but a good rider needs only one moment - to grab a gun from a case and shoot. The Circassians fire pistols and rifles incessantly, but not every one of them is a good shooter, although those who are famous for their art achieve considerable perfection in it. Often they try to pierce a board, which is rather thick, with an arrow shot from a bow, and there are those who pull the bow with amazing force and shoot from it. In a word, the whole life of a Circassian passes in amusements and exercises, more or less militant.

V
PASSING TIME

As the vastness of a person's knowledge and the range of his actions spreads. The Circassian, whose occupations are limited to the things necessary for his simple life, spends most of his time in idleness or in exercises invented by idleness. The higher ranks, consisting of princes and nobles, consider it indecent to their dignity to exercise in the sciences, which provide a means of knowing the country in which we live, customs, mores, and finally nature itself. They evenly consider it not only inconsistent with their rank, but even shameful to live quietly at home, in bliss, which is why they spend most of their time on horseback on the road.

Spring and autumn are two seasons of the year that can be called equestrian seasons among the Circassians. Then the princes, having gathered parties of young nobles, leave, as they say, in the field and, having chosen a convenient place, settle down in huts for the whole autumn or spring. Here, for each of them, classes are opened, corrected by them with complete pleasure. Ministers and young people travel at night to auls for prey, capture and drive bulls and rams for food, which sometimes, depending on convenience, they do during the day, and sending them to nearby auls for provisions that cannot be acquired by youth, somehow for millet, milk, cheese, etc. Meanwhile, the best riders go to distant tribes. There they steal herds of horses, capture people and return with booty to their comrades, who, feasting every night at the expense of the blunders of the inhabitants of the surrounding auls, are looking forward to the return of the riders. At the same time, the prince, the leader of the party, sends his bridles from himself to the prince of another tribe, his friend, and he generously gives those sent. Often the princes themselves go to other princes and personally accept gifts, which in such cases are usually held captive, or in a herd of horses forcibly captured. In such predatory, but warlike exercises, autumn is spent almost until the onset of winter, and spring until the intense heat of summer. If this kind of fishing is successful, then during the entire stay in the field, one can say, incessantly, the Circassians sing songs and cheerful clicks fill the air, and shooting, a sign of good luck in raids, accompanies joy, and the echo of the forests far echoes the signs of triumph.

Finally, when the time comes to go home, captives and horses that have been taken as booty are usually exchanged for goods, and then the division of everything acquired begins, for which people are chosen from among themselves, on whose impartiality they rely. They divide the booty into equal parts, according to the number of people who make up the party, and each, starting with the oldest in years, chooses the part that he likes best. Thus, the division of booty continues to the end. Here there is a special respect for old age and age in general, so that each of the party, although he would be just a cook, is older than the prince in years, before his prince has the right to choose the part of the division that he likes. However, the prince-leader, as well as some other persons, regardless of the division, receive a special share. If the booty to be divided consists of such an object that those from whom it is taken away, having discovered the kidnappers, can demand satisfaction from their leader, in this case the leader sometimes proposes to the party that they receive only half of the booty for the general division, and give half to him, so that he will give satisfaction in case of recovery, or proposes to divide everything properly equally, so that in the event of recovery, everyone contributes the part he received, and so on. Such conditions are often confirmed by an oath.

The cooks are provided with the skins of sheep and bulls eaten during the stay of the party in the field.

At the end of the division, the prince returns to his place, dismissing the party home. The inhabitants of the auls congratulate the equestrians who have returned from the field, and they usually make gifts to the congratulators, especially to the elderly and elderly women.

Throughout the summer and winter, riders stay at home and fatten their beloved horses, prepare new harnesses and weapons, or renew and decorate old ones until the time of equestrianism sets in, when they again embark on their trade and indulge in free pursuits, looking for in them such cases that could glorify them, at the same time delivering booty. In the intervals of time between arrivals, taking advantage of a convenient opportunity and depending on the circumstances, they make raids, robberies, thefts, etc., and also correct the needs of household chores: they go to meetings or to people's congresses and visit each other.

Old men and foremen, if declination of years and circumstances do not allow them to participate in predatory enterprises, are engaged in the affairs of the people and their household.

This is how the princes and nobles spent their time in Circassia, when she was more enjoying the tranquility. One evil eradicates or diminishes another. Ever since the Circassians were subjected to incessant and universal disturbances, the violent time of equestrianism, when the villagers did not know peace from the attack of parties of equestrians in the field, has passed, as everything passes in the world. Now the Circassians have become less likely to spend autumn and spring on arrivals, although, however, the dangers have not greatly diminished because the nobles still go to the princes and serve with them for whole years, and the princes still make mutual visits, accompanied by riders. robbery and theft. As before, the highest ranks spend time on horseback and in warlike raids, but the spirit of thirst for the glory of horsemanship, which animated everyone before, has noticeably decreased.

As for the simple title of farmers, after sowing grain in the spring, before haymaking, they are engaged in the preparation of arbs (carts on two high wheels) and other household and agricultural implements. Others share their time with nobles and princes and take advantage of their rewards or wander around on their own, with the goal of stealing something somewhere. Crowds and one by one they go in search, and the passion for theft reaches a contemptuous degree in them. Others sit at home, doing nothing, and fearfully await the coming of the time for harvesting bread, that is, working time. At the end of the cleaning, they again indulge in idleness, which again awakens the passion to steal someone else's property. With the onset of deep winter, using a sleigh, they carry firewood for the whole summer, and after this work they plunge back into idleness, which is occasionally interrupted for a while by cares for livestock.

In Circassia, as elsewhere, the inhabitants of places where there is less convenience for their meager agriculture, are more industrious than the inhabitants of the beautiful plains and do not fully know the useless months of idleness, as they call the last time from spring sowing to the beginning of mowing and harvesting grain. This saying proves the tendency of the Circassians, the inhabitants of the plains, to an idle life, which gives rise to many vices.

We talked about the pastime of men, let's say about the activities in which Circassian women spend their time, who do not like idleness at all, or do not have the opportunity to be idle.

Women and girls of the highest rank are constantly engaged in needlework. The duty of the wife of a Circassian is heavy: she sews all the clothes for her husband, from head to toe; moreover, the whole burden of household management lies on her; the food and drink prepared for her husband and guests must be known to her, and evenly she oversees cleanliness.

When all the dishes are ready and already on the tables to be taken to the guest house, the hostess, in the highest rank, is informed of this, and she goes to the kitchen to inspect cleanliness and order, and then returns to her department. At the end of lunch or dinner, she is told by close family members about whether her husband and guests were satisfied.

The girls, being daily witnesses of the fulfillment of the duties of their mothers, are accustomed to the heavy services associated with the title of the wife of a Circassian.

Regarding the lower rank, it should be added that, in addition to all the work of managing the house and raising children, the wife of a simple farmer also helps her husband in harvesting bread. She goes with him to reap, to stack stacks of bread, stacks of hay, and so on. In a word, the industriousness of Circassian wives replaces all the shortcomings resulting from the idleness of their husbands, and they spend their whole lives in their studies, and as a joy for that, not alien to the tendency of curiosity inherent everywhere in the fair sex, they are glad to have the opportunity to come together to talk and gossip.

The rites observed by the Circassians in the maintenance of the wounded, the most important remnants of the paganism of the Circassian people, continue unabated and everywhere with minor differences and changes to this day. For the most part, a wounded person of noble origin is placed in the house of the owner of the aul closest to the place where he was wounded. The owner of the aul, out of duty of hospitality and out of common decency, invites the wounded to his place, and without special circumstances they do not refuse to accept offers of shelter, because refusal can offend.

The minute the patient is brought into the house appointed for his quarters is preceded by superstition: the threshold of the door is raised by nailing a thick board to it. A girl younger than 15 years old draws a line around the inner wall of the house with cow feces, in the hope of protecting the patient from the harmful effects of evil eyes, as the Circassians say. At the bedside of the patient they put a cup with water and a chicken egg and immediately put an iron plow, with a hammer of the same metal. A visitor who visits a patient for the first time, approaching him, hits the plow with a hammer three times, then lightly sprinkles the blanket on the patient from the cup where the egg is laid, saying: God make you healthy! Then he steps back from the patient's bed and takes a place worthy of his age and rank.

Those who enter the house of the sick and leave from there carefully cross the elevated threshold, being afraid to touch him with their foot, which is considered an unfavorable omen. The visitor always hits the plow with a hammer so hard that the sound can be heard by everyone in the house. There is a belief that if the visitor is a fratricide (mehaadde) or an innocent person (kanli) killer, then the blow of the hammer will not make a sound, and also that the egg laid there will burst from its touch to a cup of water, which serves as proof of the visitor's crimes. They notice that the obvious killers do not touch the water at all, trying, however, to hide such an act from the eyes of the people who are here.

Many of the visitors comprehend the absurdity of such superstitious rites, but all, without exception, observe them with all strictness. Prejudices in the opinions of the people take root very strongly. It must be said, however, that these beliefs, out of all the prejudices engendered by ignorance, are not at all harmful! It is said that in former times, open fratricides and those who shed the blood of the innocent avoided visiting a sick person, because the people were sure that their presence could harm the sick person, and now many hold this opinion; and as there are many obvious killers among visitors, the ignorance of those looking after the sick ascribes to their presence bad changes in the state of health of the sufferer, proving smoothing by the fact that an egg placed in water is found cracked, not at all thinking that from water, especially winter sometimes, or from accidentally touching the cup, it itself could burst.

Howbeit, kind people they look with disdain at the obvious killers present at the sickbed, and such beliefs, superstitious and ridiculous, prove that the ancestors of the present-day Circassians more abhorred and feared the presence of criminals, respecting virtue until these feelings, shining in the impenetrable haze of ignorance, did not were consumed by moral disorder.

After the transfer of the patient to the house, a person who uses the wounded is immediately called, who remains with the patient until he is cured. The aul where the patient is located becomes a gathering place not only for neighboring, but even distant nobles and all the highest rank from the surrounding auls. Every night, visitors and those staying in the village, as well as old people and young people of all ranks, converge to the patient. It is considered proper for fathers and mothers of families that their daughters visit the sick person, which is sometimes preceded by an invitation from the wives and daughters of the owner of the house where the sick person is. But it should be noted that women are strictly forbidden to enter the patient, when girls are even encouraged to do so.

With the onset of dusk, everyone begins to gather to the patient and singing is heard under the arch of his dwelling. The visitors are divided into two parties, and each tries to outdo the other. First they sing songs composed for such an occasion, and then they move on to ordinary songs if the patient is out of danger and cheerful; otherwise, the old songs continue until weary. Having stopped singing, various amusing games and amusements begin, in which the girls especially take part. Of the amusements, moreover, the most important is hand-handling: one of the visitors starts the game; going up to one of the girls (of course, they mostly choose pretty ones), he demands that she stretch out her hand; he hits her on the palm, after which she, in turn, going up to one of the men, also hits him on the palm, which continues from one to another for a long time, because no other fun in these gatherings gives so much pleasure to men . It is probable that the girls do not find it unpleasant to have fun with the young horsemen who attract their attention, because they play handshake very willingly.

Then various other games begin, accompanied by shouting, noise, excitement and pushing. Finally, all these amusing pranks gradually subside, and songs related to the state of the wounded begin to be sung again in hoarse voices, but not for long. For supper there are tables laden with dishes and drinks, in jugs for honored guests and in huge tubs for the people. The girls, accompanied by the host's friends, return to the women's department, and from there in the morning they go home, and around dusk they again gather to the patient.

At the end of the supper, having sung a few more cheerful songs, everyone, with the exception of those who are inseparably with the patient, leaves before the onset of the next night. Again, at dusk, everyone comes to the patient, with renewed vigor after resting during the day, and many with new plans against beauties.

Such meetings continue until the patient is cured or until his death. Of course, if there is no hope for recovery, when the patient is clearly approaching the coffin, the gatherings are gloomy, traces of despondency are visible on the faces of visitors, who in this case are not numerous and consist for the most part of the friends of the patient and the owner of the house containing him. But the songs do not stop on the last night of the patient's life.

The patient himself participates in fun and singing, often overcoming unbearable pain, and at the entrance of an honored visitor or girls gets out of bed every time. If it is not possible for him to perform this courtesy, then at least he rises from the head, despite the prohibitions of the user.

I saw a man on his deathbed, so close to the coffin that there was no longer any hope, but at our entrance, hearing that we had come to visit him, he made such an effort that he injured his broken bones and fainted from terrible pain. . It was pitiful to look at his convulsions, and three days after that he died, praised for his courageous patience.

If the patient groans, frowns and does not get up at the entrance of visitors, then he incurs the bad opinion of the people and is subjected to ridicule; this circumstance makes the Circassians incredibly patient in illnesses.

In continuation of the treatment, relatives and friends of the owner, at-lyks of the patient and acquaintances, often even completely strangers, but nobles living in the vicinity, drive and send cattle for cooking, and all the drinks needed when keeping the patient.

Upon the recovery of the wounded, the owner of the house where he was treated sometimes makes a feast for the recovered person in his house, and brings him gifts consisting of weapons, and brings him a horse with all the harness. The owner also makes great gifts to the doctor who used the patient, in addition to the fact that he owns all the skins of bulls and rams eaten by the people in the house where the patient was kept during his use.

The cured gives a woman who washed bandages, rags, and so on. during his treatment, as well as those who were inseparably with him in the service. Moreover, he makes a gift to the young girl who drew a line around the inner walls of the house where he was treated. Subsequently, the wounded man himself, if he is a prince, sometimes gives a family of people or a prisoner, and friendship is established between them.

What we said about the maintenance of the wounded belongs to people of noble, higher rank, and as for people of lesser rank, although the manner of keeping them is the same, with the difference that gatherings and treats are consistent with the significance and condition of the wounded and the owner of the house. where he is kept if he is not in his house, which, however, rarely happens among the common people.

In the lower rank, they also almost always bargain with doctors who undertake to treat the wounded, which is rarely done in the highest rank, because in this case a nobleman who knows decency considers it insulting to negotiate, and the doctor in every possible way confirms such a belief, because they do not lose from him .

Justice demands to say in conclusion that disinterested observance of decency sometimes produces truly magnanimous actions among the Circassians. A young nobleman, or whatever the rank of a warrior, ready to sacrifice himself for glory, catches up with enemies who have made an unexpected raid, and, despite their number or danger, rushes at them, fights and receives death or a serious wound. In the event of his death, the first noble person who found the body, after burying it in the land, does at his own expense everything that religion prescribes for the relatives of the deceased to render to his memory. If he finds him wounded, he takes him in, keeps him in the best possible way, pays the doctor who uses him, and finally, after his recovery, gives him a beautiful horse with all the harness and full weapons for one person, even clothes, and he does everything. out of honor alone, meaning no reward other than the praise of the people. The desire to become famous often forces the Circassians with true selflessness to do good and defend innocence, but these noble traits of morals, unfortunately, are often disfigured by the inert notions of the Circassians about glory: they often shed streams of blood, put their lives in danger, and all only to gain popular praise, bringing no benefit to the fatherland, rejected by both God and the laws of mankind.

VII
FUNERAL AND FUNERAL

Since the adoption by the Circassians of the Mugamedan faith, many changes have followed in their indigenous, ancient customs. In no other case does this manifest itself in such a strikingly opposite way as in the rites observed during the burial of the deceased and when commemorating him. I offer a detailed description of the rites observed during the burial and commemoration of a noble person.

As soon as the patient breathes his last breath, a lamentable cry rises in the house; mother, wife, children, relatives, friends, and all who are in the house fill the air with wailing. Women beat their breasts and pinch their faces; men scratch their foreheads until they bleed, and the blue spots from blows to the body remain with them for a long time, even often there are severe wounds in mutilated places. Such signs of the deepest grief are left especially by the wife, friends and relatives of the deceased.

All the women of the village come together to multiply crying. Strangers who come to the bed of the deceased begin to utter a long cry before reaching the house where the deceased lies, continuing to weep, enter the house and, coming closer to the body, stay for a while, go out of the house, but rarely stop crying before, as already outside. Those who wish to express more signs of particular sorrow remain in the house, or, having gone out, stop at the wall of the house and continue to cry.

Meanwhile, the old men, having ceased crying themselves quite soon, dispose of the preparation of the body for burial. They admonish the relatives of the deceased not to indulge in grief too much and advise them to show firmness of mind to endure the blow of fate. Older women do the same for women.

First, a mullah is called, who washes the body of the deceased with the help of one or two of his students or assistants; those who wash the body put bags on their hands made of that white fabric from which the dead are sewn? under a shroud, similar to a bag, open at both ends, put on a corpse and called kefin. The body is washed thoroughly, even the nails of the deceased are often cut off, and some of the mullahs perform this duty with special zeal, which makes the people revere them.

The body of a woman is washed and prepared for the burial of an old woman, just like the body of a male. Where there is no mullah, there those who know how to read prayers at least a little, replace him. Preparing the body for burial, prepare the grave. It is unheard of in Circassia that workers were ever hired for this, and, on the contrary, all the inhabitants of the aul flock to the house of the deceased, from where the required number of people go to the cemetery and dig a grave there, vying with each other in a hurry to replace one another in work and counting the digging of the grave everyone's duty. The body of the deceased is placed on tied boards, and for the most part on short ladders, paved so that the body lies motionless; from above they are covered with a rich brocade blanket and carried in their arms from home to the cemetery. Relatives of the deceased accompany his remains with weeping, as well as women, whom honorary elders often beg to return before reaching the grave. During the procession from the house to the cemetery, they stop three times, and the mullah reads prayers. Accompanying the body vying with each other replace the carriers of the deceased. Before lowering the body into the grave, a prayer is performed over it; then the mullah accepts from the relatives of the deceased the gifts they bring, iskat, and makes devir, that is, he asks several times about the voluntary offering of gifts. Getting to that, he first asks: how old was the dead man and what was his behavior? Then he reads the established prayers. Those who bring gifts to the grave hope to destroy, or at least reduce the sins of the deceased with them. Finally, the body is lowered into the grave, with its head to the west, and slightly tilted to the right side, so that it lies obliquely to the south. In other places, handwritten prayers are placed in the grave.

Filling up the grave, everyone works in turn, yielding a wooden shovel to one another; no one hands it over, but puts it on the ground. Here a ram is sacrificed, and the mullah reads a chapter from the Koran. Sometimes people who are released into the wild according to the will of the deceased or at the own request of his heirs and friends are then declared free.

Usually, at the end of the whole ceremony, the grave is poured with water, and then everyone retreats from the grave forty steps, and the mullah, remaining on the grave, reads the talkin prayer, about which the superstitious people say that if the deceased is not burdened with sins, then he repeats it word for word after the mullah . The mullah returns to those who are waiting for him and, after still praying, everyone goes home. Here, those present express their regret* to the relatives of the deceased about their loss, and the most honorable people admonish them to be firm, obedient to God and not indulge in sadness.

At night, the clergy gather in the house of the deceased; there, sometimes until dawn, they spend the night in prayers for the reassurance of the soul of the deceased and the forgiveness of his sins, and after dinner they go home. Often three nights in a row they continue this reading of prayers .. On the seventh day they make the first commemoration, and on the fortieth day the second. The clergy and the people gather for the commemoration: the first read the Koran, having received the agreed payment for reading, and the second are saturated with food and drink, prepared for such an occasion .. The third commemoration is often sent on the sixtieth day or at the end of the year. All the rites described here regarding burial and commemoration, excluding the obligation to cry with a drawn-out cry indiscriminately to all persons, tormenting oneself to relatives and friends, and uniformly free work in the cemetery, are the customs introduced among the Circassians by the Mugamedan religion.

The current Circassians almost do not know how the bodies of their ancestors were buried in pagan times, but it must be assumed that the weapons of the deceased were buried along with the body, judging by the fact that today weapons are often found in the bowels of the earth along with human skeletons. The rites of the so-called great commemoration, which have remained from ancient times, are especially curious.

The death of the father of the family or a significant member everywhere and in every nation plunges into sorrowful, if not always mental, at least feigned despondency of the surviving relatives of the deceased. But such despondency nowhere leaves such terrible traces and such prolonged tears as in Circassia. Not only friends and acquaintances of the deceased, but even those who barely knew him, visit his relatives to express their spiritual participation in their loss. Having approached the house where the wife or mother of the deceased is, the visitors dismount from their horses, take off their weapons, go to the house and, approaching, begin to cry, and often with tripods, and sometimes with a whip, flog themselves on the open head; in such a case they meet them, stop the blows they inflict on themselves, and bring them to the house. If visitors do not have belts in their hands, they are not met, and they go, quietly moving forward and covering their faces with both hands. With a cry they enter the house, where the women answer them the same; leaving the house, they appear in the living room and express to the relatives of the deceased there, with a sad look, but already without crying, their regret for their loss and leave. When visitors do not cry when they enter the house of women, they do not sob in their presence, but as soon as the visitor leaves, they fill the air with a piercing cry, extremely touching the soul; the especially pitiful voice of the orphans shakes the heart. Orphans often continue to sob during visits almost until the expiration of the year, and consequently, the deplorable lamentation in the house of the deceased does not stop for a very long time. Those who are prevented by an important circumstance from coming to personally express their grief send people who deserve respect. Of course, not all weeping people weep because their grief is great, but they follow generally accepted customs, the non-observance of which deprives people of respect and exposes them to reproach.

An iron trident in the form of a fork on a pole is placed on the grave of the pupil, to which a black or red cloth is attached. In former times, instead of a trident, iron crosses were placed, also with cloth.

A year-long mourning is worn for the pupil; the wife also wears a year of mourning for her husband and during this time does not sleep on soft beds. It should be noted that a husband does not weep for his wife, and if he shows grief during her illness or death, he will inevitably be ridiculed.

Relatives and friends of the deceased for a long time shun amusements and retain a sad look. Failure to perform all these rites is considered shameful.

After a year, they send a big commemoration, or feast. Such a commemoration, or feast, for a noble person, whose heirs are able to maintain the decorum of their house, begins with the fact that, when the appointed day approaches, those who have undertaken the commemoration prepare an extremely large amount of food and drink. Relatives and even strangers, according to custom, bring ready-made food and drinks and drive in cattle assigned to the slaughter. A few days before the day of solemn commemoration, people are sent to neighboring villages to invite people. They go to honored persons to ask them to honor the feast with their presence, and if circumstances do not allow to leave, they send the most respected people to the noblest persons, instructing them to apologize to the persons they invite, that they themselves could not come to them personally.

On the eve of the feast, invited persons come to the invitee, or stay in neighboring villages. Meetings are often so numerous that it becomes impossible to have a room in one aul.

The celebration of the funeral feast opens with a horse race. Even before the light, horses are sent to the appointed place. An honorary person goes with them, who, putting them in a row, lets everyone in suddenly. The first prize is awarded to the first horse to reach the target; second prize - second, third - third; sometimes even the last horse is given some trifle as a reward. Mounted crowds meet the returning steeds and often annoy them with the fact that each party urges on its steeds. After returning from the race, the most honored of the guests gather in the living room, where they bring tables laden with dishes. Here, the spiritual persons present before the start of dinner read a prayer. Honoring, however, such commemorations, in which one game is replaced by another and the whole people appear in triumph, are contrary to the Mugamedan religion, they do not always attend them. Other guests, who are at dinner in the aul in their apartments, are served tables with dishes and drinks in large vessels. People gather in the open air, in the yard, under sheds and near buildings in crowds. Drinks and tables with food are served to the people, but so that no one remains unfed and watered, bread, pies and other dry food are carried in cloaks and distributed to everyone without exception. To maintain order, people are appointed to see that everything is done properly. Drinks are placed for the people in the open air in barrels, and chosen people are there to supervise them. Whoever wants can come to drinks and drink. The guardians of order have sticks in their hands, with which they treat young rascals, and carefully see that the old people are properly treated. As the feast continues, a multitude of horses, covered with colorful cloths, stand in the yard; they are brought by relatives, friends and acquaintances of the deceased to dedicate to his memory. In former times, the ends of the ears of horses dedicated to the memory of the deceased were cut off, but now they are content with one of their drives in rich bedspreads, called shdyan.

Crowds of numerous people, lively with merriment, the noise, conversation, neighing of horses placed side by side, in rich attire, with multi-colored bedspreads, bustling women who do not miss the opportunity to show themselves to men in splendor and sometimes look at them slyly - all this makes up a very entertaining spectacle. On the same day, the weapons and clothes of the deceased are laid out in the house. Young princes and nobles are looking forward to the end of the meal, and good archers, nimble youth and boys of all ranks do not yield to them in impatience, for each of them will have different fun. As soon as they cease to be satiated, the riders immediately mount their horses, surround the riders sitting on the covered horses*, and, giving them time to run up, set off in pursuit of them, and having caught up, they try to tear out the coverlet from them when they try to gallop away from the pursuers. If they succeed in this, then, after moving the fluttering cloth for some time, they throw it among the crowd of people on foot, between whom a struggle occurs, and the cloth is torn into small pieces.

On the other side, riders in helmets and shells woven from hazel jump out into the field, and a hundred riders set off behind them; some try to ride as far as possible with their trophies, while others quickly take their trophies from them and crown themselves with them, while still others are trying to fill their pockets with nuts. If, finally, none of the pursuers succeeds in fulfilling their desire, then helmets and armor are thrown among the crowd of people on foot, from which noise and struggle begin. Shooting at the target, meanwhile, does not stop: some shoot on foot, at a distance of two to three hundred paces, and those who hit the target receive prizes; others on horseback, at full gallop, usually shoot past the target with pistols, and the one who hits takes the appointed prize. In another place, a special spectacle opens up: a very long pole is placed, to the upper end of which a small round board is nailed. Dexterous riders, having a bow and arrows at the ready, fly on dashing horses one after another, so that the rear horse gallops straight behind the front horse; the rider does not control the reins, and only his left foot remains on the saddle, and his entire * body is held below the horse's mane. In such a difficult position, rushing like a whirlwind, past the pole (kebek), at the moment when the horse at full gallop is equal to the pole, the rider lowers the bow "and the feathered arrow pierces the board attached to the top of the pole, and sometimes, breaking it, falls at the feet of the audience. Such a game, or rather, an experience of unusually dexterous riding, belongs to the highest class. At the same time, in another place, nimble boys crowd around a post, cleanly planed and smeared from top to bottom with lard. A basket filled with various things is attached to the top of its very thin pillar, and whoever climbs into it without any help other than his arms and legs takes all the things for himself. Everyone here shows his daring, one pushes the other, everyone makes noise, scolds, and the laughter of the audience increases the noise. Cunning boys, filling their pockets and bosoms with ashes or sand and wiping the pole with them, often reach their goal, but if all their efforts remain in vain, good shooters shoot at the stick with which the basket is attached to the pole - it falls, and the boys and the big ones rush to snatch things, with a terrible crush, a scuffle, noise and screaming.

Games, shooting, jumps all over the field and in the village continue all day long. Motley crowds rush from one end to the other; one rips the other off the horse, knocks it to the ground: everyone is spinning in madness of fun. It is easy to imagine that often the life of riders is endangered when they rush along ravines and ruts through fields or force horses to jump over wattle fences and fences in the village. There are frequent examples of misfortunes that happen from excessive fun, but dexterous riders are rewarded with approving smiles of beauties.

Noise, conversation, shouting, shooting end with the end of the day, and with the onset of night, saturated with the pleasures of the spectacle, food and drink, the people disperse and go home. The silence of the night takes the place of the excitement of the feast day or the solemn commemoration of the deceased. We spoke here about the burial and commemoration of people of high rank, but the common people also observe, take, however, into consideration the state and circumstances.

Let us note in conclusion that all these rituals are decreasing from day to day in Circassia, and in other tribes they have completely ceased since the strengthening of Islamism through the efforts of the clergy and due to increased unrest. It is impossible for the inhabitants of Circassia not to reproach their clergy with reckless fanaticism if they try to destroy all the ancient customs of their ancestors, as if outward humility softens the destructive passions of the soul. It is impossible for the Circassians not to mourn the current state of their homeland, from where internecine strife, war and weakening of morals drove out calm and abundance, and at the same time cheerful folk celebrations.

From the shores of the Black Sea far to the east to the wooded Chechnya, the Circassians or Adygs, as they call themselves, have lived since time immemorial. The space of the Adyghe peoples was the space of a rich and unique culture. It was a special world that made a great impression on Europeans. The desire for freedom and independence, the preservation of their customs, identity, their system of moral and ethnic values ​​largely necessitated the emergence of such quite perfect institutions in all respects as hospitality, kunachestvo, twinning and, in general, the entire Adyghe etiquette.

Adyghes are very important for their language and Adyghe ethics - this is humanity, respect, reason, courage and honor!

The modern life of the Adygs is very different from those times when almost the entire life of the people was permeated with numerous rituals, many of them have sunk into summer, some have changed, but there are those that the Adygs strictly follow in the rapid age of technological progress, these are rituals associated with birth person.

"The Birth of Man"

When a child is born in a family, a flag is hung on the roof of the house in honor of the birth of the child. If a girl was born, then the flag is made of colorful fabric, and if a boy, then the fabric is plain, usually red. The flag symbolizes that the child is alive, the mother is alive, that everything is fine. Everyone celebrates the birth of a person. This is the price of a person's birth when he is born. In honor of the birth of a child, a tree is planted throughout the year. The tree is planted by the paternal grandfather, in the paternal yard of the house. The child will water the tree, take care of it, rejoice when it blooms, bears fruit, showers leaves. And the upbringing of the child grows with the tree, as part of this nature. The child is not a foreign phenomenon, but a single whole with nature. Man is part of the environment.

Only after birth is a cradle made of wood, in which the child is rocked. Adygs do not prepare anything in advance until the birth of a child. Bedding is prepared by mom's parents, they say if bed sheets is prepared by the paternal family, then she or he will not be happy in marriage. The cat is placed first in the cradle, not the child, so that the baby also sleeps soundly. As a rule, the child is laid in the cradle by the paternal grandmother, two weeks after his birth.

Everything in the life of the Adygs is sung from birth to death. In the lullaby the images of the future Adygh are sung! Grandmother rocks the cradle and sings a song about how brave he will be, how generous he will be, how good a hunter he will become. The girl is sung about what a beauty she will be, what a clever woman she will be, what a needlewoman she will be, what a kind mother she will be, this is sung in a high poetic form.

"First Step" or "Stand on Earth"

When the baby begins to walk, the family arranges the rite of the "First Step". Many guests are invited to this solemn event, a festive table is prepared, games and dances are arranged. The baby's legs are tied with a ribbon, and the oldest representative of the family cuts it with scissors with the words: "Grow strong and healthy baby." This is done so that in the future the baby does not interfere with moving forward.

Next, a ceremony is performed to determine future profession baby. Various items are placed on the table - books, pens, money and various tools. Then the baby is brought to the table three times, and if in all cases he takes the same object, then this is a sign when choosing his profession.

Round, sweet, hard bread is baked in milk, but not yeast - this is a symbol of the Earth's firmament. This bread is placed on a round ritual Adyghe table with three legs, and the child is placed with one leg and cut out neatly around the leg. This piece of bread is given to the baby to eat, and the rest of the bread is shared by children and adults in small pieces. Everyone should eat a piece of this bread in support of the confident life of the baby, so that he does not stumble in life.

"Shaving a Baby for the First Time"

This holiday is held by the father's parents. Up to a year, the hair of girls and boys is not cut. The hair that a baby is born with is called "Mouse Hair". After a year, you should officially shave your hair. A person of a complaisant nature and businesslike is invited. A rope is placed around the grandmother's knees and the child is put on this rope. If you shave according to the rite, it is believed that wavy hair will grow. The person who shaves is further considered to be in charge of the life of the child and accompanies him through life.

"First tooth fell out"

Until all milk teeth fall out, they cannot be thrown away just like that. A fallen tooth and one piece of charcoal are wrapped in a white plain cloth and thrown over the roof of the house. No one is watching the bag, hit the roof or flew over the roof.

"Girl's Room Institute"

For the stability of the family, the Adygs initially provided freedom of choice for young people and girls. To do this, the Adygs have an "Institute of the girl's room." The girl leaves for holidays, weddings, and in the evening she is psychologically ready to accept everyone who wants to talk to her, get acquainted, get married, and she accepts everyone in this girl's room. The young man comes to get to know the girl better, and the girl receives everyone who comes as dear guests. This ceremony lasts from adulthood to marriage. The proposal is made by a young man. He can go to one, to the second, to the third, and choose his bride. At the same time, no one is offended, she also accepts everyone and chooses up to a couple before the time, but she chooses from those who proposed to her, and he chooses from those whom he sees and communicates with. And so, he made a choice! He comes with a friend on a special day and proposes to this girl. He asks: “You promised to think, tell me how my fate is decided in your fate?” If the girl does not like the groom, then she does not name the reasons and does not offend him, and for example, she says: “I can’t marry you, I don’t deserve you, I have a man to whom I gave my word.” Very delicately refuses.

When both parties agree, the guy asks to set a wedding day. The guy asks to appoint, the girl appoints the wedding day. On the appointed day, the escort arrives. But everyone does not come into the house and ask the bride: “Have you given your word, are you confirming your word about marriage?” A girl at this level can change her mind. The main idea is that the girl is given the right to choose, so that later there will be no return, because Adygs are very difficult to get a divorce, divorce is almost forbidden, because. It was time to choose.
The bride's parents and the groom himself are not present at the wedding. He enters the house already as a husband.

All traditions are recorded and passed down from generation to generation.

The concept of "khabze", both in its narrow social, estate aspect - "uerk khabze", and in a broader national one - "Adyghe khabze", is extremely rich and all-encompassing. This implies phenomena not only of an etiquette nature, but also rituals, traditions, social institutions, customary law, spiritual, ethical and moral values ​​of the Circassians. Various aspects of this topic were touched upon in the works of B. Kh. Bgazhnokov, S. Kh. Mafedzev, A. I. Musukaev, A. M. Gutov and other authors. In this article, uerk khabze is considered as a feudal, chivalric code from the point of view of its social, estate-class content.

The Circassian nobility, whose motto was "Khebzere zauere" - "Honor and War", developed their own knightly moral code, the so-called uerk habze (uerk - knight, nobleman; khabze - code of customary legal, etiquette norms). Many of its provisions undoubtedly derive from the military way of life and the norms of behavior associated with it. As an example, the analogy of such a cultural model associated with war can be given to the medieval Japanese code of honor of the samurai "Bushi-do" ("Way of the Warrior"), with which uerk habze has some parallels.

The life of a Circassian knight (nobleman) was regulated from birth to death by the unwritten code werk habze. This code was based on the concept of "uerk nape" (knight's honor). There were no moral or material values ​​that could take precedence over this concept. Life itself was of value only if it was devoted to serving the principles of uerq nape. The Circassians have many proverbs dedicated to this, for example: "Pser schei, naper keshchehu" - "Sell life, buy honor." Even such natural feelings as love or hatred had to recede into the background before the need to observe the law of honor in the form in which the Circassian nobles understood it.

At the heart of the noble code of honor uerk khabze lay a national code of etiquette, moral principles, called Adyghe khabze (Circassian etiquette).

The concept of "Adyghe Khabze" included not only etiquette, moral values, but also all the norms of customary law that regulated the life of a Circassian from birth to death. The nobles were supposed to be the standard in observing the Adyghe Khabze - what was forgiven to the commoner was not forgiven to the nobleman in the sense of violating the norms of the Adyghe Khabze. The nobility itself was not closed and replenished from among the peasantry at the expense of those who showed personal courage during the war and perfectly mastered the Adyghe habze.

At the same time, any Wark, in case of violation of the norms of Circassian etiquette, according to custom, could be deprived of the title of nobility. Thus, the title of a nobleman imposed many duties on a person and did not give him any privileges in itself.

A nobleman could be a person who leads an appropriate lifestyle and observes the norms of behavior inherent in this title. As soon as he ceased to correspond to the place that he occupied in society, and to comply with the norms associated with this status, he immediately lost his noble title. In the history of the Circassians, there were many cases when they were even deprived of the princely title.

The princes who headed the nobility were considered guardians and guarantors of the observance of Circassian customs. Therefore, from childhood, during their upbringing, much attention was paid not only to military training, but to no lesser extent to the study and assimilation of the norms of the Adyghe Khabze by them. The princes had the exclusive right to levy fines for insulting dignity, which they could impose on any subject, including a nobleman. At the same time, an insult to princely dignity was understood as any violation of etiquette rules committed by someone in the presence of the prince. So, for example, paragraph 16 of the customary law records of Kabardians made by Ya. M. Shardanov read: “If two people fight, no matter whose they are, in the person of the prince on the street, in the yard, in the house, then the instigator of the fight pays a fine to the prince one servant for failure to observe decency towards the prince, that they dared to fight in front of him "

The reason for the fine could be any manifestation of disrespect for Circassian etiquette, for example, an indecent word or expression, especially in a society of women.

By the way, the princess had the same right to punish women, including noblewomen, by imposing a fine. Fines usually consisted of a certain number of bulls, which were immediately withdrawn from the household of the delinquent person in favor of the prince. For the performance of these police functions, the so-called beigoli were constantly with the princes. The beygol estate was replenished at the expense of serfs, since not only for the nobles, but also for free peasants, the performance of such functions was considered reprehensible. Adyghe etiquette - Adyghe Khabze, as already noted, lay at the base, was the foundation of the so-called werk Khabze - noble etiquette. Werk Khabze was distinguished by a more strict organization, exactingness towards its carriers. In addition, it reflected the norms of relationships within the ruling class, in particular, the norms governing the relationship between the overlord and the vassal. In the XVIII-XIX centuries, the Circassians were divided according to the principle of political structure into two categories: "aristocratic" and "democratic". The former included Kabardians, Besleneyites, Temirgoevtsy, Bzhedugs and some other ethnic divisions, in which princes were at the head of the feudal hierarchy. The Shapsugs and Abadzekhs did not have princes, but only nobles, who, as a result of the so-called "democratic coup", lost their political privileges. Nevertheless, in terms of observing those numerous and scrupulous relations that distinguished Circassian etiquette, the Shapsugs and Abadzekhs were the same "aristocrats" as the Kabardians, Besleneyites, Temirgoys and others. The customs, manners, costume, weapons and harness of the Circassians became a role model for their closest neighbors. They were so strongly subject to the knightly-aristocratic influence of the Circassians that the ruling strata of the neighboring peoples sent their children to them for education in order to learn the Circassian manners and way of life.

In the improvement and punctual observance of the werk khabze, the Kabardians, whom some researchers called the "French of the Caucasus", were especially successful. “The noble type of a Kabardian, the elegance of his manners, the art of carrying weapons, the peculiar ability to behave in society are really amazing, and one can already distinguish a Kabardian by appearance alone,” wrote V. A. Potto.

K. F. Stal noted in his work: “Great Kabarda had a huge influence not only on all Circassian peoples, but also on neighboring Ossetians and Chechens. for other Circassian peoples as a role model and competition ".

The chivalric code of uerk habze can be conditionally divided into several key guidelines, which include the following concepts:

1. Loyalty. This concept implied, first of all, loyalty to one's overlord, as well as to one's class group. The nobles served the princes from generation to generation.

The change of overlord cast a shadow on the reputation of both sides and was considered a great shame.

The nobles remained faithful to their prince, even if the latter was defeated in the internecine struggle and moved to other peoples. In this case, they accompanied the prince and left their homeland with him. True, the latter circumstance caused discontent among the people and they tried to keep the nobles from resettlement. During the battle, the nobles fought each near their prince, and if the prince died, they had to carry his body from the battlefield or die.

The concept of "fidelity" also included devotion to one's relatives and respect for one's parents. The word of the father was the law for all members of the family, in the same way the younger brother unquestioningly obeyed the elder. The nobleman was obliged to maintain family honor and take revenge on anyone who would encroach on the life and honor of members of his family.

2. Politeness. This concept included several provisions:

– Respect for those higher in the social hierarchy. According to the Circassians, respect, regardless of the difference in position in the social hierarchy, should be mutual. The nobles served their prince, showed him certain signs of respect. The lowest categories of the nobility, the so-called pshicheu, being bodyguards and squires of the prince, served him daily at home. At the same time, according to N. Dubrovin, "for the most part, refined courtesy and mutual respect were observed on both sides" .

- Respect for elders. Each older person had to be given signs of attention, according to Circassian etiquette: to get up when he appeared and not sit down without his permission, not to speak, but only to respectfully answer questions, fulfill his requests, serve during the meal at the table, etc. At the same time, all these and other signs of attention turned out to be regardless of social origin. In this regard, F. Tornau reported the following: “Summer among the highlanders in the hostel is higher than the rank. and respectfully answer his questions. Every service rendered to a gray-haired man is put in honor of a young man. Even an old slave is not completely excluded from this rule. Although a nobleman and every free Circassian do not have the habit of standing in front of a slave, however, I often happened to see how they seated with them at the table a gray-bearded slave who had come to the Kunatskaya.

- Respect for women. This position meant, first of all, respect for the mother, as well as respect for the female sex in general. Each knight considered it an honor to fulfill the request of a girl or woman, which was reflected in the untranslatable Circassian proverb: "TsIykhubz psherykh huschane." This expression has several connotations, one of which means it is impossible for a man not to respect a woman's request. It was considered a great shame to draw a weapon in the presence of a woman, or, conversely, not to put it into the sheath immediately when she appeared.

If a nobleman, in the presence of a woman, inadvertently allowed himself an indecent word, then, according to custom, he had to make amends by presenting her with some valuable gift.

A Circassian woman could not be either an object or a perpetrator of blood feud. Encroachments on the life of a woman were unknown to the Circassians (inf. Kh. Kh. Yahtanigov).

It was considered a great shame for a man, including a husband, to raise his hand against a woman.

“Among the Circassians,” Khan Giray reports, “the treatment of a husband and wife is also based on strict rules of decency. When a husband hits or showers his wife with swear words, he becomes an object of ridicule ...” .

An attempt on the honor of a mother, wife or sister in the concept of the Circassians was the strongest insult that can be inflicted on a man. If cases of murder could be settled by paying the price of blood, then such attacks on the honor of a woman usually ended in bloodshed.

- The concept of "politeness" included respect for any person, including strangers. The nature of this respect was apparently generated, as in all nations that created etiquette, by two main factors: first, the one who showed respect and signs of attention to another person had the right to demand the same attitude from him; secondly, every person, being constantly armed, had the right to use weapons to protect his honor. Many authors and travelers who visited the Caucasus rightly believed that the politeness and respect that were characteristic of the everyday relations of the Circassians were to a certain extent generated by the "pacifying" role played by the general arming of the people.

It should be noted that social servility was absolutely alien to the Circassians and the etiquette they created - their entire etiquette was based on a highly developed sense of personal dignity. This circumstance was also noted by J. A. Longworth, who wrote: “However, this humility, as I soon discovered, was combined in them with the most complete independence of character and was based, like all nations inclined to ceremony, on respect for oneself, when to others, the degree of respect that is demanded for oneself is carefully measured.

Even the princes, who were at the head of the feudal hierarchy, could not demand from their subordinates excessive manifestations of signs of attention, associated, on the one hand, with personal self-humiliation, and on the other, with ascension, veneration of princely dignity.

In the history of the Circassians, there were cases when the excessive pride and vanity of individual princes set against them not only other princes, but the whole people. This usually led to the expulsion, destruction or deprivation of the princely dignity of such people.

This happened, for example, with the Kabardian princes Tokhtamyshevs, who were deprived of their princely title at a public meeting and transferred to the class of nobles of the 1st degree (dyzhynygyue).

The Kabardians had this custom: if a prince was driving along the road, then the one who met him had to turn around and accompany him until he let him go *.

So, the princes Tokhtamyshevs, in their arrogance and vanity, went so far as to force the heavily loaded carts of the peasants to turn and follow them for several miles.

__________

* However, this rule had to be observed in relation to every older person. In relation to the princes, it was observed regardless of age.

At the end of the XVII or early XVIII century, according to Y. Pototsky, the destruction of the princely family of Chegenukho took place in Kabarda. "The genealogy says only that the family was destroyed because of its pride: but here is what was preserved in the legends about this. The heads of this family did not allow other princes to sit down before them. They did not allow the horses of other princes to drink water from the same rivers or at least upstream of the place where their own horses watered. When they wanted to wash their hands, they ordered the young prince to hold a basin in front of them. They considered it higher than their dignity to attend "poki", or meetings of princes. And this is what from it all came out, and at one of these general assemblies they were condemned to destruction.

The judges took on the role of the executors of the sentence, which they themselves pronounced.

In the “Brief Historical and Ethnographic Description of the Kabardian People”, compiled in 1784, the same event was reported: “This generation was in Kabarda in special respect. other princes, not enduring his pride, a conspiracy was perpetrated, and they destroyed this tribe even to the baby.

A feature of the Circassian mentality was respect for personal dignity and personal freedom and the pronounced individualism associated with them. This, apparently, was one of the reasons why democracy was highly characteristic of their political system and there were few prerequisites for the establishment of tyranny or dictatorship. This democratism manifested itself even in the military sphere. In particular, F.F. Tornau wrote about this: "According to Circassian concepts ... a man must think over and discuss each enterprise in a mature manner, and if he has comrades, then subordinate them to his opinion not by force, but by word and conviction, since everyone has his own free will ".

Despite the existence of a developed class hierarchy, the veneration of rank in the highest degree disgusted the free spirit of the Circassians. One of the heroes of the story A.-G. Kesheva expressed the rejection of this, figuratively expressing "padishism", expressed as follows: "Dignity and good origin are everywhere held in high esteem - there is no dispute against that, but in no case should they be worshipped, endured any insults from them. Noble custom indicates to every Circassian a decent place for him, lets him know what he can do and what he cannot do. There is no place among the Circassians for someone who wants to become higher than everyone who wants to make his will the law for others. Everyone will notice such a person, everyone will strive, as it were, to clip his wings. And even if he is equal in strength to even thunder, have a hundred heads on his shoulders, sooner or later, but he will break his neck.

The concept of "politeness" included such norms of werk habze as a ban on swearing, scolding, assault and other forms of hostility, worthy, according to the Warks, only plebeians.

This rule is reflected in the folk proverb: "Khe jafe banerkym, uerk huanerkym" - "The hound does not bark, the nobleman does not swear." S. Bronevsky reports: “Circassians do not tolerate rude and abusive words; otherwise, princes and bridles are challenged to a duel, and an ignoble person of a lower degree or a commoner is killed on the spot. and no matter how ardent in their passions, they try to moderate them in conversation ... ".

Moreover, according to Khan Giray, “it is noteworthy that all these rites of courtesy are observed even when the princes and nobles hate each other, even when they are obvious enemies, but if they happen to meet in such a place, where the laws of decency keep their weapons inactive, for example, in the house of a prince or nobleman, in the presence of women, at congresses of the nobility and similar cases, where decency forbids to draw weapons, and the enemies themselves remain within the boundaries of politeness and often even show each other different helpfulness, which is called noble (that is, noble) hostility or enmity, but then these enemies are the most ferocious bloodsuckers where they can freely draw their weapons, and all the more their politeness does them honor, and the people have great respect for them ".

Not only abuse or swearing was considered indecent, but even speaking in a raised tone, succumbing to emotions, was inadmissible for representatives of the upper classes. "The Circassian nobleman flaunted his politeness," wrote N. Dubrovin, "and it was only necessary for a heated bridle, who had forgotten decency and politeness, to ask: are you a nobleman or a serf? - to, recalling his origin, make him change his tone from rude to softer and more delicate ".

Talkativeness was also considered indecent, especially for a prince. Therefore, when receiving guests, "always one of the nobles had to engage the guests in conversation, because the decorum did not allow the prince himself to talk much."

The Temirgoev princes even introduced the following habit: "... in general, during important negotiations with neighboring peoples or during internecine strife, they themselves do not enter into verbal disputes, and their nobles, who are entrusted with affairs, explain themselves in the presence of princes." Khan-Giray calls this custom excellent, "because it keeps litigants, so to speak, from the frenzy into which they often fall during strong debates, it maintains silence at the congresses" .

The concept of "politeness" can also include such a quality as modesty. N. Dubrovin wrote: “Brave by nature, accustomed to fighting danger from childhood, the Circassians utterly neglected bragging rights. The Circassians never spoke about their military exploits, never glorified them, considering such an act indecent. The most courageous horsemen (knights) were distinguished extraordinary modesty; they spoke quietly, did not boast of their exploits, were ready to give way to everyone and be silent in the dispute; but on the other hand, they answered a real insult with weapons with the speed of lightning, but without threat, without shouting and scolding ".

Indeed, the Circassians have many proverbs and sayings that glorify modesty and condemn boasting: "Shkheshchythure kerabg'ere zeblag'eshch" - "The braggart and the coward are relatives", "LIy khahuer utykum shoshchaberi, lIy schaber utykum shokIy" - "A brave husband becomes soft in public ( behaves modestly), cowardly in public becomes noisy".

"Uerk ischIe and Iuetezhyrkyym" - "A nobleman does not boast of his exploits." According to Circassian etiquette, it was considered especially indecent to boast of one's exploits in the presence of women, which was reflected in the proverb: "LIym and lIyger legunem shIuaterkym" - "A man does not spread about his deeds in the society of women." According to the Circassians, people should speak about a person’s courage, but not himself: “UlIme, ui shkhe uschymytkhu, ufIme, zhyler kypshchytkhunsch”, “If you are a man, don’t boast, if you are good, people will praise you.”

The right to perpetuate and glorify the exploits of the hero belonged exclusively to folk singers- jeguaco. As a rule, this was done after the death of the hero by composing a laudatory song in his honor. When a nobleman was asked to tell about some event, he, as usual, in his narration tried to omit those places in which his actions in a given situation were reported or, in extreme cases, spoke about himself in the third person, so as not to suspected of indiscretion. Here is what Zaramuk Kardangushev, a connoisseur of Adyghe folklore, reports about this: “In the old days, the Circassians considered it a shame when a person said about what had happened: “it happened to me”, “I did it.” It was unacceptable. ".d. - a real man will never talk about himself. In extreme cases, if he has to talk about any case, he will say: "The gun in his hand fired - the man fell." This is how he will tell, as if his affairs not in that, and everything happened by itself."

In April 1825, the aul of the fugitive Kabardian prince Ali Karamurzin was destroyed by the tsarist troops. When Prince Atazhukin Magomed (Khet1ohuschokue Mykh'emet 1eshe) was asked to tell how he took revenge on one of the perpetrators of the death of the village, the traitor Shogurov, he answered briefly: "Erzhybyzhyr gueguashch, Shouguryzhyr guegashch" - "Yeredzhib * old thundered, Shogurov vile roared."

3. Courage. The concept of "courage" included such provisions as:

- Courage. This quality was indispensable for Wark, it was inextricably linked with his status.

Cowardice, in turn, is incompatible with the position free man and even more so a nobleman. If a peasant showed cowardice, then he would certainly be condemned for this, but he could not be lowered below the place he occupied in the social hierarchy. In contrast, a worker who showed cowardice was deprived of his noble rank. A knight convicted of cowardice was subjected to civil death, which, as Khasan Yakhtanigov told us, the Circassians designated by the term "une demykhe, khede imykh" (lit.: to whom they do not enter the house, in whose funeral they do not participate). Friends stopped communicating with such a person, not a single girl would marry him, he could not take part in public meetings and in general in political life his people, community.

For a general demonstration of popular contempt in the old days, according to Sh. B. Nogmov, "those caught in cowardice were taken out before the assembly in an ugly felt cap for shame and imposed a fine at the cost of a pair of oxen" .

According to other sources, this cap was worn by the mother of the offender, until he expiated his guilt by some feat. This one is yours-

__________

*Erejib - erzhyb - a brand of Caucasian flintlock gun, named after the master.

the local "coward's cap" was called pIyne. Folklore also mentions a special dress - kerabge jane (coward's shirt), which performed a similar function.

A warrior who showed cowardice could atone for his guilt before society only by accomplishing a feat or by his own death. Until that time, his entire family was in mourning, as it were. The surrounding people expressed sympathy for the wife of the disgraced warrior, as a sign of which good wishes were expressed: "Ui lIym and naper t'em huzh izchIyzh" - "God will restore the honor of your husband."

- Firmness and composure. This position meant that Wark in any situation had to maintain composure, be calm, never give in to panic and fear. Folklore evidence has been preserved of how Karmova's workmen were lowered in the class hierarchy by being transferred from the primary nobles (dyzhynygyue) to the class of secondary nobles (besl'en uerk). Here is what folklore says about this: "Karmehe zhyndum kygashteri, lIakuelIeshhym kyakhadzyzhashch" - "Karma's owl frightened him, for this he was expelled from the smoldering ones."

Although the folklore version is more of an anecdotal nature and most likely not historically reliable, nevertheless, such a production is curious in itself. Indeed, according to historical evidence and some folklore data, the Karmovs were nobles of the 1st degree, but not tlekotlesh, but dezhenugo, and indeed they were transferred to the class of minor nobles. The reason was that they refused to kill the Crimean soldiers who were at their quarters and helped them escape during their general beating. The Karmovs did not do this not out of cowardice, but because of the family relations in which they were with the Crimean khans. One of their daughters, according to legend, was married in the Crimean Khanate. After the defeat and destruction of the Crimean Tatar army at the people's meeting, the Kabardians apparently made this decision.

- Patience and endurance. These qualities were brought up in a nobleman from early childhood. A true Wark Knight had to be stronger than his natural human weaknesses. Complaints about fatigue, malaise, cold, heat, hunger, and even any mention of tasty and healthy food were considered a shame and condemned.

The Circassians have many legends describing and praising fortitude and patience. So, they say, Andemyrkan, who began his equestrian life at the age of 15, had the following habit: when he happened to be on guard or guarding horses, he even in winter, in the most severe frost, spent the whole night standing in one place and without closing his eyes. For this, he was given the nickname Cheshchane - the Tower ...

REMOTIVATION OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTIONS AND MOVEMENTS

Remotivation of customs and rituals is perhaps one of the most significant ethnic universals. W. Wundt drew attention to this at one time: “... Custom ... in its development undergoes such changes that give it a different meaning, he wrote. As a result of this change, two transformations take place mainly. The first transformation consists in the disappearance of the original mythical motif, which is no longer replaced by another motif: the custom continues to exist only by virtue of the associative exercise, and at the same time it loses the character of coercion, and the external forms of its manifestation become less stable. In the second transformation, the place of the original mythical-religious ideas is occupied by moral and social goals. But both types of transformations can be closely connected in the same case, and even if some custom does not directly serve this or that social goal, such as certain rules of decency, politeness, rules of how one should dress, eat, etc. etc., then he indirectly creates such a goal for himself, since the existence of some norms, generally binding on the members of society, supports life together and thereby promotes joint spiritual development” (Wundt, 1897, 358).

Wundt's judgments in this case are somewhat contradictory (for example, postulating the possibility of the existence of unmotivated customs, he immediately denies it). This is the result of the inconsistency of his general psychological views. But, on the whole, the trend in the development of the custom is certainly correctly grasped. Especially noteworthy is the remark about the creation of new and indirect goals for actions and movements that fall under the category of rules of decency and politeness. It is in this plane that, it seems to us, one should consider the remotivation of the entire sphere of ritualized communicative actions and movements.

Among the Circassians, as well as among other peoples, it captures greetings and farewells, toasts and wishes, ritual communication, the practice of secondary, metaphorical names of people with a word, to one degree or another, the entire sphere of traditional everyday culture of communication. Magical and semi-magical acts are thus transformed into symbols of friendship and unity, decency and tact, respect and reverence, and in this secularized form are fixed in etiquette. But at the same time, as was said, they retain in whole or in part their external form (performance technique). And she, as you know, is quite complex and intricate on her own. Take, for example, the technique of designating relatives by property. In the daughter-in-law, it is due to a whole system of prescriptions for the secondary name of the mother-in-law, father-in-law, brother-in-law, sister-in-law, husband, children. This type of prescription also exists for the mother-in-law, for the husband and other persons within the kinship group.

This custom is motivated in all cases by the need for mutual respect and reverence. Meanwhile, it is magical in origin. Losing their original motivation, turning into symbols of decency, communicative actions and movements turn out to be in the perception of the members of the ethnos themselves, but especially in the perception of outside observers, even more intricate, in other words, redundant (in terms of communication pragmatics). If we now consider all this in reverse order, emphasized redundancy, motivated by decency, respect, reverence, then we get courtly communication as a norm, as a rule of interaction and, therefore, courtly etiquette.

Of course, the courtesy of communication of the Circassians is based not only on secularized actions and movements. A number of other factors act in this direction: the taboo on boasting, honoring the female sex, etc. But the remotivation of communicative actions played, as we will see, a special role in the development of Adyghe etiquette and, above all, in terms of supplying it with courtly content, spreading its influence both on psychology as well as communication technology.

And the last thing that needs to be said here. In contrast to the above principles, the principle of remotivation of communicative actions is latent, i.e., it is almost not recognized as such by the bulk of the population. Its presence and influence on etiquette is revealed as a result of a special analysis of communication standards in terms of their genesis. Now no one perceives the formula for expressing gratitude to Tkherase kypkhukhyu as a prayer, as an appeal to God (thyer arezy kypkhukhyu - may God be favorable to you), this connection has been lost, forced out of consciousness, just like in the Russian environment the connection between the word “thank you ” and the prayer phrase “God save”.

HOSPITALITY

There are many incompatible phenomena of social life, among them chivalry and avarice. The knights of medieval France, Germany, Spain, Japan, just like the knights of feudal Circassia, ridiculed, expelled from their society anyone who was hardly suspected of stinginess. Generosity is one of the most important points of any knightly etiquette.

The exceptional generosity of the Circassians has always attracted the attention of researchers, as can be judged from the statements of a number of Circassian and foreign authors of the 19th century: “If Wark sees a good dress, hat or other on the owner and wishes to have this thing, then the owner has no right to refuse it” (Nogmov, 195B, 87). “... Circassians are not at all shy about asking for what they like, and it would be ridiculous to refuse them, since anyone has full right ask for what they have” (Marigny, p. 309). “One has only to praise a chekmen, horse or other thing, the Circassian immediately gives it to you” (Stal, 1900, 133). “Generosity and courage are the best means among the Circassians to gain fame ...” (Khan-Girey, 1974, 298). It should be noted that even today this quality is highly respected among the Circassians. There are also cases when a person who has praised a hat, tie, book, etc. immediately receives these things as a gift from the owner. In a bus, taxi, restaurant, every man hurries to pay for his friends and acquaintances. If someone is asked to lend a small amount of money, he gives it readily and considers it indecent to take it back ...

The generosity of the Circassians and other Caucasian and non-Caucasian peoples finds its highest embodiment in the custom of hospitality, in this, in the words of L. Morgan, "a wonderful adornment of mankind in the era of barbarism" (Morgan, 1934, 34).

The hospitality of the Circassians is widely known and described both in pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary literature (See: Interiano, pp. 50-51, Motre, 130-132; Lopatinsky, 1862, 80-82; Dubrovin, 1927; Gardanov, 1964; Kodzhesau, 1968; Mambetov, 1968 and others). It, as L. Ya. Lyul'e first noted, should not be confused with kunachestvo with the right of patronage and protection. It consists in "accepting and treating visitors and travelers who stop for rest or for an overnight stay in the house of a person they know or even do not know at all" (Lulier, 1859, 33; See also: Naloeva, 1971).

Since a detailed description of this public institution is already available (especially in the indicated works of V.K. Gardanov and G.Kh. Mambetov), ​​we will touch here only on some aspects of the phenomenon of hospitality, mainly those related to the general orientation of the book.

Hospitality, as you know, is a custom that originates in ancient times. It was and remains, to one degree or another, the custom of all peoples of the globe. However, the question of the genetic roots of this ethnic universal remains open: some scientists interpret it incorrectly, while others (by the way, most of them) bypass it altogether.

Let us note from the very beginning that explanations such as “a general inclination towards knightly wanderings naturally produced universal reverence for hospitality” (Bronevsky, 1823, 130), “it is based on universal morality” (Shanaev, 1890) are not suitable for this case. Hospitality, it must be assumed, arose in a tribal society, before a penchant for knightly wanderings, and it was by no means based on universal morality in the spirit of Feuerbach. Nevertheless, some scientists cannot refuse such views (See, for example, Taylor, 1882, 404; Chursin, 1913, 64; Magomedov, 1974, 288-289).

There is also a concept that declares hospitality a product of magic, religion. If desired, some reasons for this can be found. Among the ancient Indians, for example, hospitality is represented as one of the varieties of sacrifice, cf. “Sacrifice training to Brahma, tarpana sacrifice to ancestors, homa to gods, pain offering to spirits, hospitality sacrifice to people” (Laws of Manu, 1960, 59). The essence of the last sacrifice is in instructions like: “The arriving guest should be given a place to sit, water, and food, as much as possible, seasoned [it] properly. A guest who comes after sunset should not be driven out by the owner, whether he came on time or not on time, let him not stay in his house unfed ”(Laws of Manu, 1960, 61-62).

L. Levy-Bruhl, touching upon the issue of hospitality and the custom of giving gifts to a guest, in fact tends to this point of view. Following a number of scientists who observed the life and culture of peoples at a low stage of social development, he believes that the hospitality and kindness of the owner are explained “primarily by the fear of opening a field of action for bad influence ... Refusal causes anger in the one asking. This causes bad intentions, a hostile attitude (close to envy), which, once awakened, already has its own power and generates evil. But this should be absolutely avoided” (Lévy-Bruhl, 1937, 74).

It is easy to see that the above sacred and semi-sacred motives of hospitality are close to those that are still guided by representatives of all peoples of the world, even the most civilized ones. In this regard, Levy-Bruhl is, of course, right, but it is difficult to agree that they (these motives) were original, and not derived from any other. We have in mind the motive that had to develop on the basis of the collective property practiced in the era of primitive communism. The consciousness that everything that society has at its disposal is at the same time yours could not exist without the consciousness “mine is at the same time public”.

This is where the extraordinary generosity and hospitality of some peoples originate. Hence the striking similarity of the general contours of hospitality. We find the hospitality of the Circassians and other Caucasian peoples in almost the same form in which it is recorded among the ancient Jews, Germans, Spaniards, and Indians. The following description of hospitality among the Indians can be fully attributed to the Circassians: “If someone entered the house of an Indian in any Indian village, whether it was a fellow villager, fellow tribesman or a stranger, the women of the house were obliged to offer him food. Neglecting this would be impolite, moreover, an insult. If the guest was hungry, he ate; if he was full, politeness demanded that he taste the food and thank the hosts. The same pattern was repeated in every house he entered at any time of the day. This custom was strictly observed, and the same hospitality extended to strangers belonging to their own tribes, and to strangers" (Morgan, 1934, 31).

Judging by the biblical legends, reflecting the period of the XV-XVII centuries. BC e., the ancient Jews were no less hospitable than the Indians. They invited strangers into the house, let them wash, set the table with food, and, as a sign of respect for the guests, did not sit down with them, “but stood nearby, pushing food and drink to them” (See Kosidovsky, 1965, 51). Just like the inhabitants of feudal Circassia, they considered it necessary to protect the honor and dignity of the guest by all possible means. Those who violated the rules of hospitality were punished in the most cruel way. (See The legend about the crime of the sons of Benjamin).

L. Morgan is one of the first scientists who showed that hospitality is a product of the socio-economic relations of the early tribal system. “The explanations of the law of hospitality, he writes, must be sought in collective land ownership, in the distribution of agricultural products, among households consisting of a certain number of families, and in the communist system of domestic life ...” (Morgan, 1934, 41). Having accepted this point of view, we must, therefore, recognize that the hospitality of the Adygs and neighboring Caucasian peoples rested on the remnants of the economic life characteristic of a tribal society.

Once having arisen, the custom of hospitality was gradually, to one degree or another, consecrated, concretized, substantiated by religion. “The Indians, writes J. Hekevelder, believe that the “great spirit” created the earth and everything on it for the common good of people. He gave them a country full of game, and he did it not for the benefit of a few, but for the benefit of all. Everything was given to the sons of men for common possession. Everything that lives on the earth, everything that grows on it, everything that lives in the rivers and waters flowing on the earth, all this was given to everyone in common, and each person has the right to his share. This is the source of Indian hospitality, which is not a virtue, but a strict duty ”(Quoted in: Morgan, 1934, 33-34). Among the Circassians, as far as one can judge from the epic, hospitality was encouraged by the pagan gods. They themselves showed an example of hospitality, inviting eminent people to their feasts. Receiving and treating a guest is one of the forms of acquiring a psape. The latter must be understood not simply as goodness or virtue (See Shaov, 1975, 252), but as a special reaction of God (gods) to the actions of the owner, namely the reaction of benevolence and forgiveness of sins. Psape is the opposite of what the Circassians call guenykh - sin. Therefore, it is a sin to violate the principle of hospitality. No wonder Khan-Girey writes: “Circassians in general, receiving guests, are sure that they are doing what is pleasing to the creator” (1836, 326).

Moreover, observance of the principle of hospitality was strictly controlled by public opinion. Those who violated it were subjected to “trial and punishment” (Nogmov, 1958, 79), they “become the subject of popular contempt, honest people lose respect for them and are disdained by their community, insulting reproaches meet them at every step ...” (Khan Giray, 1836, 325). And now the leading role in maintaining hospitality is played by the opinion of the public: neighbors, acquaintances, relatives, the guests themselves.

The explicative model of the Adyghe hospitality is original and extremely complex; in the era of chivalry, it was redesigned, supplemented with completely new elements that were unusual for the hospitality of a tribal society. The studies available to date do not provide a complete picture of this. Therefore, it would be necessary to consistently, step by step, identify all the variety of standards and attributes of communicative behavior related to a given social institution, which, as was said, is not typical for traditional ethnographic works. However, the list of points of Adyghe hospitality given below does not claim to be complete either. It presents only the main content of the rituals provided for by hospitality, but with a focus on thoroughness, detailed description. For the same purpose, the corresponding proverbs are included in the list; as is known, they best reflect the external pattern and the internal meaning of the traditional everyday culture of the ethnic group.

So, the main points of the Adyghe hospitality are the following:
1. Guest is a sacred, inviolable person. He brings with him happiness and well-being Kheshch1em embankment kydok1ue * - Happiness comes with a guest; Adygem kheshch1e and sch1asesh - The Circassians have a favorite guest.
2. The custom of hospitality extends to all Circassians, regardless of their condition. “The poorest estates are just as hospitable as the highest ones, and a poor person, even a peasant, will treat him with what he can and feed the horses, and what he himself does not have, he will borrow from others.” (Steel, 1900, 135).
3. It is the duty of every Adyghe to invite to his house those who may need food and lodging for the night. “Any stranger walking through the village, having met the first villager, hears the traditional “yeblag'e” welcome. He sincerely invites to his house and treats ”(Kodzhesau, 1968, 282).
4. The right of hospitality is enjoyed by old and young, rich and poor, man and woman, enemy and friend: Kheshch1e lei shchpekyym - There is no superfluous guest; Kheshch1eu kyphuek1uame, ui zhaggueguri nybzheggusch - If you come as a guest, then your enemy is your friend.
5. The guest from distant lands enjoys the greatest honor. This explains the magnificent meetings and seeing off of foreign travelers, who then spoke enthusiastically about the Adyghe hospitality.
6. At some distance from the residential building, each family builds a special guest house *** - heshch1eshch

* This and a significant part of all other proverbs used in the book are given according to the two-volume edition of Adyghe proverbs: Kardangushev et al., 1965; Gukemukh et al., 1967.
** Quickly hosting a guest, the owner of the house. It goes back to the ancient Iranian f "sumant possessing cattle, a cattle owner (Abaev, 1949, 74).
*** Previously, the wealthiest families even had two guest houses: kheshch1eshch - kunatskaya and kheshch1eshch zhant1e - honorary kunatskaya. See about this: Lulie, 1859, 33. (Kunatskaya) and next to the hitching post. In the kunatskaya there are always: tripod tables for treating guests, a bed, a carpet, a copper jug ​​(kubgan) and a copper or wooden bowl for washing, a towel, and often musical instruments (shyk1e pshyne - violin, bzhyami - pipe). Weapons are usually hung on the walls of the kunatskaya. “Outside the courtyard rises at a distance of fifty to one hundred paces a saklya for guests, in which they do not live and which is intended for guests. Even a poor Adyghe never forgets to build a hut for guests in his yard” (Lapinskiy, 1862, 62). “We dismounted at Indar-Ogly, who, together with his son Nogai, came out to meet us at the gates of his courtyard and led us to the guest room, where the walls were decorated with sabers, daggers, bows, arrows, pistols, guns, helmets and a large number of chain mail” ( Marigny, p. 307).
7. The doors of the Kunatska are open at any time of the day or night. Any passer-by can enter and settle down there without asking the hosts. “A guest who arrived at night could enter the guest house unnoticed by anyone, so the owner of the house had to look into the guest house before going to bed. A horse tied to a hitching post could also testify to the arrival of a guest” (Mambetov, 1968, 231).
8. In case of arrival of guests, it is necessary to always have supplies of food.
9. Seeing the guest, the owner is obliged to go out to meet him, greet with the formula f1ekhus apshchy, eblag'e - Come well, welcome. Other greeting formulas are not suitable for this case.
10. They help the rider to dismount, holding the horse by the bridle and take care of the feed for the latter.
11. The guests are the first to enter the kunatskaya, all the rest follow them. Currently, due to the lack of a dedicated guest house, the eldest male host walks in front to indicate the room that is intended for guests.
12. Having escorted the guest to the kunatskaya, you should help him take off his outer clothing, weapons and seat him in a place of honor jant1e.
13. The hosts do not sit down at the same time as the guest. Only after the latter's insistent requests does one of them sit down who, in terms of age and status, is closest to the guest. If there are none, then no one sits down, everyone stands.
14. The guest is asked about health, and, after some time, about the news.
15. It is forbidden for three days to ask the guest about who he is, where he is going, where, for what purpose he came, for what time, where he is going in the future, etc. “... the guest, if he wished, could keep complete incognito” (Dubrovin, 1927, 8).
16. After the expiration of three days, i.e., after rendering the guest all the honors envisaged by etiquette, the host could ask what business he was busy with and how he could be useful to him. Bysym considered it his sacred duty to contribute to the achievement of the goals that the guest pursued.
17. It is unacceptable to leave a guest alone in a room. Neighbors, sons and daughters of the owner come to him alternately and greet him, but, as a rule, they do not sit down, but soon leave or stand, listening to the conversation of the elders, carrying out their instructions. “In the interval from arrival to dinner, the neighbors come with a greeting; it would be inconsiderate to leave a guest alone in the living room. The owner's daughter also comes to visit, and they always bring a dish of fresh or dry vegetables for her, depending on the time of year; the guest invites her to sit down, and after a short conversation she leaves” (Lulier, 1859:34).
18. You should set the table as quickly as possible with the best of what is in the house. While the main treat is being prepared, the guest is offered fruit, cheese with pasta (hard boiled millet porridge), etc. Then follow meat dishes usually in this order: fried meat (ly gezha), chicken in sauce (dzhed lybzhe), boiled lamb or beef (kheshch1enysh). The meal is completed with meat broth, which is drunk from wooden bowls without spoons. From alcoholic drinks, mahsyme is a kind of mash made from millet. Each dish is brought on small tripod tables. “... Soon dinner was served on fifteen small tables, which replaced each other as we tried the dishes on them” (Marigny, p. 307); “... Following the washing, a series of low round tables filled with food was brought” (Tornau, 1864, 418).
19. Before eating, the guest is offered to wash their hands. At the same time, the wife, son or daughter of the host brings a cup to the guest, pours water on his hands from the kubgan and keeps a clean towel at the ready. All this is done right there in the kunatskaya, so that the guest does not even have to get up from his seat.
20. When meeting other needs, the guest is accompanied by one of the family members, shows him the restroom for guests and returns with him. In the restroom for guests there is always a kubgan with water, often there is a towel and a mirror hanging there.
21. At the table, the hosts make sure that the guest eats as much as possible and is full.
22. It is considered tactless to eat your portion before the guest, since in this case the guest will also be forced to break away from food. Hence T. de Marigny's remark: "It is shameful for a Circassian to eat faster than a foreigner" (p. 296).
23. After the meal, water is again served to the guest so that he can wash his hands.
24. Avoid arguing with the guest, unless, of course, he behaves within the limits of decency provided for by etiquette.
25. Propriety requires that the hosts in the presence of the guest did not talk to each other.
25. To entertain an honored guest, they invite neighbors and relatives corresponding to his age and rank, arrange dances, games, sing songs, etc. “The best singers and musicians of the village were present at the reception of the guest. Dances were organized for the young guest, and horse races, horse riding, target shooting, national wrestling, and sometimes hunting were organized for the noble traveler. Everything was done that could glorify the village of the owner, with whom the guest was staying” (Mambetov, 1968, 236-237).
27. Even a hint that the guest has stayed up and it is time for him to leave the house is completely excluded:
28. While the guest is in the house, his outer clothing, if she requires it, is cleaned and put in order. If the guest stays overnight, in the morning he finds his clothes washed and ironed.
29. Before going to bed, the guest is helped to take off his shoes and wash his feet (this was usually done by the host's daughter). This custom, most characteristic of the Abkhazians, disappeared among the Adygs already in the 19th century.
30. The sacred duty of the host is to protect peace and protect the honor of the guest. If necessary, he fulfills this duty with weapons in his hands: Adyge and kheshch1e bydap1e issch - Adyga is a guest in the fortress.
31. A guest who is about to leave is persistently asked to sit still, to stay overnight, for several days.
32. It is customary to give gifts to the most honored guests.
33. A guest leaving the house is helped to get dressed, to sit on a horse, holding the horse by the bridle and holding the left stirrup.
34. A guest sitting in a saddle is sometimes given a bowl of makhsym, the so-called shesyzhybzhe stirrup.
35. It is necessary to escort the guest to the edge of the village, at least outside the gates of the estate ... Guests who have arrived from afar, and especially foreigners, are escorted to the next destination or escorted throughout the entire journey around the country.
36. Parting with the guest, bysym wishes him a happy journey, all the best and urges him to come again.
37. After parting, the host waits until the guest has retired some distance. It is indecent, having turned around, to immediately return to the house. Such, so to speak, is the charter that determines the behavior of the host in relation to the guest. But there are also rules regarding the behavior of a guest in someone else's house. Some of them are designed to alleviate to some extent the inconvenience caused to the owners, the other part fixes the ways of demonstrating gratitude for a warm welcome;
38. The guest is the first to greet the host with an exclamation: Salam alaikum, Daue fyshchitkhe - Salam alaikum, how are you.
39. He surrenders entirely to the power of the owner, who excels in observing all the points of hospitality: Kheshch1ap1e uschy1eme, kyphuashch! ui unafesh - If you are a guest, what will the law tell you for you; Kheshch1er melym nekhure nekh 1eseshch - A guest is more humble than a sheep.
40. The people condemn a guest who, for one reason or another, without accepting traditional honors from one owner, goes to another, for example, to a neighbor - Zi bysy zykhuezhym chyts1ykhhu huauk1 - To the one who changes the owner, they slaughter a kid [skinny].
41. One should not eat and drink a lot when visiting, so as not to be considered a glutton and a drunkard. “If a guy or an old man goes to a wedding in a family, then they feed him to his heart’s content, saying “1enem utefyshch1yhyu umyk1ue” - Don’t go to clean the table [on a visit] (AF, 1963, 214).
42. The guest is forbidden the slightest interference in the affairs of the family. It is considered tactless to get up unnecessarily from one's place, to leave the kunatska street into the yard, to look into the kitchen, where treats are being prepared. “... during the entire stay in a strange house, the guest, according to the custom of antiquity, remained as if chained to the place: getting up, walking around the room would not only be a departure from decency, but for many of his compatriots it would even seem like a crime” (Dubrovin , 1927, 8).
43. The guest should be well aware of how long he will stay in the kunatskaya, so as not to offend the host for a quick departure and not become a burden to him for a long stay. “It is considered impolite to stay with one host for more than two nights, although the host will not show anyone the door” (Lapinsky, 1862, 84). Kheshch1ap1eryner emyk1usch - It is indecent to linger at a party. After finishing the meal, the guest thanks the hosts in expressions like: Fi eryskjyr ubague - Let your food multiply.
44. It is considered a desecration of the house to sort things out at a party, settling old scores, quarreling, scolding, etc. do not notice each other and keep away from each other. All this is done naturally, without exaggeration or affectation” (Stal, 1900, 121).
45. It is absolutely unacceptable to offend the dignity of the members of the family in which you are staying, for example, flirting with the wife or daughter of the host. In this regard, L. Ya. Lyul'e writes: "Often in such cases, I peered into the outward manner of the highlanders and found them decent and alien to any impudence" (1859, 34).
46. ​​A guest does not demand services, gifts, and when they are offered to him, out of decency, he refuses for a while.
47. A guest must refrain from praising one or another thing in the host's house: this can be perceived as a request, which, according to custom, cannot be refused, i.e., ultimately, as extortion.
48. Leaving the house, the guest is obliged to thank for the reception, to say goodbye to the older members of the family.
49. Before mounting a horse, the guest turns his head towards the house, which symbolizes his good mood and gratitude to the owners. “If the guests were dissatisfied with the host, they mounted their horses with their backs to the host’s court, and if they were satisfied, they turned the heads of their horses to the host’s court…” (Kirzhinov, 1974, 172).
50. A guest (especially if he is young) refuses to be helped to sit on a horse, to be escorted beyond the gate. He does this even when he definitely knows that the owners will insist on their own.

The listed points of hospitality, of course, do not exhaust the entire content of this public institution. But as preliminary material for analysis (including comparative, typological analysis), they are quite suitable. It is possible, in particular, to point out the following features of the Adyghe hospitality.

In its general pattern, it coincides with the hospitality of peoples standing on the lower and middle stages of barbarism (Aborigines of Australia, Indians, etc.). This can be explained only by the identity of the forms of the historical development of the culture of all the peoples of the globe. Among the Circassians, as well as among all other peoples, hospitality goes back to the "communist system of home life" characteristic of the tribal society (Morgan).

Having retained the common features of ancient, primitive hospitality, the hospitality of the Adygs of the feudal era acquired a completely different quality: it became an integral part, a constructive principle of chivalry in general and knightly etiquette, in particular. “There are three qualities, writes J. Longworth, which in these parts give a person the right to fame - courage, eloquence and hospitality; or... a sharp sword, a sweet tongue, and forty tables" (Longworth, p. 516). Knightly etiquette made its own amendments to hospitality, supplemented it with completely new items, in essence, completely subordinated it to its principles. However, for obvious reasons, it would be naive to believe that chivalry gave birth to hospitality.

Hospitality has always occupied an important place in the life of the Circassians. In the era of feudalism, it also became fertile ground for the formation and development of original knightly etiquette. And it's not just the charter of hospitality itself. The place of this public institution in the traditional everyday culture of the Circassians and other Caucasian peoples was determined primarily by its social functions. Being a kind of epicenter of national and international contacts, hospitality played a huge role in the intensification and optimization of communication within the ethnic group and beyond. It stimulated and facilitated the transmission of culture from one generation to another, thus fulfilling the function of integration and social control. Finally, hospitality contributed to the transmission and development of the cultural values ​​of other, primarily neighboring, peoples. We can therefore agree that the Kunatska is a kind of public institution that originally belonged to the entire community (Magomedov, 1974, 295). “Here, for the first time, new heroic songs were performed, news was shared, young people were taught songs, dances, politics, wisdom, history, knightly etiquette, everything that a young aristocrat, and in modern times a young Adyghe in general, needs. Kunatskaya was both a restaurant, and a concert hall, and an office where political problems were solved, and a university for the younger generation” (Naloev, 1976).

At present, having ceded its functions to other social institutions and institutions, hospitality has lost its former social significance. At the same time, it became less refined and lush, more flexible and generalized. And yet, despite this, the main points of the Adyghe hospitality firmly hold their positions in the system of elements of the traditional everyday culture of the ethnic group.

HONORING WOMEN

Shchykhubz psherykh khushane - Prey (gift) is left for a woman. In the past, this proverb was very common among the Eastern Circassians. It probably arose as a reflection (and the need to maintain) the custom, according to which a man returning from a hunt or a military campaign, a raid, was supposed to give part of the booty to a woman he met on the way. Then, as is often the case, the meaning of the proverb expanded. It has become a concentrated expression of a chivalrous attitude towards a woman, which is realized in a number of communication standards fixed in etiquette. To help a woman in trouble, to fulfill, if possible, her every request, to protect her duty of honor to every man. People who are well aware of the way of life, culture, national psychology of the Circassians have observed this principle in action more than once. The one who violated it was condemned, severely punished, saying at the same time: And guegu mygüem ezzhen, ts1khubz psherykh khuschane zhikhua1er psch1erke - Let you go on an unfortunate path, don’t you know what “Shykhubz psherykh khushchane” is?

The question arises how this is consistent with the statements of some scientists about the almost complete lack of rights and humiliation of Adyghe women in the past. Of course, there is no single answer to this. One thing is clear: judgments of this kind, although not groundless, are apparently insufficiently substantiated.

First of all, it should be noted that the traditions of matriarchy turned out to be very stable among the Circassians. Among the people, the images of the wise Satanya, the leader of the Narts, their adviser in all difficult matters, the smart and courteous Malechiph, the female hero Lashin, and the light-handed Adiyukh, are still alive. The idea of ​​honoring a woman as a red line runs through the entire Nart epic.

Judging by the statements of the authors of the 7th-19th centuries, Adyghe women had great freedom in dealing with men. “They were sociable and amiable... writes Olearius. Some even invited us to visit their homes.” (Olearius, p. 84). J. Y. Streis (pp. 215-216) and P. G. Brus speak in the same spirit. “Their good humor and pleasant ease in conversation, writes the latter, makes them very desirable; in spite of all this, they are reputed to be very chaste...” (Brus, p. 149).

The early 19th-century author Tebu de Marigny summed up his observations on the situation of women in Circassia as follows: “The fair sex here, although it is destined for the most working life, is far from condemned, as, for example, among the Turks, to eternal seclusion. Especially girls are admitted to all the festivities, which they enliven with their playfulness, and their company is one of the best ways of relaxation for men, with whom girls communicate with the greatest ease ”(Marigny, p. 296).

In the late Middle Ages, it was widely believed among European and partly Asian countries that the women of feudal Circassia were the most beautiful in the world. This further increased the interest of scientists and travelers in their customs and social status, but at the same time gave rise to very contradictory judgments on this matter. In some sources, they appear chaste and bashful, in others, on the contrary, they are immodest and wayward, and sometimes chaste and immodest at the same time. Messages of the second and third types are especially characteristic of the authors of the 17th-18th centuries. (except for the above, see: Pallas, p. 221) and to a much lesser extent for the authors of the 19th century, which suggests a gradual change in the relationship between the sexes in a class society and the emergence of an increasing number of rules that require a woman to be more restrained in behavior.

Nevertheless, among the Circassians to this day there are memories of the distant past, when women had great freedom in relations with men. True, facts of this kind in themselves cannot serve as evidence of the veneration of the female sex, it was just the sanctioning of certain relations (inherited from matriarchy), probably beyond the scope of proper etiquette behavior. In etiquette, other standards of interaction are fixed, most directly indicating a respectful, politely modest attitude towards a woman. They will be discussed later.

According to the customs of the Circassians, a man had to protect the woman in every possible way, help her. For example, if a woman is chopping wood, then every man passing by was obliged to offer his services. The same applies to all other cases when a woman does hard, "male" work. A woman's request for help was usually fulfilled by a man unquestioningly (See: Khan Giray, 1836, 315).

The greatest shame was considered a quarrel or abuse in her presence. A woman could stop any actions of men, as soon as she said: Shkhel'ashch1em khetyr i1ek'e - na mygue - A female scarf (woman) does not deserve respect (indulgence) unless she touches the scarf on her head with her right hand. 80-year-old P. Albotov from the villages. Kahun told us that in this way the wife of Prince Tausultanov forced her sons to give up their firm intention to kill a man who, as it later turned out, was falsely accused of killing their elder brother. The woman could have resorted to the same device in many other situations of this type, for example, when it was necessary to shame men who were behaving too familiarly.

As a result of our observations and inquiries, it was found that three forms of this communication standard were practiced, which differed in intensity, the strength of the impact on the addressee: 1) pronouncing the above formula, 2) pronouncing the formula while simultaneously touching the handkerchief, 3) dropping the handkerchief. The most irreconcilable enemies stopped the battle if a woman, having torn off her scarf, threw it between them.

Circassian women appeared in society with an open face, freely, without coercion, shook hands with men, and in some cases spoke at meetings and even went on a run-in with horsemen. The same applies to Ossetian and especially Abkhazian women. In the family and outside it, they also had great rights (See Kaloev, 1967, 186-189; Machivariani, 1884) and tirelessly defended them. K. Machivariani writes in this regard: “For a long time, the protection of family interests among the Abkhazians lay with the woman, who in all her affairs in this case went hand in hand with women belonging to neighboring tribes: Circassians, Ubykhs and Dzhigets. The attempt to destroy various rights of women, sanctified by centuries, caused a series of unrest here, which always ended in the victory of female influence ”(1884, 10).

It is known that the Circassians usually did not have more than one wife. Etiquette prescribed to be polite and courteous to her; it was considered a matter of honor for every man to create conditions under which his wife could dress decently, with taste. “When a husband hits or showers his wife with swear words, writes Khan-Giray, he becomes an object of ridicule, just as if he, having ways, does not dress her according to his condition” (1836, 316) , huer zymyder l1y delesh - A man who beats his wife is a worthless, fool who does not understand jokes; L1ykhhur fyzdeubzeshi, l1ybzyr fyzdeueysh - A real husband is affectionate with his wife, a husband-woman beats his wife.].

The wife managed the household affairs and enjoyed great authority in the family. “Among the Shapsugs, writes M. O. Kosven, the eldest woman of the patronymic was called “bysy gouache - the princess of the house”, all the women of the patronymic turned to her for advice, she was the main mistress of the manager in any patronymic family during the wedding, funeral, commemoration and etc., she was an obligatory adviser when choosing a groom or bride, etc. ” (Kosven, 1963, 201).

If a husband harassed his wife, she would pack her things, go to her parents, and return only after assurances from her husband and his relatives that this would not happen again. Usually, “the treatment of a husband and wife is modest and delicate,” testifies K. F. Stahl (1900, 128). However, one cannot agree with his statement and at the same time with Kucherov's statement that Circassian girls do not have any opportunity to talk and explain with suitors (See by: Leontovich, pp. 172 and 117).

There were at least three possible explanations: 1) at the festivities, during ballroom dancing; 2) during the rite sch1opshchak1ue; 3) the groom's visit to the girl's house and a conversation in a separate room in the presence of third parties (usually sisters or girlfriends of the girl, friends of the groom). This visit is known among the Circassians under the names khydzhebzapl'e, psel'ykhyu. “When a girl reaches marriageable age,” E. L. Kodzhesau and M. A. Meretukov write, a special room is allocated for her, and parents consider it indecent to enter there. Young people can visit her there. A young man can even go to a girl he doesn't know and, if he likes her, ask for her hand in marriage" (1964, 137).

Guys also have a special room (or house)-legune (room for friends). “Almost every evening, young people gather in the lagoon and have fun with dancing, singing, playing the violin or harmonica. Any young man who wants to have fun can go there, but the girls come to the lagoon only by invitation” (Kodzhesau and Meretukov, 1964, 143).

Under these conditions, some knightly elements of the Adyghe etiquette were formed. A special place among them was occupied by various kinds of signs of attention to female representatives, as evidenced by Khan-Girey, A. Keshev and other Adyghe authors, who probably knew the life of the Circassians better than others and understood their psychology more deeply. The first of them in the ethnographic essay "Faith, Morals, Customs and Way of Life of the Circassians" writes: "Young Circassians, having free circulation with girls, have a chance to please each other and make their feelings understood" (Khan Giray, 1974, 184). The second in the story "Scarecrow" brought out the image of the beautiful Adyghe girl Naziki and showed examples of chivalrous attitude towards the female sex, typical of the Circassians. Worshiping the beauty and kindness of Naziki, the young men give her various gifts and are ready to fulfill all her whims: “In the whole aul, there would not be a horseman who would not rush into fire and water at her one word, and one of them would be considered unworthy of the name of a man. who would dare not to fulfill her sacred will” (A. Keshev, 1977, III). During the festivities, at which Nazika was invariably present, “there was no empty space left in the village from visiting horsemen”, shots in her honor continually announced the district, so that “the sky itself was hiding behind the powder smoke”, men “often grabbed weapons, arguing with each other for the honor of making two or three circles with her, ”and the geguacos praised the princess in the manner of the troubadours of Provence:“ You are the beauty and pride of the Adyghe land ... Your eyes are more beautiful than the shining stars in the blue sky. Your camp is more flexible than the reed that grows on the banks of the White River. Happy is the young man who calls you his own. May Allah send happiness on earth to your parents, and when they die, may he open the gates of paradise for them. Don't think, pretty girl, that I'm flattering you. Mother gave birth to me not to flatter, but to tell people the truth, and with her meager word to glorify the deeds of brave young men and the beauty of our girls. Well, dance, well done! Praise my Nazika with me to all corners of the world. Let the Circassian girls imitate her in everything, and the young men yearn for her” (Keshev, 1977, 112-113).

In order not to give the impression that this is a fiction inherent in works of art, we will refer to the testimony of F. Tornau, an officer of the Russian troops, who, as was said, was a prisoner of the Kabardians for about two years and learned their language: “The Circassians do not hide girls; they do not wear veils, they are in male society, they dance with young people and go freely among guests; therefore, everyone could see her (meaning sister Aitek Kanukova B. B.) and, having seen, praise her beauty ”(Tornau, 1864, 38).

J. Longworth speaks in the same spirit. He considers it necessary to indicate the “weak, in his opinion, raid of chivalry” that is found in the attitude of men towards women, and in support of this he cites the following facts: a gun or pistol in the air. The challenge is immediately accepted by those who have a charge of gunpowder... to assert in the same manner the superiority of their own passions. Another custom that exists here is to take part in the race for the prize, which is in the hands of a beautiful mademoiselle and is a decorated pistol holster, the work of her delicate fingers ”(Longworth, p. 574). Similarly, at the races held during the wake of the young man, "the prizes are disputed in order to present their prize to the lady as a tribute to her beauty" (Bess, p. 345).

The aforementioned custom of getting up at the sight of a woman can also be attributed to the examples of chivalry. It should be noted that even now it is strictly observed in the Adyghe villages. Venerable old men of eighty, ninety, and even a hundred years of age stand up when women who are not even thirty pass along the street.

Finally, until very recently, a custom observed in the 19th century was preserved. J. de Bessom (p. 346), according to which the rider, having met a woman on the way (in the field), dismounted and accompanied her to her destination, leaving his affairs for a while, no matter how important they were. At the same time, he held the reins in his left hand, and the woman walked on the right honorable side.

I think that the examples given are enough to shake the idea of ​​the complete lack of rights and humiliation of Adyghe women in the past.

Of course, the thesis about their dependent position cannot be denied entirely. Indeed, in the family, as a rule, the husband dictated his terms, although he was not the undivided master. But in most cases, this is only an appearance: the wife shows external signs of respect and humility to her husband, such is the custom, but in fact the affairs of the family were managed by a woman, and in this respect her position resembles that of a Japanese woman (See Ovchinnikov, 1975, 63). Observation of modern Kabardian families, in which the best traditions of the Adyghe Khabze are maintained, testify to the same. We see that very often the opinion of the wife turns out to be decisive when there is a question of building a house, marrying a son, entering an educational institution, etc. As for other smaller problems, the husband does not interfere in them at all, he decides everything wife. The same is observed among the Adyghes (Kodzhesau and Meretukov, 1964: 122).

We are also not inclined to deny that women did the hard work around the house, while men were less burdened with chores and had more free time [This applies especially to men belonging to the upper class. Compare: “A Circassian nobleman spends his life on a horse in thieves' raids, in business with the enemy, or traveling around guests. At home, he spends the whole day lying in the kunatskaya, open to every passerby, cleaning weapons, straightening horse harness, and most often doing nothing. Thornau, 1864, 60]. Indeed, this was the case in the 19th century. “The duty of the wife of a Circassian is heavy,” wrote Khan-Giray, she sews all the clothes for her husband, from head to toe; moreover, the whole burden of domestic management lies on her” (1836,60).

Is it possible, however, following some scientists, to consider this an unconditional evidence of the humiliation of a woman? Clearly not. Let us recall what F. Engels wrote about this: “The division of labor between both sexes is determined not by the position of women in society, but by completely different reasons. Peoples for whom women have to work much more than we think they should, often have much more genuine respect for women than our Europeans. The lady of the epoch of civilization, surrounded by seeming reverence and a stranger to all real work, occupies an infinitely lower social status than a woman doing hard work of the era of barbarism ... ”(F. Engels, 1961, 53). In this regard, one can refer to a number of other scientists, for example, M. M. Kovalevsky (1939, 89-90), the modern Polish scientist M. Fritzhand (1976, 114).

It remains to be said that when considering the position of women in the pre-revolutionary past, this past is sometimes unjustifiably abstracted. The pre-revolutionary past is calculated in centuries, millennia, therefore, each phenomenon within these limits must be considered concretely historically. The position of Adyghe women in the XVII-XVIII centuries. very different from its position in the pre-revolutionary period of history. Starting from the first quarter of the 19th century. and for a whole century, the social position of women steadily declined. In addition to socio-economic reasons (the development of feudalism, the beginnings of capitalist social relations), this was facilitated by the growing influence of the Muslim faith, promoted by Turkey, the entire Muslim East. With the adoption of Islam, a woman lost some of her rights. This was one of the reasons for the ambivalent, contradictory attitude towards her, about which A. Keshev wrote: “Our mountaineer appreciates a woman, although at the same time she is oppressed. The Circassian enslaved her, reduced her to the level of a toy, following the example of the depraved East, but at the same time made her the subject of enthusiastic praises and hymns1” (1977, 113). J. Bell specified this idea: “ Current position and the mores of the Circassian women came from a mixture of Turkish and Circassian customs, only it seems that the former predominate for married women, and the latter for unmarried ”(Bell, p. 503). Dubois de Montpere (1937, 47-48), N. Albov (1893, 138-139) and others write about the same.

It is impossible to ignore the fact that the girls were freed from hard work in order to preserve her beauty and make it more profitable to marry. “It should be noted, writes T. Lapinsky, that while women are tormented by work, girls, both rich and poor, are very protected. They are exempted from all domestic and field work [However, all women were generally exempted from field work, they came here occasionally to help men] work, they are engaged only in sewing ... ”(Lapinsky, 1862, 79).

And one more circumstance must be taken into account when considering the position of a Circassian woman in the past, her class affiliation. Women of the upper class, according to the fair observation of a number of pre-revolutionary and especially post-revolutionary authors, had much greater freedom in communication. This is quite natural and does not seem to require much explanation.

HONORING THE ELDER

In the family and beyond, it greatly affects the communicative behavior of the younger ones. “Not only the son in front of the father, but the younger brother in front of the elder does not dare to sit down and does not enter into a conversation in the presence of strangers. Equally, in conversations where older people happen in years, young people do not dare to speak loudly or laugh, but are obliged to answer modestly to questions put to them ”(Bronevsky, 1823, 123). These models, described by a well-known Russian historian of the first half of the 19th century, have been preserved among the Circassians almost unchanged and to this day act as instructions for behavior during a conversation. In general, elderly people, regardless of status and gender, are in a special position here, thanks to which old age finds protection from loneliness and ridicule. The German scientist of the last century K. Koch wrote in this regard: “While in our country, unfortunately, the state very rarely takes under the protection of the elderly, and they are completely dependent on the younger generation, among the Circassians the elderly enjoy universal respect. The one who insulted an old man or an elderly woman is not only subjected to universal contempt, but his act is discussed by the people's assembly, and he bears punishment for this, depending on the magnitude of the offense ”(Koch, p. 591).

It is the duty of the younger in the presence of the elders to show modesty; boasting, bragging, and in general any lengthy speeches about one's person are considered a gross violation of etiquette. A young man with all his appearance should express attention, respect for the elder, readiness to fulfill any of his orders. Such an installation excludes the possibility of keeping hands in pockets, standing half-bent, sitting lounging, fidgeting in a chair, turning your back to others, scratching your head, nose, smoking, chewing, propping your cheek or forehead with your hand, there are special politely modest formulas for addressing elders, to express gratitude to them, the placement of the elders and the younger in space, etc., etc. is subject to special rules. And one more detail: the elder, surrounded by the younger ones, can speak with almost complete confidence that his words will be listened to with attention and respect, even when they run counter to the actual state of affairs or to the plans and expectations of the younger ones. In short, in the regulation of communicative acts and movements, age roles occupy no less place than social roles in the sense in which they are presented in American social psychology. (See Berlo, 1960, 136). No wonder the officer of the Russian army F. Tornau, who was a prisoner of the Kabardians for two years (1836-1838), wrote: A young man of the highest birth is obliged to stand in front of every old man, without asking his name, give way to him, not sit down without his permission, be silent before him, meekly and respectfully answer his questions. Every service rendered to the gray hair is put in honor of the young man.

Even the old slave is not completely excluded from this rule” (Tornau, 1864, 419). It should be noted, however, that this is only a general rule. The class division of society made its own amendments to it. The old-timers sat down. Zayukovo (KBASSR) argue that before the revolution, at the festivities, a beardless prince or nobleman was often seated in a place of honor, and the elders from the lower class did not even dare to stand next to them. Similarly, when meeting with a prince, the peasants, regardless of their age, were obliged to dismount, “showing signs of respect for his rank” (Khan-Gireit 1836, 322). Referring to the custom of shudegaze, following the rider, the prince sometimes forced the whole convoy of carts that met along the way to follow him. Thus, the ancient, democratic foundations of the principle of honoring elders were shaken. Know used it for their own purposes and interests.

This is especially true of the pre-revolutionary period of history, when the class division of society, following the example of the Russians, acquired a significant scope, up to the emergence of sharp antagonistic contradictions between the exploiting elite and the common people. In former times, that is, back in the first half of the 19th century, the power of princes and nobles was limited by the people's assembly. They say, for example, that one of the Kabardian princes was deprived of this title because, having abused his power, he allowed, and in fact forced, a train of peasant carts to follow him.

Respect for the elder sometimes appeared in an exaggerated form. Sh. Mashkuashev (village of St. Cherek, KBASSR) argues that in the past a man walking alone along the street had to keep to the left side of the road, symbolically giving way to the right, honorable side of the elder in the family (if any). For the same reason, he, being the elder at the table, refused to perform the ritual of dividing shkhel'enykue (ram's head, divided in two). The younger was strictly forbidden to call out to the elder. To attract the attention of the elder, it was necessary to enter the field of view of the latter and then turn to him. Hence there are two proverbs that reflect the same standard of communication in different ways: Kodzher nekhyzhshch - [He] who calls you is older. In addition to this, before saying anything to the elders conducting the conversation, the younger was supposed to update the special politely respectful formula for entering into a conversation: I have the wisdom [mind] of your dreams, but if you would allow me, I would say one word.

The principle of respect for elders determines the order of seating at the table. In this case, a psychologically curious situation arises: everyone is afraid to take a place that does not correspond to their age and rank, and therefore they stand in indecision for some time, measuring their age with the age of those present. At the same time, local disputes and squabbles often arise: each seeks to give way to the most honorable place to another, proves that it rightfully belongs to him, and not to his insignificant person. It is not difficult to understand that these actions are manifestations of those properties of the national character, which were mentioned above. Anyone who violates the rules of honor (nemys) when seated, that is, takes a place that other, most honored guests deserve, to some extent discredits himself in the eyes of public opinion. That is why the Circassians like to repeat: Zhant1ak1ueu ushchymyt, uzershchyt ukalaghunsh - Do not strive for a place of honor, [and without that] they will notice what you are, [what you deserve]. In this situation, it is considered most preferable to take a place offered by the elders at the table or the owners of the house. Hence another proverb, which has a deeper meaning: Zhant1em usch1emykyu, phuefashcheme, kyplysynsch - Do not strive for a place of honor, if you deserve it, you will get it.

The desire to give way to a more honorable, comfortable place to another, acts on the one hand as a symptom of good breeding, politeness, modesty, and on the other as a deliberate demonstration of these properties. When the second prevails over the first, these actions acquire an ostentatious, protracted character, and are quite rightly condemned by the people. And this critical attitude to etiquette, more precisely, to its perversions, found a corresponding expression in the proverb, which no, no, and even someone will screw in the process of seating: Adygem tysyn dymyuhyure k1uezhygüer koos - Adygs, we don’t have time to sit down, when it’s time to disperse.

There are many other verbal and non-verbal communication standards that are defined by the older-younger ratio. We will learn about some of them in later sections of the book. Now we note that the veneration of elders is a custom that originates in ancient times, it is to some extent a vestige of the primitive gerontocracy of old power (See Zolotarev, 1932, 42), which more or less successfully fit into the etiquette of all peoples of the globe, and this must not be forgotten.

Respect for elders is introduced into the minds of the Circassians as the highest principle, following which you can achieve success in life and win the authority of the people. Hence a whole ensemble of proverbs-admonitions of the type: Nekhyzhyr g'el'ap1i ui shkh'er l'ap1e hunsch - Honor the Elder himself, you will become revered; Zi nekhyzh food1ue and 1uehu mek1uate - He who listens to the elder in business succeeds; Nekhyzhym zhant1er eisch - The Elder has a place of honor.

We see the same thing with Indians, Chinese, Japanese. In the ancient Indian code of conduct "Laws of Manu" there are such points:
"119. You should not sit on a bed or on a seat used by a senior; whoever occupies a bed or seat, stand up and greet him.
120. After all, the vital forces are about to leave a young person when an older one approaches; he restores them again by rising and saluting.
121. Those who habitually greet, always honoring their elders, increase four longevity, wisdom, glory and strength” (Laws of Manu, I960, 42).

Among the Xiao Chinese, the principle of honoring elders is an important part of the Li code of customary law. The Japanese also have “reverence for parents, and in a broader sense, obedience to the will of elders ... the most important moral duty of a person” (Ovchinnikov, 1975, 67). Hence the use of emphatically low bows, special grammatical forms of politeness of names and verbs in dealing with elders.