Mari: who are we?

Did you know that in the XII-XV centuries, for three hundred (!) Years, in the territory of the present Nizhny Novgorod region, in the interfluve of Pizhma and Vetluga, there was the Vetluzhsky Mari principality. One of his princes, Kai Khlynovsky, had written Peace Treaties with Alexander Nevsky and the Khan of the Golden Horde! And in the fourteenth century, the “kuguza” (prince) Osh Pandash united the Mari tribes, attracted the Tatars to his side, and during the nineteen-year war defeated the squad of the Galich prince Andrei Fedorovich. In 1372, the Vetluzh Mari principality became independent.

The center of the principality was in the still existing village of Romachi, Tonshaevsky district, and in the Sacred Grove of the village, according to historical evidence, Osh Pandash was buried in 1385.

In 1468, the Vetluzh Mari principality ceased to exist and became part of Russia.

The Mari are the oldest inhabitants of the interfluve of Vyatka and Vetluga. This is confirmed by archaeological excavations of ancient Mari burial grounds. Khlynovsky on the river. Vyatka, dating back to the 8th - 12th centuries, Yumsky on the river. Yuma, a tributary of Tansy (IX - X centuries), Kocherginsky on the river. Urzhumka, a tributary of the Vyatka (IX - XII centuries), the Cheremis cemetery on the river. Ludyanka, a tributary of the Vetluga (VIII - X centuries), Veselovsky, Tonshaevsky and other burial grounds (Berezin, pp. 21-27,36-37).

The decomposition of the tribal system among the Mari occurred at the end of the 1st millennium, tribal principalities arose, which were ruled by elected elders. Using their position, they eventually began to seize power over the tribes, enriching themselves at their expense and raiding their neighbors.

However, this could not lead to the formation of their own early feudal state. Already at the stage of completion of their ethnogenesis, the Mari turned out to be the object of expansion from the Turkic East and Slavic state. From the south, the Mari were invaded by the Volga Bulgars, then the Golden Horde and the Kazan Khanate. Russian colonization proceeded from the north and west.

The Mari tribal elite turned out to be split, some of its representatives were guided by the Russian principalities, the other part actively supported the Tatars. Under such conditions, there could be no question of creating a national feudal state.

At the end of the 12th - beginning of the 13th centuries, the only Mari region over which the power of the Russian principalities and Bulgars was rather arbitrary was the area between the Vyatka and Vetluga rivers in their middle reaches. The natural conditions of the forest zone did not make it possible to clearly tie the northern borders of the Volga Bulgaria, and then the Golden Horde, to the terrain, so the Mari living in this area formed a kind of "autonomy". Since the collection of tribute (yasak), both for the Slavic principalities and the eastern conquerors, was carried out by the local increasingly feudalized tribal elite (Sanukov. p. 23)

Mari could act as a mercenary army in the internecine strife of the Russian princes, and make predatory raids on Russian lands alone or in alliance with the Bulgars or Tatars.

In the Galich manuscripts, the Cheremis war near Galich is mentioned for the first time in 1170, where the Vetluzh and Vyatka Cheremis appear as a hired army for a war between brothers quarreling among themselves. Both in this and in the following year 1171, the Cheremis were defeated and driven away from Galich Mersky (Dementiev, 1894, p. 24).

In 1174, the Mari population itself was attacked.
"The Vetluzh Chronicler" tells: "Novgorod warriors conquered from the Cheremis their city of Koksharov on the Vyatka River and called it Kotelnich, and the Cheremis left from their side to Yuma and Vetluga." Since that time, Shanga (the Shang settlement in the upper reaches of the Vetluga) has been more strengthened near the Cheremis. When in 1181 the Novgorodians conquered the Cheremis on Yuma, many residents found it better to live on Vetluga - on Yakshan and Shang.

After the displacement of the Mari from the river. Yuma, some of them went down to their relatives on the river. Tansy. Throughout the river basin Tansy has been inhabited by Mari tribes since ancient times. According to numerous archaeological and folklore data: political, trade, military and cultural centers Mari were located on the territory of modern Tonshaevsky, Yaransky, Urzhumsky and Sovietsky districts of the Nizhny Novgorod and Kirov regions (Aktsorin, pp. 16-17,40).

The time of foundation of Shanza (Shanga) on Vetluga is unknown. But there is no doubt that its foundation is connected with the advancement of the Slavic population to the areas inhabited by the Mari. The word "shanza" comes from the Mari shengze (shenze) and means eye. By the way, the word shengze (eyes) is used only by the Tonshaev Mari of the Nizhny Novgorod region (Dementiev, 1894 p. 25).

Shanga was set up by the Mari on the border of their lands as a guard post (eyes), which watched the advance of the Russians. Only a sufficiently large military-administrative center (principality), which united significant Mari tribes, could set up such a watch fortress.

The territory of the modern Tonshaevsky region was part of this principality, it is no coincidence that here in XVII-XVIII centuries there was a Mari Armachinsky volost with a center in the village of Romachi. And the Mari, who lived here, owned at that time "since ancient times" lands on the banks of the Vetluga in the area of ​​the Shang settlement. Yes, and the legends about the Vetluzh principality are known mainly among the Tonshaev Mari (Dementiev, 1892, p. 5.14).

Beginning in 1185, the Galich and Vladimir-Suzdal princes unsuccessfully tried to recapture Shangu from the Mari principality. Moreover, in 1190 Mari was placed on the river. Vetluga is another "city of Khlynov", headed by Prince Kai. Only by 1229 did the Russian princes manage to force Kai to make peace with them and pay tribute. A year later, Kai refused tribute (Dementiev, 1894. p. 26).

By the 40s of the XIII century, the Vetluzh Mari principality was significantly strengthened. In 1240, the Yuma prince Kodzha Yeraltem built the city of Yakshan on Vetluga. Kodzha accepts Christianity and builds churches, freely allowing Russian and Tatar settlements on the Mari lands.

In 1245, on the complaint of the Galich prince Konstantin Yaroslavich Udaly (brother of Alexander Nevsky), the khan (Tatar) ordered the right bank of the Vetluga river to the Galich prince, the left to the Cheremis. The complaint of Konstantin Udaly was obviously caused by the incessant raids of the Vetluzh Mari.

In 1246, Russian settlements in Povetluzhye were suddenly attacked and devastated by the Mongol-Tatars. Some of the inhabitants were killed or captured, the rest fled into the forests. Including the Galicians, who settled on the banks of the Vetluga after the Tatar attack in 1237. About the scale of the ruin says "Manuscript Life of St. Barnabas of Vetluzhsky." "In the same summer ... deserted from the captivity of that Pogan Batu ... along the river bank, called Vetluga, ... And where there was a dwelling for people overgrown everywhere with a forest, great forests and the Vetluzh desert was called" (Kherson, p. 9 ). The Russian population, hiding from the raids of the Tatars and civil strife, settles in the Mari principality: in Shang and Yakshan.

In 1247, Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky made peace with the Mari and ordered trade and the exchange of goods in Shang. The Tatar Khan and the Russian princes recognized the Mari principality and were forced to reckon with it.

In 1277, the Galich prince David Konstantinovich continued to engage in trade with the Mari. However, already in 1280, David's brother, Vasily Konstantinovich, launched an attack on the Mari principality. In one of the battles, the Mari prince Kyi Khlynovsky was killed, and the principality was obliged to pay tribute to Galich. The new prince Mari, remaining a tributary of the Galich princes, renewed the cities of Shangu and Yakshan, re-fortified Busaksy and Yur (Bulaksy - the village of Odoevskoye, Sharyinsky district, Yur - a settlement on the Yuryevka river near the city of Vetluga).

In the first half of the 14th century, the Russian princes did not conduct active hostilities with the Mari, attracted the Mari nobility to their side, actively contributed to the spread of Christianity among the Mari, and encouraged the transition of Russian settlers to the Mari lands.

In 1345, the Galich prince Andrey Semenovich (son of Simeon the Proud) married the daughter of the Mari prince Nikita Ivanovich Baiboroda (the Mari name is Osh Pandash). Osh Pandash converted to Orthodoxy, and the daughter he gave to Andrei was baptized by Mary. At the wedding in Galicia was the second wife of Simeon the Proud - Eupraxia, on which, according to legend, the Mari sorcerer caused damage due to envy. Which, however, cost the Mari, without any consequences (Dementiev, 1894, pp. 31-32).

Armament and military affairs of the Mari / Cheremis

Noble Mari warrior of the middle of the XI century.

Chain mail, a helmet, a sword, a spearhead, a whip pommel, a sword scabbard tip were reconstructed based on materials from the excavations of the Sarsk settlement.

The stigma on the sword reads +LVNVECIT+ i.e. "Lun did" and is currently the only one of its kind.

The lanceolate spearhead, which stands out for its size (the first tip on the left), belongs to type I according to Kirpichnikov's classification and, apparently, is of Scandinavian origin.

The figure depicts warriors occupying a low position in the social structure of the Mari society in the second half of the 11th century. Their set of weapons consists of hunting weapons and axes. In the foreground is an archer armed with a bow, arrows, a knife and an eye axe. At the moment, there is no data on the design features of the Mari bows proper. The reconstruction shows a simple bow and arrow with a characteristic lance-shaped tip. Bow cases and quivers appear to have been made from organic materials (in this case, leather and birch bark, respectively), and their shape is also unknown.

In the background, a warrior is depicted armed with a massive promotional (it is very difficult to distinguish between a combat and fishing ax) ax and several throwing spears with two-thorn socketed and lanceolate tips.

In general, the Mari warriors were armed quite typically for their time. Most of them, apparently, owned bows, axes, spears, sulits, and fought on foot, without using dense formations. Representatives of the tribal elite could afford expensive protective (chain mail and helmets) and offensive bladed weapons (swords, scramasaxes).

The poor preservation of a fragment of chain mail found at the Sarskoye settlement does not allow us to judge with certainty the method of weaving and the cut of this protective element of weapons as a whole. One can only assume that they were typical for their time. Judging by the discovery of a piece of chain mail, the tribal elite of the Cheremis could also use plate armor that was simpler to manufacture and cheaper than chain mail. No shell plates were found at the Sarskoye settlement, but they are present among the items of weapons originating from Sarskoye-2. This suggests that the Mari warriors, in any case, were familiar with a similar armor design. The presence of so-called weapons in the Mari complex also seems extremely probable. "soft armor", made from organic materials (leather, felt, fabric), densely stuffed with wool or horsehair and quilted. For obvious reasons, it is impossible to confirm the existence of this kind of armor with archaeological data. Nothing definite can be said about their cut and appearance. Because of this, such armor is not reproduced in reconstructions.

No traces of the use of shields by the Mari have been found. However, the shields themselves are a very rare archaeological find, and written and pictorial sources are extremely scarce and uninformative about the measure. In any case, the existence of shields in the Mari weapons complex of the 9th - 12th centuries. perhaps, because both the Slavs and the Scandinavians, who undoubtedly had contact with the measure, widely used shields, which were common at that time, in fact, throughout Europe of a round shape, which is confirmed by both written and archaeological sources. Finds of parts of the equipment of the horse and rider - stirrups, buckles, belt distributor, whip tip, in the absence of weapons specially adapted for cavalry combat (pikes, sabers, flails), allow us to conclude that the Mari have no cavalry as a special kind of troops . It is possible, with a very great deal of caution, to assume the presence of small cavalry units, consisting of tribal nobility.

Reminds me of the situation with the mounted warriors of the Ob Ugrians.

The bulk of the Cheremis troops, especially in the case of major military conflicts, consisted of a militia. There was no standing army, every free man could own a weapon and was, if necessary, a warrior. This suggests the widespread use by the Mari in military conflicts of fishing weapons (bows, spears with two-thorn tips) and working axes. Funds for the purchase of specialized "combat" weapons, most likely, were available only to representatives of the social elite of society. One can assume the existence of contingents of warriors - professional soldiers, for whom the war was the main occupation.

As for the mobilization capabilities of the annalistic Mary, they were quite significant for their time.

In general, the military potential of the Cheremis can be assessed as high. The structure of its armed organization and the complex of weapons changed over time, enriched with elements borrowed from neighboring ethnic groups, but retaining some originality. These circumstances, along with a fairly high population density for its time and a good economic potential, allowed the Vetluzh Principality of the Mari to take a significant part in the events of early Russian history.

Mari noble warrior. Reconstruction illustrations by I. Dzysya from the book " Kievan Rus(publishing house "Rosmen").

The legends of the Vetluzhsky borderland have their own zest. They usually have a girl in them. She can take revenge on the robbers (whether Tatars or Russians), drown them in the river, for example, at the cost of own life. She may be a girlfriend of a robber, but out of jealousy she also drowns him (and drowns herself). Or maybe she herself can be a robber or a warrior.

Nikolai Fomin portrayed the Cheremis warrior as follows:

Very close and, in my opinion, very veristic. Can be used to create a "male version" of the Mari-Cheremis combatant. By the way, Fomin, apparently, did not dare to reconstruct the shield.

National Costume Mari:

Ovda-witch among the Mari

Mari names:

Male names

Abdai, Abla, Abukay, Abulek, Agey, Agish, Adai, Adenai, Adibek, Adim, Aim, Ait, Aygelde, Ayguza, Ayduvan, Aydush, Ayvak, Aimak, Aymet, Ayplat, Aytukay, Azamat, Azmat, Azygey, Azyamberdey, Akaz, Akanay, Akipai, Akmazik, Akmanay, Akoz, Akpay, Akpars, Akpas, Akpatyr, Aksai, Aksar, Aksaran, Aksyan, Aktai, Aktan, Aktanai, Aktubay, Aktugan, Aktygan, Aktygash, Alatay, Albacha, Alek, Almaday, Alkay, Almakay, Alman, Almantai, Alpay, Altybay, Altym, Altysh, Alshik, Alym, Amash, Anai, Angish, Andugan, Ansai, Anykay, Apai, Apakai, Apisar, Appak, Aptriy, Aptysh, Arazgelde, Ardash, Asai, Asamuk, Askar, Aslan, Asmay, Atavay, Atachik, Aturay, Atyuy, Ashkelde, Ashtyvay

Bikey, Buckeye, Bakmat, Birdey

Vakiy, Valitpay, Varash, Vachiy, Vegeney, Vetkan, Voloy, Vurspatyr

Eksei, Elgoza, Elos, Emesh, Epish, Yesieniei

Zainikay, Zengul, Zilkay

Ibat, Ibray, Ivuk, Idulbay, Izambay, Izvay, Izerge, Izikay, Izimar, Izyrgen, Ikaka, Ilandai, Ilbaktai, Ilikpay, Ilmamat, Ilsek, Imai, Imakai, Imanay, Indybay, Ipay, Ipon, Irkebay, Isan, Ismeney, Istak, Iver, Iti, Itykay, Ishim, Ishkelde, Ishko, Ishmet, Ishterek

Yolgyza, Yoray, Yormoshkan, Yorok, Yylanda, Yinash

Kavik, Kavyrlya, Kaganai, Kazaklar, Kazmir, Kazulai, Kakaley, Kalui, Kamai, Kambar, Kanai, Kaniy, Kanykiy, Karantai, Karachey, Karman, Kachak, Kebey, Kebyash, Keldush, Keltey, Kelmekey, Kendugan, Kenchyvay, Kenzhivay, Kerey, Kechim, Kilimbay, Kildugan, Kildyash, Kimai, Kinash, Kindu, Kirysh, Kispelat, Kobey, Kovyazh, Kogoy, Kozhdemyr, Kozher, Kozash, Kokor, Kokur, Koksha, Kokshavuy, Konakpay, Kopon, Kori, Kubakay, Kugerge, Kugubai, Kulmet, Kulbat, Kulshet, Kumanai, Kumunzai, Kuri, Kurmanai, Kutyarka, Kylak

Lagat, Laksyn, Lapkay, Leventey, Lekay, Lotai,

Magaza, Madiy, Maksak, Mamatai, Mamich, Mamuk, Mamulai, Mamut, Manekay, Mardan, Marzhan, Marshan, Masai, Mekesh, Memey, Michu, Moise, Mukanai, Mulikpai, Mustai

Ovdek, Ovrom, Odygan, Ozambay, Ozati, Okash, Oldygan, Onar, Onto, Onchep, Orai, Orlai, Ormik, Orsay, Orchama, Opkyn, Oskay, Oslam, Oshay, Oshkelde, Oshpay, Örözöy, Örtömö

Paybakhta, Payberde, Paygash, Paygish, Paygul, Paygus, Paygyt, Payder, Paydush, Paymas, Paymet, Paymurza, Paymyr, Paysar, Pakay, Pakey, Pakiy, Pakit, Paktek, Pakshay, Paldai, Pangelde, Parastay, Pasyvy, Patay, Paty, Patyk, Patyrash, Pashatley, Pashbek, Pashkan, Pegash, Pegeney, Pekey, Pekesh, Pekoza, Pekpatyr, Pekpulat, Pektan, Pektash, Pektek, Pektubai, Pektygan, Pekshik, Petigan, Pekmet, Pibakai, Pibulat, Pidalai, Pogolti, Pozanay, Repent, Poltish, Pombay, Understand, Por, Porandai, Porzay, Posak, Posibey, Pulat, Pyrgynde

Rotkay, Ryazhan

Sabati, Savay, Savak, Savat, Savy, Savli, Saget, Sain, Saipyten, Saituk, Sakai, Saldai, Saldugan, Saldyk, Salmandai, Salmiyan, Samai, Samukai, Samut, Sanin, Sanuk, Sapay, Sapan, Sapar, Saran, Sarapay, Sarbos, Sarvay, Sardai, Sarkandai, Sarman, Sarmanai, Sarmat, Saslyk, Satai, Satkay, S?p? Suangul, Subay, Sultan, Surmanay, Surtan

Tavgal, Tayvylat, Taygelde, Tayyr, Talmek, Tamas, Tanay, Tanakay, Tanagay, Tanatar, Tantush, Tarai, Temai, Temyash, Tenbai, Tenikey, Tepai, Terei, Terke, Tyatyuy, Tilmemek, Tilyak, Tinbay, Tobulat, Togilday, Todanai, Toy, Toybai, Toybakhta, Toyblat, Toyvator, Toygelde, Toyguza, Toydak, Toydemar, Toyderek, Toydybek, Toykei, Toymet, Tokai, Tokash, Tokey, Tokmai, Tokmak, Tokmash, Tokmurza, Tokpay, Tokpulat, Toksubay, Toktai, Toktamysh, Toktanay, Toktar, Toktaush, Tokshey, Toldugak, Tolmet, Tolubay, Tolubey, Topkay, Topoy, Torash, Torut, Tosai, Tosak, Tots, Topay, Tugay, Tulat, Tunay, Tunbay, Turnaran, Tyatyakay, Temer, Tyulebay, Tyuley, Tyushkay, Tyabyanak, Tyabikey, Tabley, Tuman, Tyaush

Uksay, Ulem, Ultecha, Ur, Urazai, Ursa, Teach

Tsapai, Tsatak, Tsorabatyr, Tsorakai, Tsotnay, Tsörysh, Tsyndush

Chavay, Chalay, Chapey, Chekeney, Chemekey, Chepish, Chetnay, Chimay, Chicher, Chopan, Chopi, Chopoy, Chorak, Chorash, Chotkar, Chuzhgan, Chuzay, Chumbylat (Chumblatt), Chyachkay

Shabay, Shabdar, Shaberde, Shadai, Shaymardan, Shamat, Shamray, Shamykay, Shanzora, Shiik, Shikvava, Shimai, Shipai, Shogen, Strek, Shumat, Shuet, Shyen

Ebat, Evay, Evrash, Eishemer, Ekay, Exesan, Elbakhta, Eldush, Elikpay, Elmurza, Elnet, Elpay, Eman, Emanai, Emash, Emek, Emeldush, Emen (Emyan), Emyatai, Enai, Ensai, Epai, Epanai, Erakay , Erdu, Ermek, Ermyza, Erpatyr, Esek, Esik, Eskey, Esmek, Esmeter, Esu, Esyan, Etvay, Etyuk, Echan, Eshay, Eshe, Eshken, Eshmanay, Eshmek, Eshmyay, Eshpay (Ishpay), Eshplat, Eshpoldo, Eshpulat, Eshtanay, Eshterek

Yuadar, Yuanay (Yuvanay), Yuvan, Yuvash, Yuzay, Yuzykay, Yukez, Yukey, Yukser, Yumakay, Yushkelde, Yushtanay

Yaberde, Yagelde, Yagodar, Yadyk, Yazhai, Yaik, Yakai, Yakiy, Yakman, Yakterge, Yakut, Yakush, Yakshik, Yalkai (Yalkiy), Yalpay, Yaltay, Yamai, Yamak, Yamakay, Yamaliy, Yamanai, Yamatai, Yambay, Yambaktyn , Yambarsha, Yamberde, Yamblat, Yambos, Yamet, Yammurza, Yamshan, Yamyk, Yamysh, Yanadar, Yanay, Yanak, Yanaktay, Yanash, Yanbadysh, Yanbasar, Yangai, Yangan (Yanygan), Yangelde, Yangerche, Yangidey, Yangoza, Yanguvat, Yangul, Yangush, Yangys, Yandak, Yanderek, Yandugan, Yanduk, Yandush (Yandysh), Yandula, Yandygan, Yandylet, Yandysh, Yaniy, Yanikey, Yansai, Yantemir (Yandemir), Yantecha, Yantsit, Yantsora, Yanchur (Yanchura), Yanygit , Yanyk, Yanykay (Yanyky), Yapay, Yapar, Yapush, Yaraltem, Yaran, Yarandai, Yarmiy, Yastap, Yatman, Yaush, Yachok, Yashay, Yashkelde, Yashkot, Yashmak, Yashmurza, Yashpay, Yashpadar, Yashpatyr, Yashtugan

Women's names

Aivika, Aikavi, Akpika, Aktalche, Alipa, Amina, Anay, Arnyaviy, Arnyasha, Asavi, Asildik, Astana, Atybylka, Achiy

Baitabichka

Yoktalche

Kazipa, Kaina, Kanipa, Kelgaska, Kechavi, Kigeneshka, Kinai, Kinichka, Kistelet, Xilbika

Mayra, Makeva, Malika, Marzi (Myarzi), Marziva

Naltichka, Nachi

Ovdachi, Ovoy, Ovop, Ovchi, Okalche, Okachi, Oksina, Okutiy, Onasi, Orina, Ochiy

Paizuka, Payram, Pampalche, Payalche, Penalche, Pialche, Pidelet

Sagida, Saiviy, Sailan, Sakeva, Salika, Salima, Samiga, Sandyr, Saskaviy, Saskai, Saskanai, Sebichka, Soto, Sylvika

Ulina, Unavi, Usti

Changa, Chatuk, Chachi, Chilbichka, Chinbeika, Chinchi, Chichavi

Shaivi, Shaldybeyka

Evika, Ekevi, Elika, Erviy, Ervika, Erika

Yukchi, Yulaviy

Yalche, Yambi, Yanipa

Occupations of the population: settled agricultural and livestock farming, developed crafts, metalworking in combination with ancient traditional occupations: gathering, hunting, fishing, beekeeping.
Note: The lands are very good and fertile.

Resources: fish, honey, wax.

Troop Line:

1. Detachment of the prince's bodyguards - mounted heavily armed fighters with swords, in chain mail and plate armor, with spears, swords and shields. The helmet is pointed, with sultans. The squad is small.
Onyzha is a prince.
Kugyza - leader, elder.

2. Vigilantes - as in the color illustration - in chain mail, hemispherical helmets, with swords and shields.
Patyr, odyr - warrior, hero.

3. Lightly armed warriors with darts and axes (without shields) in padded jackets. No helmets in hats.
Marie - men.

4. Archers with good strong bows and sharp arrows. No helmets. in quilted sleeveless jackets.
Yumo - bow.

5. Special seasonal unit - Cheremis skier. The Mari had - Russian chronicles mark them repeatedly.
kuas - ski, skis - fell kuas

The symbol of the Mari is a white elk - a symbol of nobility and strength. It indicates the presence around the city of rich forests and meadows where these animals live.

The main colors of the Mari: Osh Mari - White Mari. So the Mari called themselves, glorified whiteness traditional clothing the purity of your thoughts. The reason for this was, first of all, their usual outfits, the custom that had developed over the years to wear all white. In winter and summer they put on a white caftan, under a caftan - a white linen shirt, on their heads - a hat made of white felt. And only the dark red patterns embroidered on the shirt, along the hem of the caftan, added variety and a noticeable feature to the white color of the entire attire.

Therefore, they should be made mainly - white clothes. There were many redheads.

More ornaments and embroidery:

And, perhaps, everything. The faction is ready.

Here's more about the Mari, by the way, touches on the mystical aspect of traditions, it may come in handy.

Scientists attribute the Mari to the group of Finno-Ugric peoples, but this is not entirely true. According to ancient Mari legends, this people in ancient times came from Ancient Iran, the birthplace of the prophet Zarathustra, and settled along the Volga, where they mixed with the local Finno-Ugric tribes, but retained their originality. This version is also confirmed by philology. According to the Doctor of Philology, Professor Chernykh, out of 100 Mari words, 35 are Finno-Ugric, 28 are Turkic and Indo-Iranian, and the rest are of Slavic origin and other peoples. Carefully studied the prayer texts of the ancient Mari religion, Professor Chernykh came to an amazing conclusion: the prayer words of the Mari are more than 50% of Indo-Iranian origin. It was in the prayer texts that the proto-language of the modern Mari was preserved, not subject to the influence of the peoples with whom they had contacts in later periods.

Outwardly, the Mari are quite different from other Finno-Ugric peoples. As a rule, they are not very tall, with dark hair, slightly slanted eyes. Mari girls are very beautiful at a young age, but by the age of forty, most of them are very old and either shrink or become incredibly full.

The Mari remember themselves under the rule of the Khazars from the 2nd century. - 500 years, then under the rule of the Bulgars 400, 400 under the Horde. 450 - under the Russian principalities. According to ancient predictions, the Mari cannot live under someone for more than 450-500 years. But they will not have an independent state. This cycle of 450-500 years is associated with the passage of a comet.

Before the collapse of the Bulgar Khaganate, namely at the end of the 9th century, the Mari occupied vast areas, and their number was more than a million people. These are the Rostov region, Moscow, Ivanovo, Yaroslavl, the territory of modern Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod, modern Mari El and the Bashkir lands.

In ancient times, the Mari people were ruled by princes, whom the Mari called oms. The prince combined the functions of both a military commander and a high priest. The Mari religion considers many of them to be saints. Saint in Mari - shnuy. For a person to be recognized as a saint, 77 years must pass. If after this period, when prayerfully addressed to him, healings from diseases occur, and other miracles occur, then the deceased is recognized as a saint.

Often such holy princes possessed various extraordinary abilities, and were in one person a righteous sage and a warrior merciless to the enemy of his people. After the Mari finally fell under the rule of other tribes, they no longer had princes. And the religious function is performed by the priest of their religion - kart. The supreme kart of all Maris is elected by the council of all karts and his powers within the framework of his religion are approximately equal to the powers of the patriarch among Orthodox Christians.

In ancient times, the Mari really believed in many gods, each of which reflected some element or force. However, at the time of the unification of the Mari tribes, like the Slavs, the Mari had an acute political and religious need for religious reformation.

But the Mari did not follow the path of Vladimir Krasno Solnyshko and did not accept Christianity, but changed their own religion. The Mari prince Kurkugza became a reformer, whom the Mari now revere as a saint. Kurkugza studied other religions: Christianity, Islam, Buddhism. He was helped to study other religions by trading people from other principalities and tribes. The prince also studied the shamanism of the northern peoples. Having learned in detail about all religions, he reformed the old Mari religion and introduced a cult of worship of the supreme God - Osh Tyun Kugu Yumo, the Lord of the Universe.

This is the hypostasis of the great one God, responsible for the power and control of all other hypostases (incarnations) of the one God. Under him, the supremacy of the hypostases of the one God was determined. The main ones were Anavarem Yumo, Ilyan Yumo, Pirshe Yumo. The prince did not forget his kinship and roots with the people of the Mer, with whom the Mari lived in harmony and had common linguistic and religious roots. Hence the deity Mer Yumo.

Ser Lagash is an analogue of the Christian Savior, but inhuman. This is also one of the hypostases of the Almighty, which arose under the influence of Christianity. Shochyn Ava became an analogue of the Christian Mother of God. Mlande Ava is the hypostasis of the one God, responsible for fertility. Perke Ava is the hypostasis of the one God, responsible for economy and abundance. Tynya Yuma is the celestial dome, which consists of nine Kawa Yuma (heavens). Keche Ava (sun), Shidr Ava (stars), Tylize Ava (moon) are the upper tier. The lower tier is Mardezh Ava (wind), Pyl Ava (clouds), Vit Ava (water), Kudricha Yuma (thunder), Volgenche Yuma (lightning). If the deity ends in Yumo, it is an oz (master, lord). And if it ends in Ava, then strength.

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Origin of the Mari people

The question of the origin of the Mari people is still controversial. For the first time, a scientifically substantiated theory of the ethnogenesis of the Mari was expressed in 1845 by the famous Finnish linguist M. Kastren. He tried to identify the Mari with the annalistic measure. This point of view was supported and developed by T.S. Semenov, I.N. Smirnov, S.K. Kuznetsov, A.A. Spitsyn, D.K. Zelenin, M.N. Yantemir, F.E. Egorov and many others. researchers of the II half of the XIX - I half of the XX centuries. A prominent Soviet archaeologist A.P. Smirnov came up with a new hypothesis in 1949, who came to the conclusion about the Gorodets (close to Mordovian) basis, other archaeologists O.N. Bader and V.F. Gening at the same time defended the thesis about Dyakovo (close to measure) origin of the Mari. Nevertheless, even then archaeologists were able to convincingly prove that Merya and Mari, although related to each other, are not the same people. In the late 1950s, when the permanent Mari archaeological expedition began to operate, its leaders A.Kh. Khalikov and G.A. Arkhipov developed a theory about the mixed Gorodets-Azelin (Volga-Finnish-Permian) basis of the Mari people. Subsequently, G.A. Arkhipov, developing this hypothesis further, during the discovery and study of new archaeological sites, proved that the Gorodets-Dyakovo (Volga-Finnish) component and the formation of the Mari ethnos, which began in the first half of the 1st millennium AD, prevailed in the mixed basis of the Mari. , as a whole, ended in the 9th - 11th centuries, while even then the Mari ethnos began to divide into two main groups - mountain and meadow Mari (the latter, in comparison with the former, were more strongly influenced by the Azelin (Permo-speaking) tribes). This theory is now generally supported by the majority of archaeologists dealing with this problem. The Mari archaeologist V.S. Patrushev put forward a different assumption, according to which the formation of the ethnic foundations of the Mari, as well as the Meri and Muroms, took place on the basis of the population of the Akhmylov appearance. Linguists (I.S. Galkin, D.E. Kazantsev), who rely on the data of the language, believe that the territory of the formation of the Mari people should not be sought in the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, as archaeologists believe, but to the southwest, between the Oka and Sura. The archaeologist T.B. Nikitina, taking into account the data not only of archeology, but also of linguistics, came to the conclusion that the ancestral home of the Mari is located in the Volga part of the Oka-Sura interfluve and in the Povetluzhye, and the movement to the east, to Vyatka, occurred in VIII - XI centuries, during which contact and mixing with the Azelin (Permo-speaking) tribes took place.

The question of the origin of the ethnonyms "Mari" and "Cheremis" also remains complex and unclear. The meaning of the word "Mari", the self-name of the Mari people, is derived by many linguists from the Indo-European term "Mar", "Mer" in various sound variations (translated as "man", "husband"). The word "Cheremis" (as the Russians called the Mari, and in a slightly different, but phonetically similar vowel - many other peoples) has a large number of different interpretations. The first written mention of this ethnonym (in the original "ts-r-mis") is found in a letter from the Khazar Khagan Joseph to the dignitary of the Caliph of Cordoba Hasdai ibn-Shaprut (960s). D.E. Kazantsev following the historian of the XIX century. G.I. Peretyatkovich came to the conclusion that the name "Cheremis" was given to the Mari by the Mordovian tribes, and in translation this word means "a person living on the sunny side, in the east." According to I.G. Ivanov, “Cheremis” is “a person from the Chera or Chora tribe”, in other words, the name of one of the Mari tribes was subsequently extended by the neighboring peoples to the entire ethnic group. The version of the Mari local historians of the 1920s - early 1930s F.E. Egorov and M.N. Yantemir, who suggested that this ethnonym goes back to the Turkic term "warlike person", is widely popular. F.I. Gordeev, as well as I.S. Galkin, who supported his version, defend the hypothesis of the origin of the word "Cheremis" from the ethnonym "Sarmat" through Turkic languages. A number of other versions were also expressed. The problem of the etymology of the word "Cheremis" is further complicated by the fact that in the Middle Ages (up to the 17th - 18th centuries) in some cases not only the Maris, but also their neighbors - the Chuvashs and Udmurts, were called so.

Mari in the 9th - 11th centuries.

In the IX - XI centuries. in general, the formation of the Mari ethnos was completed. At the time in questionMarisettled on a vast territory within the Middle Volga region: south of the Vetluga and Yuga watershed and the Pizhma River; north of the Pyana River, the headwaters of Tsivil; east of the Unzha River, the mouth of the Oka; west of the Ileti and the mouth of the Kilmezi River.

economy Mari was complex (agriculture, cattle breeding, hunting, fishing, gathering, beekeeping, crafts and other activities related to the processing of raw materials at home). Direct evidence of the widespread use of agriculture among Mari no, there are only indirect data indicating the development of slash-and-burn agriculture among them, and there is reason to believe that in the 11th century. began the transition to arable farming.
Mari in the IX - XI centuries. almost all cereals, legumes and industrial crops cultivated in the forest belt of Eastern Europe at the present time were known. Slash-and-burn agriculture was combined with cattle breeding; stall keeping of livestock in combination with free grazing prevailed (mostly the same species of domestic animals and birds were bred as now).
Hunting was a significant help in the economy Mari, while in the IX - XI centuries. fur mining began to be commercial in nature. Hunting tools were bow and arrows, various traps, snares and traps were used.
Mari the population was engaged in fishing (near rivers and lakes), respectively, river navigation developed, while natural conditions (a dense network of rivers, difficult forest and swampy terrain) dictated the priority development of river rather than land routes.
Fishing, as well as gathering (first of all, forest gifts) were focused exclusively on domestic consumption. Significant spread and development in Mari received beekeeping, on the beech trees they even put signs of ownership - “tiste”. Along with furs, honey was the main export item of the Mari.
At Mari there were no cities, only rural crafts were developed. Metallurgy, due to the lack of a local raw material base, developed through the processing of imported semi-finished and finished products. Nevertheless, the blacksmith's craft in the 9th - 11th centuries. at Mari already stood out as a specialty, while non-ferrous metallurgy (mainly blacksmithing and jewelry - the manufacture of copper, bronze, silver jewelry) was predominantly done by women.
The manufacture of clothing, footwear, utensils, and some types of agricultural implements was carried out in each household in its free time from agriculture and animal husbandry. In the first place among the branches of home production were weaving and leatherworking. Linen and hemp were used as raw materials for weaving. The most common leather product was footwear.

In the IX - XI centuries. Mari conducted barter trade with neighboring peoples - Udmurts, Merei, Vesyu, Mordovians, Muroma, Meshchera and other Finno-Ugric tribes. Trade relations with the Bulgars and Khazars, who were at a relatively high level of development, went beyond the barter, there were elements commodity-money relations(Many Arabic dirhams were found in the ancient Mari burial grounds of that time). In the area where they lived Mari, the Bulgars even founded trading posts like the Mari-Lugovsky settlement. The greatest activity of Bulgar merchants falls on the end of the 10th - the beginning of the 11th centuries. There are no clear signs of close and regular ties between the Mari and the Eastern Slavs in the 9th - 11th centuries. until discovered, things of Slavic-Russian origin in the Mari archaeological sites of that time are rare.

Based on the totality of available information, it is difficult to judge the nature of contacts Mari in the IX - XI centuries. with their Volga-Finnish neighbors - Merei, Meshchera, Mordvins, Muroma. However, according to numerous folklore works, tensions between Mari developed with the Udmurts: as a result of a number of battles and minor skirmishes, the latter were forced to leave the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, retreating east, to the left bank of the Vyatka. However, among the available archaeological material there are no traces of armed conflicts between Mari and not found by the Udmurts.

Relations Mari with the Volga Bulgars, apparently, they were not limited only to trade. At least part of the Mari population, bordering on the Volga-Kama Bulgaria, paid tribute to this country (kharaj) - at first as a vassal-intermediary of the Khazar Khagan (it is known that in the 10th century both Bulgars and Mari- ts-r-mis - were subjects of Kagan Joseph, however, the first were in a more privileged position as part of the Khazar Khaganate), then as an independent state and a kind of successor to the kaganate.

Mari and their neighbors in the XII - early XIII centuries.

From the 12th century in some Mari lands, the transition to fallow farming begins. Unified funeral riteMari, cremation disappeared. If earlier in useMarimen often encountered swords and spears, but now they have been replaced everywhere by bows, arrows, axes, knives and other types of light edged weapons. Perhaps this was due to the fact that the new neighborsMarithere were more numerous, better armed and organized peoples (Slavic-Russians, Bulgars), with whom it was possible to fight only by partisan methods.

XII - beginning of the XIII centuries. were marked by a noticeable growth of the Slavic-Russian and the fall of the Bulgar influence on Mari(especially in Povetluzhye). At this time, Russian settlers appeared in the interfluve of the Unzha and Vetluga (Gorodets Radilov, first mentioned in the annals for 1171, settlements and settlements on Uzol, Linda, Vezloma, Vatom), where settlements were still found Mari and eastern measures, as well as in the Upper and Middle Vyatka (the cities of Khlynov, Kotelnich, settlements on Pizhma) - in the Udmurt and Mari lands.
Territory of settlement Mari, in comparison with the 9th - 11th centuries, did not undergo significant changes, however, its gradual shift to the east continued, which was largely due to the advancement of the Slavic-Russian tribes and the Slavicized Finno-Ugric peoples from the west (primarily, Merya) and, possibly , the ongoing Mari-Udmurt confrontation. The movement of the Meryan tribes to the east took place in small families or groups of them, and the settlers who reached Povetluzhye most likely mixed with related Mari tribes, completely dissolving in this environment.

Under the strong Slavic-Russian influence (obviously, through the mediation of the Meryan tribes) was the material culture Mari. In particular, according to archaeological research, dishes made on a potter's wheel (Slavic and "Slavic" ceramics) come instead of traditional local hand-made ceramics; under Slavic influence, the appearance of Mari jewelry, household items, and tools has changed. At the same time, among the Mari antiquities of the 12th - early 13th centuries, there are much fewer Bulgar items.

Not later than the beginning of the XII century. the inclusion of the Mari lands into the system begins ancient Russian statehood. According to The Tale of Bygone Years and The Tale of the Destruction of the Russian Land, "Cheremis" (probably they were western groups Mari population) even then paid tribute to the Russian princes. In 1120, after a series of attacks by the Bulgars on the Russian cities in the Volga-Ochya, which took place in the second half of the 11th century, a series of counter-attacks by Vladimir-Suzdal princes and their allies from other Russian principalities began. The Russian-Bulgarian conflict, as is commonly believed, flared up on the basis of collecting tribute from the local population, and in this struggle, the advantage steadily leaned towards the feudal lords of North-Eastern Russia. Reliable information about direct participation Mari not in the Russian-Bulgarian wars, although the troops of both opposing sides repeatedly passed through the Mari lands.

Mari in the Golden Horde

In 1236 - 1242. Eastern Europe was subjected to a powerful Mongol-Tatar invasion, a significant part of it, including the entire Volga region, was under the rule of the conquerors. At the same time, the BulgarsMari, Mordvins and other peoples of the Middle Volga region were included in the Ulus of Jochi or the Golden Horde, an empire founded by Batu Khan. Written sources do not report a direct invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the 30s - 40s. 13th century to the area where they livedMari. Most likely, the invasion touched the Mari settlements located near the areas that suffered the most severe ruin (Volga-Kama Bulgaria, Mordovia) - this is the Right Bank of the Volga and the left-bank Mari lands adjacent to Bulgaria.

Mari subordinated to the Golden Horde through the Bulgar feudal lords and the khan's darugs. The main part of the population was divided into administrative-territorial and taxable units - uluses, hundreds and dozens, which were led by centurions and foremen accountable to the khan's administration - representatives of the local nobility. Mari, like many other peoples subject to the Golden Horde Khan, had to pay yasak, a number of other taxes, carry out various duties, including military service. They mainly supplied furs, honey, and wax. At the same time, the Mari lands were located on the forested northwestern periphery of the empire, far from the steppe zone, it did not differ in a developed economy, therefore, strict military and police control was not established here, and in the most inaccessible and remote area - in Povetluzhye and on the adjacent territory - the power of the khan was only nominal.

This circumstance contributed to the continuation of the Russian colonization of the Mari lands. More Russian settlements appeared on Pizhma and the Middle Vyatka, the development of the Povetluzhye, the Oka-Sura interfluve, and then the Lower Sura began. In Povetluzhye, Russian influence was especially strong. Judging by the “Vetluzhsky chronicler” and other trans-Volga Russian chronicles of late origin, many local semi-mythical princes (kuguzes) (Kai, Kodzha-Yaraltem, Bai-Boroda, Keldibek) were baptized, were in vassal dependence on the Galician princes, sometimes concluding military alliances with the Golden Horde. Apparently, a similar situation was in Vyatka, where the contacts of the local Mari population with the Vyatka Land and the Golden Horde developed.
The strong influence of both Russians and Bulgars was felt in the Volga region, especially in its mountainous part (in the Malo-Sundyr settlement, Yulyalsky, Noselsky, Krasnoselishchensky settlements). However, here the Russian influence gradually grew, while the Bulgarian-Golden Horde weakened. By the beginning of the XV century. the interfluve of the Volga and Sura actually became part of the Grand Duchy of Moscow (before that, Nizhny Novgorod), as early as 1374, the Kurmysh fortress was founded on the Lower Sura. Relations between the Russians and the Mari were complicated: peaceful contacts were combined with periods of war (mutual raids, campaigns of Russian princes against Bulgaria through the Mari lands from the 70s of the XIV centuries, attacks by the Ushkuyns in the second half of the XIV - early XV centuries, the participation of the Mari in the military actions of the Golden Horde against Russia, for example, in the Battle of Kulikovo).

Mass migrations continued Mari. As a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion and subsequent raids of the steppe warriors, many Mari, who lived on the right bank of the Volga, moved to the safer left bank. At the end of the XIV - beginning of the XV centuries. the left-bank Mari, who lived in the basin of the Mesha, Kazanka, Ashit rivers, were forced to move to the more northern regions and to the east, since the Kama Bulgars rushed here, fleeing from the troops of Timur (Tamerlane), then from the Nogai warriors. The eastern direction of the resettlement of the Mari in the XIV - XV centuries. was also due to Russian colonization. Assimilation processes also took place in the zone of contacts of the Mari with Russians and Bulgaro-Tatars.

Economic and socio-political situation of the Mari in the Kazan Khanate

The Kazan Khanate arose during the collapse of the Golden Horde - as a result of the appearance in the 30s - 40s. 15th century in the Middle Volga region of the Golden Horde Khan Ulu-Mukhammed, his court and combat-ready troops, which together played the role of a powerful catalyst in the consolidation of the local population and the creation of a state entity equivalent to the still decentralized Russia.

Mari were not included in the Kazan Khanate by force; dependence on Kazan arose due to the desire to prevent armed struggle in order to jointly oppose the Russian state and, in accordance with the established tradition, paying tribute to the Bulgarian and Golden Horde representatives of power. Allied, confederate relations were established between the Mari and the Kazan government. At the same time, there were noticeable differences in the position of the mountain, meadow and northwestern Maris in the khanate.

At the main part Mari the economy was complex, with a developed agricultural basis. Only in the northwestern Mari due to natural conditions (they lived in an area of ​​almost continuous swamps and forests), agriculture played a secondary role compared to forestry and cattle breeding. In general, the main features of the economic life of the Mari of the XV - XVI centuries. have not undergone significant changes compared to the previous time.

Mountain Mari, who lived, like the Chuvashs, the Eastern Mordovians and the Sviyazhsk Tatars, on the Mountainous side of the Kazan Khanate, were distinguished by their active participation in contacts with the Russian population, the relative weakness of ties with the central regions of the Khanate, from which they were separated by the large river Volga. At the same time, the Gornaya side was under rather strict military and police control, which was associated with a high level of its economic development, an intermediate position between the Russian lands and Kazan, and the growing influence of Russia in this part of the khanate. In the Right Bank (due to its special strategic position and high economic development), foreign troops invaded more often - not only Russian warriors, but also steppe warriors. The position of the mountain people was complicated by the presence of main water and land roads to Russia and the Crimea, since the bill of accommodation was very heavy and burdensome.

Meadow Mari unlike the mountain ones, they did not have close and regular contacts with the Russian state, they were more connected with Kazan and the Kazan Tatars in political, economic, cultural terms. According to the level of their economic development, meadow Mari did not yield to the mountains. Moreover, on the eve of the fall of Kazan, the economy of the Left Bank developed in a relatively stable, calm and less harsh military-political situation, so contemporaries (A.M. Kurbsky, author of Kazan History) describe the well-being of the population of the Lugovaya and especially the Arsk side most enthusiastically and colorfully. The amounts of taxes paid by the population of the Gorny and Lugovaya sides also did not differ much. If on the Mountain side the burden of housing service was felt more strongly, then on the Lugovaya side - the construction one: it was the population of the Left Bank that erected and maintained in proper condition the powerful fortifications of Kazan, Arsk, various prisons, notches.

Northwestern (Vetluga and Kokshay) Mari were relatively weakly drawn into the orbit of the khan's power due to their remoteness from the center and due to the relatively low economic development; at the same time, the Kazan government, fearing Russian military campaigns from the north (from Vyatka) and north-west (from Galich and Ustyug), sought allied relations with the Vetluzh, Kokshai, Pizhan, Yaran Mari leaders, who also saw the benefit in supporting the invaders actions of the Tatars in relation to the outlying Russian lands.

"Military democracy" of the medieval Mari.

In the XV - XVI centuries. Mari, like other peoples of the Kazan Khanate, except for the Tatars, were at a transitional stage in the development of society from primitive to early feudal. On the one hand, individual family property was allocated within the framework of a land-related union (neighboring community), parcel labor flourished, property differentiation grew, and on the other hand, the class structure of society did not acquire its clear outlines.

Mari patriarchal families united in patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk), and those - in larger land unions (tiste). Their unity was based not on kinship ties, but on the principle of neighborhood, to a lesser extent - on economic ties, which were expressed in different kind mutual "help" ("vyma"), joint ownership of common lands. Land unions were, among other things, unions of mutual military assistance. Perhaps the Tiste were territorially compatible with hundreds and uluses of the period of the Kazan Khanate. Hundreds, uluses, dozens were led by centurions or hundreds of princes (“shÿdövuy”, “puddle”), tenants (“luvuy”). The centurions appropriated for themselves some part of the yasak they collected in favor of the khan's treasury from subordinate ordinary community members, but at the same time they enjoyed authority among them as smart and courageous people, as skillful organizers and military leaders. Sotniki and foremen in the 15th - 16th centuries. they had not yet managed to break with primitive democracy, at the same time the power of the representatives of the nobility was increasingly acquiring a hereditary character.

The feudalization of the Mari society accelerated due to the Turkic-Mari synthesis. In relation to the Kazan Khanate, ordinary community members acted as a feudal-dependent population (in fact, they were personally free people and were part of a kind of semi-service estate), and the nobility acted as serving vassals. Among the Mari, representatives of the nobility began to stand out in a special military class - mamichi (imildashi), heroes (batyrs), who probably already had some relation to the feudal hierarchy of the Kazan Khanate; on the lands with the Mari population, feudal estates began to appear - belyaki (administrative tax districts given by Kazan khans as a reward for service with the right to collect yasak from land and various fishing lands that were in the collective use of the Mari population).

The domination of the military-democratic order in the medieval Mari society was the environment where the immanent impulses for raids were laid. Warfare, once fought only to avenge attacks or to expand territory, is now becoming a constant pursuit. Property stratification of ordinary community members, economic activity which were hampered by insufficiently favorable natural conditions and a low level of development of productive forces, led to the fact that many of them began to turn more outside their community in search of means to satisfy their material needs and in an effort to raise their status in society. The feudalized nobility, which gravitated toward a further increase in wealth and its socio-political weight, also sought outside the community to find new sources of enrichment and strengthening its power. As a result, solidarity arose between two different layers of community members, between which a “military alliance” was formed with the aim of expansion. Therefore, the power of the Mari "princes", along with the interests of the nobility, still continued to reflect the common tribal interests.

The greatest activity in raids among all groups of the Mari population was shown by the northwestern Mari. This was due to their relatively low level of socio-economic development. Meadow and mountain Mari, engaged in agricultural labor, took a less active part in military campaigns, in addition, the local proto-feudal elite had other, besides military, ways to strengthen their power and further enrichment (primarily by strengthening ties with Kazan)

The accession of the mountain Mari to the Russian state

Entry Marithe composition of the Russian state was a multi-stage process, and the mountainMari. Together with the rest of the population of the Gornaya side, they were interested in peaceful relations with the Russian state, while in the spring of 1545 a series of major campaigns of Russian troops against Kazan began. At the end of 1546, the mountain people (Tugay, Atachik) attempted to establish a military alliance with Russia and, together with political emigrants from among the Kazan feudal lords, sought the overthrow of Khan Safa Giray and the enthronement of the Moscow vassal Shah Ali, in order to thereby prevent new invasions Russian troops and put an end to the despotic pro-Crimean internal politics khan. However, Moscow at that time had already set a course for the final annexation of the khanate - Ivan IV was married to the kingdom (this indicates that the Russian sovereign put forward his claim to the Kazan throne and other residences of the Golden Horde kings). Nevertheless, the Moscow government failed to take advantage of the successfully launched rebellion of the Kazan feudal lords led by Prince Kadysh against Safa Giray, and the help offered by the mountain people was rejected by the Russian governors. The mountain side continued to be considered by Moscow as enemy territory even after the winter of 1546/47. (campaigns against Kazan in the winter of 1547/48 and in the winter of 1549/50).

By 1551, Moscow government circles came up with a plan to annex the Kazan Khanate to Russia, which provided for the rejection of the Mountainous Side with its subsequent transformation into a stronghold for capturing the rest of the Khanate. In the summer of 1551, when a powerful military outpost was erected at the mouth of the Sviyaga (Sviyazhsk fortress), the Gornaya side was annexed to the Russian state.

The reasons for the occurrence of mountain Mari and the rest of the population of the Gornaya side in Russia, apparently, were: 1) the introduction of a large contingent of Russian troops, the construction of the fortress city of Sviyazhsk; 2) the flight to Kazan of the local anti-Moscow group of feudal lords, which could organize resistance; 3) the fatigue of the population of the Mountain side from the devastating invasions of the Russian troops, their desire to establish peaceful relations by restoring the Moscow protectorate; 4) the use by Russian diplomacy of the anti-Crimean and pro-Moscow moods of the mountain people in order to directly include the Mountain side into Russia (the actions of the population of the Mountain side were seriously affected by the arrival of the former Kazan Khan Shah-Ali along with the Russian governors, accompanied by five hundred Tatar feudal lords who entered the Russian service); 5) bribing the local nobility and ordinary militia soldiers, exempting mountain people from taxes for three years; 6) relatively close ties between the peoples of the Gorny side and Russia in the years preceding the accession.

Regarding the nature of the accession of the Mountain side to the Russian state, there was no consensus among historians. One part of the scientists believes that the peoples of the Mountainous side became part of Russia voluntarily, others argue that it was a violent seizure, others adhere to the version of the peaceful, but forced nature of the annexation. Obviously, in the annexation of the Mountainous Side to the Russian state, both the causes and circumstances of a military, violent, and peaceful, non-violent nature played a role. These factors mutually complemented each other, giving the entry of the mountain Mari and other peoples of the Mountain side into Russia an exceptional originality.

Accession of the left-bank Mari to Russia. Cheremis war 1552 - 1557

In the summer of 1551 - in the spring of 1552. The Russian state exerted powerful military and political pressure on Kazan, the implementation of a plan for the gradual elimination of the khanate by establishing a Kazan viceroy was launched. However, in Kazan, anti-Russian sentiment was too strong, probably growing as pressure from Moscow increased. As a result, on March 9, 1552, the citizens of Kazan refused to let the Russian governor and the troops accompanying him into the city, and the whole plan of the bloodless annexation of the khanate to Russia collapsed overnight.

In the spring of 1552, an anti-Moscow uprising broke out on the Mountain side, as a result of which the territorial integrity of the khanate was actually restored. The reasons for the uprising of the mountain people were: the weakening of the Russian military presence on the territory of the Mountain side, the active offensive actions of the left-bank Kazanians in the absence of retaliatory measures from the Russians, the violent nature of the annexation of the Mountain side to the Russian state, the departure of Shah Ali outside the khanate, to Kasimov. As a result of large-scale punitive campaigns of the Russian troops, the uprising was suppressed, in June-July 1552 the mountain people again took the oath to the Russian Tsar. So, in the summer of 1552, the mountain Mari finally became part of the Russian state. The results of the uprising convinced the mountain people of the futility of further resistance. The mountain side, being the most vulnerable and at the same time important in the military-strategic terms, part of the Kazan Khanate, could not become a powerful center of the people's liberation struggle. Obviously, such factors as privileges and all kinds of gifts granted by the Moscow government to mountain people in 1551, the experience of multilateral peaceful relations of the local population with the Russians, the complex, contradictory nature of relations with Kazan in previous years, played a significant role. Due to these reasons, most of the mountain people during the events of 1552-1557. remained loyal to the power of the Russian sovereign.

During the Kazan war of 1545 - 1552. Crimean and Turkish diplomats were actively working to create an anti-Moscow union of Turkic-Muslim states in order to resist the powerful Russian expansion in the east. However, the unification policy failed due to the pro-Moscow and anti-Crimean positions of many influential Nogai murzas.

In the battle for Kazan in August - October 1552, a huge number of troops participated on both sides, while the number of besiegers exceeded the number of those besieged on initial stage 2 - 2.5 times, and before the decisive assault - 4 - 5 times. In addition, the troops of the Russian state were better trained in military-technical and military-engineering terms; the army of Ivan IV also managed to defeat the Kazan troops in parts. October 2, 1552 Kazan fell.

In the first days after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV and his entourage took measures to organize the administration of the conquered country. Within 8 days (from October 2 to October 10), the Prikazan meadow Mari and Tatars were sworn in. However, the main part of the left-bank Mari did not show humility, and already in November 1552 the Mari of the Lugovoi side rose to fight for their freedom. The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis wars, since the Mari were the most active in them, at the same time, the insurrectionary movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552 - 1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan war, and main goal its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate. People's liberation movement 1552 - 1557 in the Middle Volga region was caused the following reasons: 1) upholding one's independence, freedom, the right to live one's own way; 2) the struggle of the local nobility for the restoration of the order that existed in the Kazan Khanate; 3) religious confrontation (the Volga peoples - Muslims and pagans - seriously feared for the future of their religions and culture in general, since immediately after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV began to destroy mosques, build Orthodox churches in their place, destroy the Muslim clergy and pursue a policy of forced baptism ). The degree of influence of the Turkic-Muslim states on the course of events in the Middle Volga region during this period was negligible, in some cases potential allies even interfered with the rebels.

Resistance movement 1552 - 1557 or the First Cheremis War developed in waves. The first wave - November - December 1552 (separate outbreaks of armed uprisings on the Volga and near Kazan); the second - the winter of 1552/53 - the beginning of 1554. (the most powerful stage, covering the entire Left Bank and part of the Mountain side); the third - July - October 1554 (the beginning of the decline of the resistance movement, a split among the rebels from the Arsk and Coastal sides); the fourth - the end of 1554 - March 1555. (participation in the anti-Moscow armed uprisings only of the left-bank Mari, the beginning of the leadership of the rebels by the centurion from the Lugovaya side Mamich-Berdei); the fifth - the end of 1555 - the summer of 1556. (the rebel movement led by Mamich-Berdei, supported by the Aryan and coastal people - the Tatars and southern Udmurts, the capture of Mamich-Berdei); sixth, last - late 1556 - May 1557 (widespread cessation of resistance). All waves received their momentum on the Lugovaya side, while the left-bank (Lugovye and northwestern) Mari proved to be the most active, uncompromising and consistent participants in the resistance movement.

Kazan Tatars also took an active part in the war of 1552-1557, fighting for the restoration of the sovereignty and independence of their state. But still, their role in the insurgent movement, with the exception of some of its stages, was not the main one. This was due to several factors. First, the Tatars in the XVI century. experienced a period of feudal relations, they were class differentiated and they no longer had such solidarity as was observed among the left-bank Mari, who did not know class contradictions (largely because of this, the participation of the lower classes of Tatar society in the anti-Moscow insurrectionary movement was not stable). Secondly, within the class of feudal lords there was a struggle between clans, which was due to the influx of foreign (Horde, Crimean, Siberian, Nogai) nobility and weakness central government in the Kazan Khanate, and this was successfully used by the Russian state, which was able to win over to its side a significant group of Tatar feudal lords even before the fall of Kazan. Thirdly, the proximity of the socio-political systems of the Russian state and the Kazan Khanate facilitated the transition of the feudal nobility of the khanate into the feudal hierarchy of the Russian state, while the Mari proto-feudal elite had weak ties with the feudal structure of both states. Fourthly, the settlements of the Tatars, unlike most of the left-bank Mari, were in relative proximity to Kazan, large rivers and other strategically important routes of communication, in an area where there were few natural barriers that could seriously complicate the movement of punitive troops; moreover, these were, as a rule, economically developed areas, attractive for feudal exploitation. Fifthly, as a result of the fall of Kazan in October 1552, perhaps the bulk of the most combat-ready part of the Tatar troops was destroyed, the armed detachments of the left-bank Mari then suffered to a much lesser extent.

The resistance movement was suppressed as a result of large-scale punitive operations by the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, insurgent actions took the form of civil war and class struggle, but the main motive remained the struggle for the liberation of their land. The resistance movement stopped due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought innumerable victims and destruction to the local population; 2) mass starvation and plague epidemic that came from the trans-Volga steppes; 3) the left-bank Mari lost the support of their former allies - the Tatars and the southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of meadow and northwestern Mari swore allegiance to the Russian tsar.

Cheremis wars of 1571 - 1574 and 1581 - 1585 Consequences of the accession of the Mari to the Russian state

After the uprising of 1552-1557. the tsarist administration began to establish strict administrative and police control over the peoples of the Middle Volga region, but at first it was possible to do this only on the Mountain side and in the immediate vicinity of Kazan, while in most of the Lugovaya side the power of the administration was nominal. The dependence of the local left-bank Mari population was expressed only in the fact that they paid a symbolic tribute and put up soldiers from their midst who were sent to the Livonian War (1558 - 1583). Moreover, the meadow and northwestern Mari continued to raid Russian lands, and local leaders actively established contacts with the Crimean Khan in order to conclude an anti-Moscow military alliance. It is no coincidence that the Second Cheremis War of 1571-1574. began immediately after the campaign of the Crimean Khan Davlet Giray, which ended with the capture and burning of Moscow. The reasons for the Second Cheremis War were, on the one hand, the same factors that prompted the Volga peoples to start an anti-Moscow insurgency shortly after the fall of Kazan, on the other hand, the population, which was under the most strict control from the tsarist administration, was dissatisfied with the increase in the volume of duties, abuses and shameless arbitrariness of officials, as well as a streak of setbacks in the protracted Livonian War. Thus, in the second major uprising of the peoples of the Middle Volga region, national liberation and anti-feudal motives intertwined. Another difference between the Second Cheremis War and the First was the relatively active intervention of foreign states - the Crimean and Siberian khanates, the Nogai Horde and even Turkey. In addition, the uprising swept the neighboring regions, which had already become part of Russia by that time - the Lower Volga region and the Urals. With the help of a whole range of measures (peace negotiations with the achievement of a compromise with representatives of the moderate wing of the rebels, bribery, isolation of the rebels from their foreign allies, punitive campaigns, construction of fortresses (in 1574, Kokshaysk was built at the mouth of the Bolshaya and Malaya Kokshag, the first city on the territory the modern Republic of Mari El)) the government of Ivan IV the Terrible managed to first split the rebel movement, and then suppress it.

The next armed uprising of the peoples of the Volga and Ural regions, which began in 1581, was caused by the same reasons as the previous one. What was new was that strict administrative and police supervision began to spread to the Lugovaya side as well (assigning heads (“watchmen”) to the local population - Russian service people who carried out control, partial disarmament, confiscation of horses). The uprising began in the Urals in the summer of 1581 (the attack of the Tatars, Khanty and Mansi on the possessions of the Stroganovs), then the unrest spread to the left-bank Mari, soon they were joined by the mountain Mari, Kazan Tatars, Udmurts, Chuvashs and Bashkirs. The rebels blocked Kazan, Sviyazhsk and Cheboksary, made distant campaigns deep into Russian territory - to Nizhny Novgorod, Khlynov, Galich. The Russian government was forced to urgently end the Livonian War by signing a truce with the Commonwealth (1582) and Sweden (1583), and throw significant forces into pacifying the Volga population. The main methods of struggle against the rebels were punitive campaigns, the construction of fortresses (Kozmodemyansk was built in 1583, Tsarevokokshaysk in 1584, Tsarevosanchursk in 1585), as well as peace negotiations, during which Ivan IV, and after his death, the actual The ruler of Russia, Boris Godunov, promised amnesty and gifts to those who wanted to stop the resistance. As a result, in the spring of 1585, "they finished off the Tsar and Grand Duke Fyodor Ivanovich of All Russia with the brow of the Cheremis with a centuries-old peace."

The entry of the Mari people into the Russian state cannot be unambiguously characterized as evil or good. Both negative and positive consequences of entering Mari into the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest itself in almost all spheres of the development of society. However Mari and other peoples of the Middle Volga region, on the whole, faced the pragmatic, restrained and even mild (compared to Western European) imperial policy of the Russian state.
This was due not only to fierce resistance, but also to the insignificant geographical, historical, cultural and religious distance between the Russians and the peoples of the Volga region, as well as the traditions of multinational symbiosis dating back to the early Middle Ages, the development of which later led to what is usually called the friendship of peoples. The main thing is that, despite all the terrible upheavals, Mari nevertheless, they survived as an ethnic group and became an organic part of the mosaic of the unique Russian super-ethnos.

Materials used - Svechnikov S.K. Methodical manual "History of the Mari people of the IX-XVI centuries"

Yoshkar-Ola: GOU DPO (PC) C "Mari Institute of Education", 2005

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This Finno-Ugric people believe in spirits, worship trees and beware of Ovda. The story of Mari originated on another planet, where a duck flew in and laid two eggs, from which two brothers appeared - good and evil. This is how life on earth began. The Mari people believe in it. Their rituals are unique, the memory of their ancestors never fades, and the life of this people is imbued with respect for the gods of nature.

It is correct to say marI and not mari - this is very important, not the emphasis - and there will be a story about an ancient ruined city. And ours is about the ancient unusual people of the Mari, who are very careful about all living things, even plants. The grove is a sacred place for them.

History of the Mari people

Legends tell that the history of the Mari began far from earth on another planet. From the constellation of the Nest, a duck flew to the blue planet, laid two eggs, from which two brothers appeared - good and evil. This is how life on earth began. The Mari still call the stars and planets in their own way: the Big Dipper - the constellation of the Elk, the Milky Way - the Star Road along which God walks, the Pleiades - the constellation of the Nest.

Sacred groves of the Mari - Kusoto

In autumn, hundreds of Mari come to the big grove. Each family brings a duck or a goose - this is a purlyk, a sacrificial animal for holding all-Mari prayers. Only healthy, beautiful and well-fed birds are selected for the ceremony. The Mari people line up for cards - priests. They check if the bird is suitable for sacrifice, and then they ask her forgiveness and consecrate with the help of smoke. It turns out that this is how the Mari express respect for the spirit of fire, and it burns bad words and thoughts, clearing the space for cosmic energy.

The Mari consider themselves a child of nature, and our religion is such that we pray in the forest, in specially designated places, which we call groves, - says consultant Vladimir Kozlov. - Turning to the tree, we thereby turn to the cosmos and there is a connection between the worshipers and the cosmos. We do not have any churches and other structures where the Mari would pray. In nature, we feel like a part of it, and communication with God passes through the tree and through sacrifices.

Sacred groves were not specially planted, they have existed since ancient times. Groves for prayers were chosen by the ancestors of the Mari. It is believed that in these places there is a very strong energy.

The groves were chosen for a reason, at first they looked at the sun, at the stars and comets, - Arkady Fedorov says.

Sacred groves in Mari are called Kusoto, they are tribal, all-village and all-Mari. In some Kusoto prayers can be held several times a year, while in others - once every 5-7 years. In total, more than 300 sacred groves have been preserved in the Republic of Mari El.

In the sacred groves you can not swear, sing and make noise. Enormous power is held in these sacred places. The Mari prefer nature, and nature is God. They address nature as a mother: vud ava (mother of water), mlande ava (mother of earth).

The most beautiful and tallest tree in the grove is the main one. It is dedicated to the one supreme God Yumo or his divine assistants. Rituals are held around this tree.

Sacred groves are so important for the Mari that for five centuries they fought to preserve them and defended their right to their own faith. At first they resisted Christianization, then Soviet power. In order to divert the attention of the church from the sacred groves, the Mari formally adopted Orthodoxy. The people went to church services, and then secretly performed Mari rites. As a result, there was a mixture of religions - many Christian symbols and traditions entered the Mari faith.

The Sacred Grove is perhaps the only place where women spend more time relaxing than working. They only pluck and butcher the birds. Men do everything else: make fires, install boilers, cook broths and cereals, equip Onapa - this is how the sacred trees are called. Next to the tree, special tabletops are installed, which are first covered with spruce branches symbolizing hands, then they are covered with towels, and only then gifts are laid out. Near Onapu there are tablets with the names of the gods, the main one is Tun Osh Kugo Yumo - the One Light Great God. Those who come to pray decide which of the deities they present bread, kvass, honey, pancakes. They also hang gift towels and scarves. After the ceremony, the Mari will take some things home, and something will remain hanging in the grove.

Legends about Ovda

... There once lived a stubborn Mari beauty, but she angered the celestials and God turned her into a terrible creature Ovda, with large breasts that can be thrown over her shoulder, with black hair and feet turned heels forward. The people tried not to meet her, and although Ovda could help a person, but more often she caused damage. She used to curse entire villages.

According to legend, Ovda lived on the outskirts of villages in the forest, ravines. In the old days, residents often met with her, but in the 21st century no one saw a terrible woman. However, in remote places where she lived alone and today they try not to go. Rumor has it that she took refuge in the caves. There is a place that is called Odo-Kuryk (Mount Ovda). In the depths of the forest lie megaliths - huge rectangular boulders. They are very similar to man-made blocks. The stones have even edges, and they are composed in such a way that they form a jagged fence. Megaliths are huge, but it is not so easy to notice them. They seem to be skillfully disguised, but for what? One of the versions of the appearance of megaliths is a man-made defensive structure. Probably, in the old days, the local population defended itself at the expense of this mountain. And this fortress was built by hands in the form of ramparts. The steep descent was followed by an ascent. It was very difficult for the enemies to run along these ramparts, and the locals knew the paths and could hide and shoot from a bow. There is an assumption that the Mari could fight with the Udmurts for the land. But what kind of power did you need to have in order to process the megaliths and install them? Not even a few people can move these boulders. Only mystical beings can move them. According to legend, it was Ovda who could install stones to hide the entrance to her cave, and therefore they say in these places a special energy.

Psychics come to the megaliths, trying to find the entrance to the cave, the source of energy. But the Mari prefer not to disturb Ovda, because her character is like a natural element - unpredictable and uncontrollable.

For the artist Ivan Yamberdov, Ovda is the feminine principle in nature, a powerful energy that came from outer space. Ivan Mikhailovich often rewrites paintings dedicated to Ovda, but each time the result is not copies, but originals, or the composition will change, or the image will suddenly take on a different shape. - It cannot be otherwise, - the author admits, - after all, Ovda is a natural energy that is constantly changing.

Although no one has seen the mystical woman for a long time, the Mari believe in her existence and often healers are called Ovda. After all, whisperers, witches, herbalists, in fact, are conductors of that very unpredictable natural energy. But only healers, unlike ordinary people, know how to manage it and thereby arouse fear and respect among the people.

Mari healers

Each healer chooses the element that is close to him in spirit. The sorceress Valentina Maksimova works with water, and in the bath, according to her, the water element gains additional strength, so that any illness can be treated. Carrying out rituals in the bath, Valentina Ivanovna always remembers that this is the territory of bath spirits and they must be treated with respect. And leave the shelves clean and be sure to thank.

Yuri Yambatov is the most famous healer in the Kuzhenersky district of Mari El. His element is the energy of trees. The entry was made a month in advance. It takes one day a week and only 10 people. First of all, Yuri checks the compatibility of energy fields. If the patient's palm remains motionless, then there is no contact, you will have to work hard to establish it with the help of a sincere conversation. Before starting treatment, Yuri studied the secrets of hypnosis, watched healers, and tested his strength for several years. Of course, he does not reveal the secrets of treatment.

During the session, the healer himself loses a lot of energy. By the end of the day, Yuri simply does not have the strength, it will take a week to restore them. According to Yuri, diseases come to a person from a wrong life, bad thoughts, bad deeds and insults. Therefore, one cannot rely only on healers, a person himself must make efforts and correct his mistakes in order to achieve harmony with nature.

Mari girl outfit

Mariykas love to dress up, so that the costume is multi-layered, and there are more decorations. Thirty-five kilograms of silver - just right. Putting on a suit is like a ritual. The outfit is so complicated that you can't wear it alone. Previously, in every village there were masters in vestments. In the outfit, each element has its own meaning. For example, in a headdress - srapana - a three-layer symbolizing the trinity of the world must be observed. Women's set of silver jewelry could weigh 35 kilograms. It was passed down from generation to generation. The woman bequeathed the jewelry to her daughter, granddaughter, daughter-in-law, or she could leave it to her home. In this case, any woman living in it had the right to wear a kit for the holidays. In the old days, craftswomen competed to see whose costume would retain its appearance until the evening.

Mari wedding

... The mountain Mari have merry weddings: the gates are locked, the bride is locked up, matchmakers are not just allowed in. Girlfriends do not despair - they will still receive their ransom, otherwise the bridegroom will not be seen. At a Mountain Mari wedding, the bride is so hidden that the groom looks for her for a long time, but does not find her - and the wedding will be upset. The mountain Mari live in the Kozmodemyansk region of the Republic of Mari El. They differ from the Meadow Mari in language, clothing and traditions. The Mountain Maris themselves believe that they are more musical than the Meadow Maris.

The lash is a very important element at a Mountain Mari wedding. It is constantly clicked around the bride. And in the old days they say that the girl got it. It turns out that this is done so that the jealous spirits of her ancestors do not cause damage to the young and the groom's relatives, so that they release the bride in peace to another family.

Mariy bagpipe - shuvyr

... In a jar of porridge, a salted cow's bladder will ferment for two weeks, from which they will then make a magical shuvyr. Already a tube and a horn will be attached to the soft bladder and the Mari bagpipe will turn out. Each element of a shuvyr endows the instrument with its own power. Shuvyrzo during the game understands the voices of animals and birds, and listeners fall into a trance, there are even cases of healing. And the music of shuvyr opens the way to the world of spirits.

Veneration of deceased ancestors among the Mari

Every Thursday, residents of one of the Mari villages invite their dead ancestors to visit. For this, they usually don’t go to the cemetery, souls hear an invitation from afar.

Now there are wooden decks with names on the Mari graves, and in the old days there were no identification marks in the cemeteries. According to Mari beliefs, a person lives well in heaven, but he still yearns for the earth very much. And if in the world of the living no one remembers the soul, then it can become embittered and begin to harm the living. Therefore, deceased relatives are invited to dinner.

Invisible guests are accepted as living, a separate table is set for them. Porridge, pancakes, eggs, salad, vegetables - the hostess must put here a part of each dish that she has prepared. After the meal, treats from this table will be given to pets.

The gathered relatives dine at another table, discuss problems, and ask for help from the souls of their ancestors in solving complex issues.

For dear guests in the evenings, a bath is heated. Especially for them, a birch broom is steamed and heated. The hosts themselves can take a steam bath with the souls of the dead, but usually they come a little later. Invisible guests are escorted until the village goes to bed. It is believed that in this way souls quickly find their way to their world.

Mari Bear - Mask

Legend has it that in ancient times the bear was a man, a bad person. Strong, well-aimed, but cunning and cruel. His name was the hunter Mask. He killed animals for fun, did not listen to old people, even laughed at God. For this, Yumo turned him into a beast. Mask cried, promised to improve, asked him to return his human form, but Yumo ordered him to walk in a fur skin and keep order in the forest. And if he carries out his service regularly, then in the next life he will again be born a hunter.

Beekeeping in the Mari culture

According to Mari legends, bees were among the last to appear on Earth. They came here not even from the Pleiades constellation, but from another galaxy, otherwise how to explain the unique properties of everything that bees produce - honey, wax, perga, propolis. Alexander Tanygin is the supreme kart, according to the Mari laws, every priest must keep an apiary. Alexander has been dealing with bees since childhood, he studied their habits. As he says himself, he understands them at a glance. Beekeeping is one of the oldest occupations of the Mari. In the old days, people paid taxes with honey, bee bread and wax.

In modern villages, beehives are in almost every yard. Honey is one of the main ways to earn money. From above the hive is closed with old things, this is a heater.

Mari signs associated with bread

Once a year, the Mari take out the museum millstones in order to prepare the bread of the new harvest. The flour for the first loaf is ground by hand. When the hostess kneads the dough, she whispers good wishes to those who get a piece of this loaf. The Mari have many signs associated with bread. When sending household members on a long journey, they put specially baked bread on the table and do not remove it until the departed one returns.

Bread is an integral part of all rituals. And even if the hostess prefers to buy it in the store, for the holidays she will definitely bake the loaf herself.

Kugeche - Mari Easter

The stove in the Mari house is not for heating, but for cooking. While firewood is burning in the oven, housewives bake multi-layered pancakes. This is an old national Mari dish. The first layer is the usual pancake dough, and the second is porridge, it is placed on a toasted pancake and the pan is again sent closer to the fire. After the pancakes are baked, the coals are removed, and pies with porridge are placed in a hot oven. All these dishes are designed to celebrate Easter, or rather Kugeche. Kugeche is an old Mari holiday dedicated to the renewal of nature and commemoration of the dead. It always coincides with Christian Easter. Homemade candles are an obligatory attribute of the holiday, they are made only by cards with their helpers. Mari believe that wax absorbs the power of nature, and when it melts, it strengthens prayers.

For several centuries, the traditions of the two religions have become so mixed up that in some Mari houses there is a red corner and on holidays home-made candles are lit in front of the icons.

Kugeche is celebrated for several days. Loaf, pancake and cottage cheese symbolize the triplicity of the world. Kvass or beer is usually poured into a special ladle - a symbol of fertility. After prayer, this drink is given to all women to drink. And on Kugech it is supposed to eat a colored egg. The Mari smash it against the wall. At the same time, they try to raise their hand higher. This is done so that the chickens rush in the right place, but if the egg is broken below, then the layers will not know their place. Mari also roll dyed eggs. At the edge of the forest, boards are laid out and eggs are thrown, while making a wish. And the further the egg rolls, the more likely it is to fulfill the plan.

There are two springs in the village of Petyaly near St. Guryev's church. One of them appeared at the beginning of the last century, when the icon of the Smolensk Mother of God was brought here from the Kazan Mother of God hermitage. A font was installed near it. And the second source has been known since time immemorial. Even before the adoption of Christianity, these places were sacred for the Mari. Sacred trees still grow here. So both the baptized Mari and the unbaptized come to the springs. Everyone turns to their God and receives comfort, hope and even healing. In fact, this place has become a symbol of reconciliation of two religions - the ancient Mari and Christian.

Films about the Mari

Marie live in the Russian outback, but the whole world knows about them thanks to the creative union of Denis Osokin and Alexei Fedorchenko. The film "Heavenly Wives of the Meadow Mari" about the fabulous culture of a small people conquered the Rome Film Festival. In 2013, Oleg Irkabaev filmed the first Feature Film about the Mari people "Over the village a couple of swans." Mari through the eyes of Mari - the movie turned out to be kind, poetic and musical, just like the Mari people themselves.

Rites in the Mari sacred grove

... At the beginning of the prayer, the cards light candles. In the old days, only home-made candles were brought to the grove, church candles were forbidden. Now there are no such strict rules, in the grove no one is asked at all what faith he professes. Since a person came here, it means he considers himself a part of nature, and this is the main thing. So during the prayers, you can also see the baptized Mari. The Mari gusli is the only musical instrument allowed to be played in the grove. It is believed that the music of the gusli is the voice of nature itself. Knife strikes on the blade of an ax resemble bell ringing - this is a rite of purification with sound. It is believed that the vibration of the air drives away evil, and nothing prevents a person from being saturated with pure cosmic energy. Those very nominal gifts, together with the tablets, are thrown into the fire, and kvass is poured on top. The Mari believe that the smoke from burnt food is the food of the Gods. Prayer does not last long, after it comes, perhaps, the most pleasant moment - a treat. The Mari put the first selected bones into the bowls, symbolizing the rebirth of all living things. There is almost no meat on them, but it doesn’t matter - the bones are sacred and will transfer this energy to any dish.

No matter how many people come to the grove, there will be enough treats for everyone. The porridge will also be taken home to treat those who could not come here.

In the grove, all the attributes of prayer are very simple, no frills. This is done to emphasize that everyone is equal before God. The most valuable things in this world are the thoughts and deeds of a person. And the sacred grove is open portal cosmic energy, the center of the Universe, so with what attitude will a Mari enter the sacred Grove, it will reward him with such energy.

When everyone has dispersed, the cards with assistants will remain to restore order. They will come here the next day to complete the ceremony. After such great prayers, the sacred grove should rest for five to seven years. No one will come here, no one will disturb Kusomo's peace. The grove will be charged with cosmic energy, which in a few years will be given back to the Mari during prayers in order to strengthen their faith in the one bright God, nature and space.

The Mari emerged as an independent people from the Finno-Ugric tribes in the 10th century. Over the millennium of its existence, the Mari people have created a unique unique culture.

The book tells about rituals, customs, ancient beliefs, folk arts and crafts, blacksmithing, the art of songwriters, guslars, folk music, includes lyrics, legends, fairy tales, legends, poems and prose of the classics of the Mari people and contemporary writers, tells about theatrical and musical art, about outstanding representatives of the culture of the Mari people.

Reproductions from the most famous paintings by Mari artists of the 19th-21st centuries are included.

excerpt

Introduction

Scientists attribute the Mari to the group of Finno-Ugric peoples, but this is not entirely true. According to ancient Mari legends, this people in ancient times came from Ancient Iran, the birthplace of the prophet Zarathustra, and settled along the Volga, where they mixed with the local Finno-Ugric tribes, but retained their originality. This version is also confirmed by philology. According to the Doctor of Philology, Professor Chernykh, out of 100 Mari words, 35 are Finno-Ugric, 28 are Turkic and Indo-Iranian, and the rest are of Slavic origin and other peoples. Carefully studied the prayer texts of the ancient Mari religion, Professor Chernykh came to an amazing conclusion: the prayer words of the Mari are more than 50% of Indo-Iranian origin. It was in the prayer texts that the parent language of the modern Mari was preserved, not influenced by the peoples with whom they had contacts in later periods.

Outwardly, the Mari are quite different from other Finno-Ugric peoples. As a rule, they are not very tall, with dark hair, slightly slanted eyes. Mari girls at a young age are very beautiful and they can even often be confused with Russians. However, by the age of forty, most of them are very old and either dry out or become incredibly full.

The Mari remember themselves under the rule of the Khazars from the 2nd century BC. - 500 years, then under the rule of the Bulgars for 400 years, 400 years under the Horde. 450 - under the Russian principalities. According to ancient predictions, the Mari cannot live under someone for more than 450-500 years. But they will not have an independent state. This cycle of 450–500 years is associated with the passage of a comet.

Before the collapse of the Bulgar Khaganate, namely at the end of the 9th century, the Mari occupied vast areas, and their number was more than a million people. These are the Rostov region, Moscow, Ivanovo, Yaroslavl, the territory of modern Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod, modern Mari El and the Bashkir lands.

In ancient times, the Mari people were ruled by princes, whom the Mari called oms. The prince combined the functions of both a military commander and a high priest. The Mari religion considers many of them to be saints. Saint in Mari - shnuy. For a person to be recognized as a saint, 77 years must pass. If, after this period, when prayers are addressed to him, healings from diseases occur, and other miracles occur, then the deceased is recognized as a saint.

Often such holy princes possessed various extraordinary abilities, and were in one person a righteous sage and a warrior merciless to the enemy of his people. After the Mari finally fell under the rule of other tribes, they no longer had princes. And the religious function is performed by the priest of their religion - kart. The supreme kart of all Maris is elected by the council of all karts and his powers within the framework of his religion are approximately equal to the powers of the patriarch among Orthodox Christians.

Modern Mari live in the territories between 45° and 60° north latitude and 56° and 58° east longitudes in several rather closely related groups. Autonomy, the Republic of Mari El, located on the middle reaches of the Volga, in 1991 declared itself in its Constitution a sovereign state within the Russian Federation. The declaration of sovereignty in the post-Soviet era means the observance of the principle of preserving the originality of the national culture and language. In the Mari ASSR, according to the 1989 census, there were 324,349 inhabitants of the Mari nationality. In the neighboring Gorky region, 9 thousand people called themselves Mari, in the Kirov region - 50 thousand people. In addition to these places, a significant Mari population lives in Bashkortostan (105,768 people), in Tatarstan (20 thousand people), Udmurtia (10 thousand people) and in the Sverdlovsk region (25 thousand people). In some regions of the Russian Federation, the number of scattered, sporadically living Mari reaches 100 thousand people. The Mari are divided into two large dialect-ethno-cultural groups: the mountain and meadow Mari.

History of the Mari

The vicissitudes of the formation of the Mari people, we learn more and more fully on the basis of the latest archaeological research. In the second half of the 1st millennium BC. e., as well as at the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. e. among the ethnic groups of the Gorodets and Azelin cultures, the ancestors of the Mari can also be assumed. The Gorodets culture was autochthonous on the right bank of the Middle Volga region, while the Azelin culture was on the left bank of the Middle Volga, as well as along the Vyatka. These two branches of the ethnogenesis of the Mari people well show the double connection of the Mari within the Finno-Ugric tribes. For the most part, the Gorodets culture played a role in the formation of the Mordovian ethnos, but its eastern parts served as the basis for the formation of the Mountain Mari ethnic group. The Azelinskaya culture can be traced back to the Ananyinskaya archaeological culture, which was previously assigned a dominant role only in the ethnogenesis of the Finno-Permian tribes, although at present this issue is considered differently by some researchers: it is possible that the Proto-Ugric and ancient Mari tribes were part of the ethnic groups of new archaeological cultures. successors that arose on the site of the disintegrated Ananyino culture. The ethnic group of the Meadow Mari can also be traced back to the traditions of the Ananyino culture.

The Eastern European forest zone has extremely scarce written information about the history of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the writing of these peoples appeared very late, with few exceptions, only in the latest historical era. The first mention of the ethnonym "Cheremis" in the form "ts-r-mis" is found in a written source, which dates back to the 10th century, but, in all likelihood, goes back one or two centuries later. According to this source, the Mari were tributaries of the Khazars. Then kari (in the form "cheremisam") mentions the composition in. early 12th century Russian chronicle, calling the place of their settlement of the land at the mouth of the Oka. Of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the Mari turned out to be most closely associated with the Turkic tribes that migrated to the Volga region. These ties are very strong even now. Volga Bulgars at the beginning of the 9th century. arrived from Great Bulgaria on the Black Sea coast to the confluence of the Kama with the Volga, where they founded the Volga Bulgaria. The ruling elite of the Volga Bulgars, using the profit from trade, could firmly hold their power. They traded honey, wax, and furs coming from the Finno-Ugric peoples living nearby. Relations between the Volga Bulgars and various Finno-Ugric tribes of the Middle Volga region were not overshadowed by anything. The empire of the Volga Bulgars was destroyed by the Mongol-Tatar conquerors who invaded from the interior regions of Asia in 1236.

Collection of yasak. Reproduction of a painting by G.A. Medvedev

Khan Batu founded a state formation called the Golden Horde in the territories occupied and subordinated to him. Its capital until the 1280s. was the city of Bulgar, the former capital of the Volga Bulgaria. With the Golden Horde and the independent Kazan Khanate that later separated from it, the Mari were in allied relations. This is evidenced by the fact that the Mari had a stratum that did not pay taxes, but was obliged to carry out military service. This estate then became one of the most combat-ready military formations among the Tatars. Also, the existence of allied relations is indicated by the use of the Tatar word "el" - "people, empire" to designate the region inhabited by the Mari. Mari still call their native land Mari El.

The accession of the Mari region to the Russian state was greatly influenced by the contacts of some groups of the Mari population with the Slavic-Russian state formations (Kievan Rus - northeastern Russian principalities and lands - Muscovite Rus) even before the 16th century. There was a significant deterrent that did not allow to quickly complete what had been started in the XII-XIII centuries. the process of joining Russia is the close and multilateral ties of the Mari with those opposed to Russian expansion to the east Turkic states(Volga-Kama Bulgaria - Ulus Jochi - Kazan Khanate). Such an intermediate position, as A. Kappeler believes, led to the fact that the Mari, as well as the Mordovians and Udmurts who were in a similar situation, were drawn into neighboring state entities in economic and administrative terms, but at the same time retained their own social elite and their pagan religion .

The inclusion of the Mari lands in Russia from the very beginning was ambiguous. Already at the turn of the 11th-12th centuries, according to The Tale of Bygone Years, the Mari (“Cheremis”) were among the tributaries of the ancient Russian princes. It is believed that tributary dependence is the result of military clashes, "tormenting". True, there is not even indirect information about the exact date of its establishment. G.S. Lebedev, on the basis of the matrix method, showed that in the catalog of the introductory part of The Tale of Bygone Years, "Cherems" and "Mordovians" can be combined into one group with the whole, Merya and Muroma according to four main parameters - genealogical, ethnic, political and moral and ethical . This gives some reason to believe that the Mari became tributaries earlier than the rest of the non-Slavic tribes listed by Nestor - "Perm, Pechera, Em" and other "tongues, which give tribute to Russia."

There is information about the dependence of the Mari on Vladimir Monomakh. According to the "Word about the destruction of the Russian land", "Cheremis ... bortnichahu against the great prince Volodimer." In the Ipatiev Chronicle, in unison with the pathetic tone of the Lay, it is said that he is "most afraid of the filthy." According to B.A. Rybakov, the real enthronement, the nationalization of North-Eastern Russia began precisely with Vladimir Monomakh.

However, the testimony of these written sources does not allow us to say that tribute to the Old Russian princes was paid by all groups of the Mari population; most likely, only the western Mari, who lived near the mouth of the Oka, were drawn into the sphere of influence of Russia.

The rapid pace of Russian colonization caused opposition from the local Finno-Ugric population, who found support from the Volga-Kama Bulgaria. In 1120, after a series of attacks by the Bulgars on the Russian cities in the Volga-Ochya in the second half of the 11th century, a series of counter-attacks of the Vladimir-Suzdal and allied princes began on the lands that either belonged to the Bulgar rulers, or were only controlled by them in the order of collecting tribute from the local population. It is believed that the Russian-Bulgarian conflict erupted primarily on the basis of the collection of tribute.

The Russian princely squads more than once attacked the Mari villages that came across on their way to the rich Bulgarian cities. It is known that in the winter of 1171/72. the detachment of Boris Zhidislavich destroyed one large fortified and six small settlements just below the mouth of the Oka, and here even in the 16th century. still lived along with the Mordovian and Mari population. Moreover, it was under the same date that the Russian fortress Gorodets Radilov was first mentioned, which was built a little higher than the mouth of the Oka on the left bank of the Volga, presumably on the land of the Mari. According to V.A. Kuchkin, Gorodets Radilov became a stronghold of North-Eastern Russia on the Middle Volga and the center of Russian colonization of the local region.

The Slavic-Russians gradually either assimilated or displaced the Mari, forcing them to migrate to the east. This movement has been traced by archaeologists since about the 8th century. n. e.; the Mari, in turn, entered into ethnic contacts with the Perm-speaking population of the Volga-Vyatka interfluve (the Mari called them odo, that is, they were Udmurts). The alien ethnic group dominated the ethnic competition. In the IX-XI centuries. The Mari basically completed the development of the Vetluzhsko-Vyatka interfluve, displacing and partially assimilating the former population. Numerous traditions of the Mari and Udmurts testify that there were armed conflicts, and mutual antipathy continued to exist between the representatives of these Finno-Ugric peoples for quite a long time.

As a result of the military campaign of 1218–1220, the conclusion of the Russian-Bulgarian peace treaty of 1220 and the founding of Nizhny Novgorod at the mouth of the Oka in 1221 - the easternmost outpost of North-Eastern Russia - the influence of the Volga-Kama Bulgaria in the Middle Volga region weakened. This created favorable conditions for the Vladimir-Suzdal feudal lords to conquer the Mordovians. Most likely, in the Russo-Mordovian war of 1226–1232. the "Cheremis" of the Oka-Sura interfluve was also drawn in.

The Russian Tsar gives gifts to the mountain Mari

The expansion of both Russian and Bulgarian feudal lords was also directed to the Unzha and Vetluga basins, which were relatively unsuitable for economic development. It was mainly inhabited by the Mari tribes and the eastern part of the Kostroma Mary, between which, as established by archaeologists and linguists, there was a lot in common, which to some extent allows us to talk about the ethnocultural commonality of the Vetluzh Mari and the Kostroma Mary. In 1218 the Bulgars attack Ustyug and Unzha; under 1237, for the first time, another Russian city in the Trans-Volga region was mentioned - Galich Mersky. Apparently, there was a struggle for the Sukhono-Vychegda trade and trade route and for the collection of tribute from the local population, in particular, the Mari. Russian domination was established here as well.

In addition to the western and northwestern periphery of the Mari lands, Russians from about the turn of the 12th-13th centuries. they began to develop the northern outskirts - the upper reaches of the Vyatka, where, in addition to the Mari, the Udmurts also lived.

The development of the Mari lands, most likely, was carried out not only by force, by military methods. There are such varieties of "cooperation" between the Russian princes and the national nobility as "equal" matrimonial unions, companyism, subordination, hostage-taking, bribery, "sweetening". It is possible that a number of these methods were also applied to representatives of the Mari social elite.

If in the X-XI centuries, as the archaeologist E.P. Kazakov points out, there was “a certain commonality of the Bulgar and Volga-Mari monuments”, then over the next two centuries the ethnographic image of the Mari population - especially in Povetluzhye - became different. The Slavic and Slavic-Meryansk components have significantly increased in it.

The facts show that the degree of inclusion of the Mari population in Russian state formations in the pre-Mongolian period was quite high.

The situation changed in the 1930s and 1940s. 13th century as a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion. However, this did not at all lead to the cessation of the growth of Russian influence in the Volga-Kama region. Small independent Russian state formations appeared around urban centers - princely residences founded back in the period of the existence of a single Vladimir-Suzdal Rus. These are Galician (arose around 1247), Kostroma (approximately in the 50s of the XIII century) and Gorodetsky (between 1269 and 1282) principalities; at the same time, the influence of the Vyatka Land grew, turning into a special state formation with veche traditions. In the second half of the XIV century. the Vyatchans had already firmly established themselves in the Middle Vyatka and in the Tansy basin, displacing the Mari and Udmurts from here.

In the 60–70s. 14th century feudal turmoil broke out in the horde, weakening its military and political power for a while. This was successfully used by the Russian princes, who sought to break free from dependence on the khan's administration and increase their possessions at the expense of the peripheral regions of the empire.

The most notable success was achieved by the Nizhny Novgorod-Suzdal principality, the successor to the principality of Gorodetsky. The first Nizhny Novgorod prince Konstantin Vasilievich (1341–1355) “ordered the Russian people to settle along the Oka and along the Volga and along the Kuma rivers ... where anyone wants”, that is, he began to sanction the colonization of the Oka-Sura interfluve. And in 1372, his son Prince Boris Konstantinovich founded the Kurmysh fortress on the left bank of the Sura, thereby establishing control over the local population - mainly Mordovians and Mari.

Soon, the possessions of the Nizhny Novgorod princes began to appear on the right bank of the Sura (in Zasurye), where the mountain Mari and Chuvash lived. By the end of the XIV century. Russian influence in the Sura basin increased so much that representatives of the local population began to warn the Russian princes about the upcoming invasions of the Golden Horde troops.

A significant role in strengthening anti-Russian sentiments among the Mari population was played by frequent attacks by the Ushkuiniks. The most sensitive for the Mari, apparently, were the raids carried out by Russian river robbers in 1374, when they ravaged the villages along the Vyatka, Kama, Volga (from the mouth of the Kama to the Sura) and Vetluga.

In 1391, as a result of Bektut's campaign, the Vyatka Land, which was considered a refuge for the Ushkuins, was devastated. However, already in 1392 the Vyatchans plundered the Bulgarian cities of Kazan and Zhukotin (Dzhuketau).

According to the Vetluzhsky Chronicler, in 1394, “Uzbeks” appeared in the Vetluzhsky Kuguz - nomadic warriors from the eastern half of the Juchi Ulus, who “took the people for the army and took them along the Vetluga and the Volga near Kazan to Tokhtamysh.” And in 1396, a protege of Tokhtamysh Keldibek was elected kuguz.

As a result of a large-scale war between Tokhtamysh and Timur Tamerlane, the Golden Horde Empire was significantly weakened, many Bulgarian cities were devastated, and its surviving inhabitants began to move to the right side of the Kama and the Volga - away from the dangerous steppe and forest-steppe zone; in the area of ​​Kazanka and Sviyaga, the Bulgar population came into close contact with the Mari.

In 1399, the cities of Bulgar, Kazan, Kermenchuk, Zhukotin were taken by the appanage prince Yuri Dmitrievich, the annals indicate that "no one remembers only far away Rus fought the Tatar land." Apparently, at the same time, the Galich prince conquered the Vetluzh Kuguzism - this is reported by the Vetluzh chronicler. Kuguz Keldibek recognized his dependence on the leaders of the Vyatka Land, concluding a military alliance with them. In 1415, the Vetluzhans and Vyatches made a joint campaign against the Northern Dvina. In 1425, the Vetluzh Mari became part of the many thousands of militia of the Galich specific prince, who began an open struggle for the grand prince's throne.

In 1429, Keldibek took part in the campaign of the Bulgaro-Tatar troops led by Alibek to Galich and Kostroma. In response to this, in 1431 Vasily II took severe punitive measures against the Bulgars, who had already seriously suffered from a terrible famine and an epidemic of plague. In 1433 (or in 1434), Vasily Kosoy, who received Galich after the death of Yuri Dmitrievich, physically eliminated Keldibek's Kuguz and annexed the Vetluzh Kuguz to his inheritance.

The Mari population also had to experience the religious and ideological expansion of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Mari pagan population, as a rule, negatively perceived attempts to Christianize them, although there were also reverse examples. In particular, the Kazhirovsky and Vetluzhsky chroniclers report that the Kuguzes Kodzha-Eraltem, Kay, Bai-Boroda, their relatives and close associates adopted Christianity and allowed the construction of churches in the territory they controlled.

Among the Privetluzhsky Mari population, a version of the Kitezh legend spread: allegedly, the Mari, who did not want to submit to the “Russian princes and priests”, buried themselves alive right on the shore of Svetloyar, and subsequently, together with the earth that collapsed on them, slid down to the bottom of a deep lake. The following record, made in the 19th century, has been preserved: “Among the Svetloyarsk pilgrims, one can always meet two or three Mari women dressed in sharpan, without any signs of Russification.”

By the time the Kazan Khanate appeared, the Maris of the following areas were involved in the sphere of influence of the Russian state formations: the right bank of the Sura - a significant part of the mountain Maris (this can also include the Oka-Sura "Cheremis"), Povetluzhye - the northwestern Maris, the basin of the Pizhma River and the Middle Vyatka - northern part of the meadow mari. The Kokshai Mari, the population of the Ileti river basin, the north-eastern part of the modern territory of the Republic of Mari El, as well as the Lower Vyatka, that is, the main part of the meadow Mari, were less affected by Russian influence.

The territorial expansion of the Kazan Khanate was carried out in the western and northern directions. Sura became the southwestern border with Russia, respectively, Zasurye was completely under the control of Kazan. During 1439-1441, judging by the Vetluzhsky chronicler, the Mari and Tatar warriors destroyed all Russian settlements on the territory of the former Vetluzhsky Kuguz, the Kazan "governors" began to rule the Vetluzhsky Mari. Both the Vyatka Land and the Great Perm soon found themselves in tributary dependence on the Kazan Khanate.

In the 50s. 15th century Moscow managed to subjugate the Vyatka Land and part of the Povetluzhye; soon, in 1461-1462. Russian troops even entered into a direct armed conflict with the Kazan Khanate, during which the Mari lands on the left bank of the Volga suffered mainly.

In the winter of 1467/68 an attempt was made to eliminate or weaken the allies of Kazan - the Mari. For this purpose, two trips "to the Cheremis" were organized. The first, main group, which consisted mainly of selected troops - "the court of the prince of the great regiment" - fell upon the left-bank Mari. According to the chronicles, “the army of the Grand Duke came to the land of Cheremis, and did much evil to that land: people from the sekosh, and led others into captivity, and burned others; and their horses and every animal that you cannot take with you, then everything is gone; and whatever was their belly, they took it all. The second group, which included warriors recruited in the Murom and Nizhny Novgorod lands, "wrestled mountains and barats" along the Volga. However, even this did not prevent the Kazanians, including, most likely, the Mari warriors, already in the winter-summer of 1468 from ruining Kichmenga with adjacent villages (the upper reaches of the Unzha and Yug rivers), as well as the Kostroma volosts and twice in a row - the vicinity of Murom. Parity was established in punitive actions, which, most likely, had little effect on the state of the armed forces of the opposing sides. The case came down mainly to robberies, mass destruction, the capture of the civilian population - the Mari, Chuvash, Russians, Mordovians, etc.

In the summer of 1468, Russian troops resumed their raids on the uluses of the Kazan Khanate. And this time, the Mari population suffered the most. The rook army, led by the voivode Ivan Run, “fought your cheremis on the Vyatka River”, plundered the villages and merchant ships on the Lower Kama, then went up to the Belaya River (“Belaya Volozhka”), where the Russians again “fought the cheremis, and people from sekosh and horses and every animal." They learned from local residents that nearby, up the Kama, a detachment of Kazan soldiers of 200 people was moving on ships taken from the Mari. As a result of a short battle, this detachment was defeated. The Russians then followed "to Great Perm and to Ustyug" and further to Moscow. Almost at the same time, another Russian army (“outpost”), led by Prince Fedor Khripun-Ryapolovsky, was operating on the Volga. Not far from Kazan, it is "beaten by the Tatars of Kazan, the court of tsars, many good ones." However, even in such a critical situation for themselves, Kazan did not abandon active offensive operations. By bringing their troops into the territory of the Vyatka Land, they persuaded the Vyatchans to neutrality.

In the Middle Ages, there were usually no precisely defined borders between states. This also applies to the Kazan Khanate with neighboring countries. From the west and north, the territory of the khanate adjoined the borders of the Russian state, from the east - the Nogai Horde, from the south - the Astrakhan khanate and from the southwest - the Crimean khanate. The border between the Kazan Khanate and the Russian state along the Sura River was relatively stable; further, it can be determined only conditionally according to the principle of paying yasak by the population: from the mouth of the Sura River through the Vetluga basin to Pizhma, then from the mouth of Pizhma to the Middle Kama, including some areas of the Urals, then back to the Volga River along the left bank of the Kama, without going deep into the steppe, down the Volga approximately to the Samara bow, and finally, to the upper reaches of the same Sura river.

In addition to the Bulgaro-Tatar population (Kazan Tatars) on the territory of the Khanate, according to A.M. Kurbsky, there were also Mari (“Cheremis”), southern Udmurts (“Votyaks”, “Ars”), Chuvashs, Mordvins (mainly Erzya), Western Bashkirs. Mari in the sources of the XV-XVI centuries. and in general in the Middle Ages they were known under the name "Cheremis", the etymology of which has not yet been clarified. At the same time, under this ethnonym, in a number of cases (this is especially characteristic of the Kazan chronicler), not only the Mari, but also the Chuvashs and the southern Udmurts could appear. Therefore, it is rather difficult to determine, even in approximate outlines, the territory of the settlement of the Mari during the existence of the Kazan Khanate.

A number of fairly reliable sources of the XVI century. - testimonies of S. Herberstein, spiritual letters of Ivan III and Ivan IV, the Royal Book - indicate the presence of the Mari in the Oka-Sura interfluve, that is, in the region of Nizhny Novgorod, Murom, Arzamas, Kurmysh, Alatyr. This information is confirmed by folklore material, as well as the toponymy of this territory. It is noteworthy that until recently, among the local Mordovians, who professed a pagan religion, the personal name Cheremis was widespread.

The Unzha-Vetluga interfluve was also inhabited by the Mari; This is evidenced by written sources, toponymy of the area, folklore material. Probably, there were also Mary's groups here. The northern boundary is the upper reaches of the Unzha, Vetluga, the Tansy basin, and the Middle Vyatka. Here the Mari were in contact with the Russians, Udmurts and Karin Tatars.

The eastern limits can be limited to the lower reaches of the Vyatka, but apart - "for 700 miles from Kazan" - in the Urals there already existed a small ethnic group of the Eastern Mari; chroniclers recorded it near the mouth of the Belaya River in the middle of the 15th century.

Apparently, the Mari, together with the Bulgaro-Tatar population, lived in the upper reaches of the Kazanka and Mesha rivers, on the Arskaya side. But, most likely, they were a minority here and, moreover, most likely, they gradually flocked.

Apparently, a considerable part of the Mari population occupied the territory of the northern and western parts of the present Chuvash Republic.

The disappearance of the continuous Mari population in the northern and western parts of the current territory of the Chuvash Republic can to some extent be explained by the devastating wars in the 15th-16th centuries, from which the Mountain side suffered more than the Lugovaya (in addition to the invasions of Russian troops, the right bank was also subjected to numerous raids by steppe warriors) . This circumstance, apparently, caused the outflow of part of the mountain Mari to the Lugovaya side.

The number of Mari in the XVII-XVIII centuries. ranged from 70 to 120 thousand people.

The right bank of the Volga was distinguished by the highest population density, then - the area east of M. Kokshaga, and the least - the area of ​​\u200b\u200bsettlement of the northwestern Mari, especially the marshy Volga-Vetluzhskaya lowland and the Mari lowland (the space between the rivers Linda and B. Kokshaga).

Exclusively all lands were legally considered the property of the khan, who personified the state. Declaring himself the supreme owner, the khan demanded for the use of the land a rent in kind and cash - a tax (yasak).

The Mari - nobility and ordinary community members - like other non-Tatar peoples of the Kazan Khanate, although they were included in the category of dependent population, were actually personally free people.

According to the conclusions of K.I. Kozlova, in the 16th century. the Mari were dominated by retinue, military-democratic orders, that is, the Mari were at the stage of formation of their statehood. The emergence and development of their own state structures was hindered by dependence on the khan's administration.

The socio-political structure of the medieval Mari society is reflected in written sources rather weakly.

It is known that the main unit of the Mari society was the family (“esh”); most likely, the most widespread were "large families", consisting, as a rule, of 3-4 generations of close relatives in the male line. Property stratification between patriarchal families was clearly visible as early as the 9th-11th centuries. Parcel labor flourished, which mainly extended to non-agricultural activities (cattle breeding, fur trade, metallurgy, blacksmithing, jewelry). There were close ties between neighboring family groups, primarily economic, but not always consanguineous. Economic ties were expressed in various kinds of mutual “help” (“vyma”), that is, obligatory kindred gratuitous mutual assistance. In general, the Mari in the XV-XVI centuries. experienced a peculiar period of proto-feudal relations, when, on the one hand, individual family property was allocated within the framework of a land-related union (neighborhood community), and on the other, the class structure of society did not acquire its clear outlines.

The Mari patriarchal families, apparently, united into patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk; according to V.N. Petrov - urmats and vurteks), and those - into larger land unions - tishte. Their unity was based on the principle of neighborhood, on a common cult, and to a lesser extent - on economic ties, and even more so - on consanguinity. Tishte were, among other things, alliances of military mutual assistance. Perhaps the Tishte were territorially compatible with hundreds, uluses and fifties of the period of the Kazan Khanate. In any case, the tithe-hundred and ulus system of administration imposed from the outside as a result of the establishment of the Mongol-Tatar domination, as is commonly believed, did not conflict with the traditional territorial organization of the Mari.

Hundreds, uluses, fifties and tens were led by centurions (“shudovuy”), Pentecostals (“vitlevuy”), tenants (“luvuy”). In the 15th–16th centuries, they most likely did not have time to break with the rule of the people, and, by the definition of K.I. Kozlova, "these were either ordinary foremen of land unions, or military leaders of larger associations such as tribal ones." Perhaps the representatives of the top of the Mari nobility continued to be called by ancient tradition“kugyza”, “kuguz” (“great master”), “he” (“leader”, “prince”, “lord”). In the public life of the Mari, the elders - "Kuguraks" also played an important role. For example, even Tokhtamysh's henchman Keldibek could not become a Vetluzh kuguz without the consent of the local elders. The Mari elders as a special social group are also mentioned in the Kazan History.

All groups of the Mari population took an active part in military campaigns against Russian lands, which became more frequent under the Gireys. This is explained, on the one hand, by the dependent position of the Mari in the khanate, on the other hand, by the peculiarities of the stage of social development (military democracy), the interest of the Mari warriors themselves in obtaining military booty, in an effort to prevent Russian military-political expansion, and other motives. In the last period of the Russian-Kazan confrontation (1521-1552) in 1521-1522 and 1534-1544. the initiative belonged to Kazan, which, at the suggestion of the Crimean-Nogai government group, sought to restore the vassal dependence of Moscow, as it was in the Golden Horde period. But already under Vasily III, in the 1520s, the task of the final annexation of the khanate to Russia was set. However, this was only possible with the capture of Kazan in 1552, under Ivan the Terrible. Apparently, the reasons for the accession of the Middle Volga region and, accordingly, the Mari region to the Russian state were: 1) a new, imperial type of political consciousness of the top leadership of the Moscow state, the struggle for the "Golden Horde" inheritance and failures in the previous practice of attempts to establish and maintain a protectorate over Kazan khanate, 2) the interests of national defense, 3) economic reasons (lands for the local nobility, the Volga for the Russian merchants and fishermen, new taxpayers for the Russian government and other plans for the future).

After the capture of Kazan by Ivan the Terrible, the course of events in the Middle Volga region, Moscow faced a powerful liberation movement, in which both former subjects of the liquidated khanate, who managed to swear allegiance to Ivan IV, and the population of peripheral regions, who did not take the oath, participated. The Moscow government had to solve the problem of preserving the conquered not according to a peaceful, but according to a bloody scenario.

The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis wars, since the Mari (Cheremis) were the most active in them. Among the sources available in scientific circulation, the earliest mention of an expression close to the term “Cheremis war” is found in Ivan IV’s tribute letter to D.F. it is indicated that the owners of the rivers Kishkil and Shizhma (near the city of Kotelnich) "in those rivers ... fish and beavers did not catch for the Kazan cheremis of war and did not pay dues."

Cheremis War 1552–1557 differs from the subsequent Cheremis wars of the second half of the 16th century, and not so much because it was the first of this series of wars, but because it had the character of a national liberation struggle and did not have a noticeable anti-feudal orientation. Moreover, the anti-Moscow rebel movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552-1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan war, and the main goal of its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate.

Apparently, for the bulk of the left-bank Mari population, this war was not an uprising, since only representatives of the Order Mari recognized their new allegiance. In fact, in 1552-1557. the majority of the Mari waged an external war against the Russian state and, together with the rest of the population of the Kazan region, defended their freedom and independence.

All waves of the resistance movement were extinguished as a result of large-scale punitive operations of the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, the insurrectionary movement developed into a form of civil war and class struggle, but the struggle for the liberation of the motherland remained character-forming. The resistance movement ceased due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought innumerable victims and destruction to the local population, 2) mass starvation, a plague epidemic that came from the Trans-Volga steppes, 3) the Meadow Mari lost support from their former allies - the Tatars and southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of the meadow and eastern Mari took the oath to the Russian Tsar. Thus, the accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state was completed.

The significance of the accession of the Mari Territory to the Russian state cannot be defined as unambiguously negative or positive. Both negative and positive consequences of the inclusion of the Mari in the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest themselves in almost all spheres of the development of society (political, economic, social, cultural, and others). Perhaps the main result for today is that the Mari people have survived as an ethnic group and have become an organic part of multinational Russia.

The final entry of the Mari Territory into Russia took place after 1557, as a result of the suppression of the people's liberation and anti-feudal movement in the Middle Volga and Urals. The process of the gradual entry of the Mari region into the system of Russian statehood lasted hundreds of years: during the period of the Mongol-Tatar invasion, it slowed down, during the years of feudal unrest that engulfed the Golden Horde in the second half of the 14th century, it accelerated, and as a result of the emergence of the Kazan Khanate (30-40- e years of the XV century) stopped for a long time. Nevertheless, having begun even before the turn of the 11th-12th centuries, the inclusion of the Mari in the system of Russian statehood in the middle of the 16th century. approached its final phase - to direct entry into Russia.

The accession of the Mari region to the Russian state was part of the general process of the formation of the Russian multi-ethnic empire, and it was prepared, first of all, by prerequisites of a political nature. This is, firstly, a long-term confrontation between the state systems of Eastern Europe - on the one hand, Russia, on the other hand, the Turkic states (Volga-Kama Bulgaria - Golden Horde - Kazan Khanate), and secondly, the struggle for the "Golden Horde inheritance" in the final stage of this confrontation, thirdly, the emergence and development of imperial consciousness in the government circles of Muscovite Russia. The expansionist policy of the Russian state in the eastern direction was also to some extent determined by the tasks of state defense and economic reasons (fertile lands, the Volga trade route, new taxpayers, other projects for the exploitation of local resources).

The economy of the Mari was adapted to the natural and geographical conditions, and generally met the requirements of its time. Due to the difficult political situation, it was largely militarized. True, the peculiarities of the socio-political system also played a role here. Medieval Mari, despite the noticeable local features of the then existing ethnic groups, on the whole experienced a transitional period of social development from tribal to feudal (military democracy). Relations with the central government were built mainly on a confederal basis.

Beliefs

The Mari traditional religion is based on faith in the forces of nature, which a person must honor and respect. Before the spread of monotheistic teachings, the Mari worshiped many gods known as Yumo, while recognizing the supremacy of the Supreme God (Kugu Yumo). In the 19th century, the image of the One God Tun Osh Kugu Yumo (the One Light Great God) was revived.

The Mari traditional religion contributes to strengthening the moral foundations of society, achieving interfaith and interethnic peace and harmony.

Unlike the monotheistic religions created by one or another founder and his followers, the Mari traditional religion was formed on the basis of an ancient folk worldview, including religious and mythological ideas related to the relationship of man to the natural environment and its elemental forces, veneration of ancestors and patrons of agricultural activities. The formation and development of the traditional religion of the Mari was influenced by the religious beliefs of the neighboring peoples of the Volga and Ural regions, the foundations of the doctrine of Islam and Orthodoxy.

Adherents of the traditional Mari religion recognize the One God Tyn Osh Kugu Yumo and his nine assistants (manifestations), read a prayer three times daily, take part in a collective or family prayer once a year, spend at least seven times a family prayer with a sacrifice during their life, they regularly hold traditional commemorations in honor of deceased ancestors, observe Mari holidays, customs and rituals.

Prior to the spread of monotheistic teachings, the Mari worshiped many gods known as Yumo, while recognizing the supremacy of the Supreme God (Kugu Yumo). In the 19th century, the image of the One God Tun Osh Kugu Yumo (the One Light Great God) was revived. One God (God - the Universe) is considered to be eternal, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, and all-righteous God. It manifests itself both in material and spiritual form, appears in the form of nine deities-hypostases. These deities can be conditionally divided into three groups, each of which is responsible for:

Tranquility, prosperity and empowerment of all living things - the god of the bright world (Tynya yumo), the life-giving god (Ilyan yumo), the deity of creative energy (Agavirem yumo);

Mercy, righteousness and consent: the god of fate and predestination of life (Pyrsho yumo), the all-merciful god (Kugu Serlagysh yumo), the god of consent and reconciliation (Mer yumo);

All-goodness, rebirth and inexhaustibility of life: the goddess of birth (Shochyn Ava), the goddess of the earth (Mlande Ava) and the goddess of abundance (Perke Ava).

The universe, the world, the cosmos in the spiritual understanding of the Mari are presented as a continuously developing, spiritualizing and transforming from century to century, from epoch to epoch, a system of diverse worlds, spiritual and material natural forces, natural phenomena, steadily striving towards its spiritual goal - unity with the Universal God , maintaining an inseparable physical and spiritual connection with the cosmos, the world, nature.

Tun Osh Kugu Yumo is an endless source of being. Like the universe, the One Light Great God is constantly changing, developing, improving, involving the entire universe, the entire surrounding world, including humanity itself, in these changes. From time to time, every 22 thousand years, and sometimes even earlier, by the will of God, some part of the old world is destroyed and a new world is created, accompanied by a complete renewal of life on earth.

The last creation of the world happened 7512 years ago. After each new creation of the world, life on earth improves qualitatively, and humanity also changes for the better. With the development of mankind, there is an expansion of human consciousness, the boundaries of world and God perception are being pushed apart, the possibility of enriching knowledge about the universe, the world, objects and phenomena of the surrounding nature, about man and his essence, about ways to improve human life is facilitated.

All this, ultimately, led to the formation of a false idea among people about the omnipotence of man and his independence from God. The change in value priorities, the rejection of the God-established principles of community life required divine intervention in people's lives through suggestions, revelations, and sometimes punishments. In the interpretation of the foundations of knowledge of God and worldview, an important role began to be played by holy and righteous people, prophets and God's chosen ones, who in the traditional beliefs of the Mari are revered as elders - terrestrial deities. Possessing the opportunity to periodically communicate with God, to receive His revelation, they became conductors of knowledge invaluable to human society. However, often they reported not only the words of revelation, but also their own figurative interpretation of them. The divine information obtained in this way became the basis for the emerging ethnic (folk), state and world religions. There was also a rethinking of the image of the One God of the Universe, the feelings of connectedness and direct dependence of people on Him were gradually smoothed out. A disrespectful, utilitarian-economic attitude to nature was asserted, or, conversely, a reverent veneration of the elemental forces and phenomena of nature, represented in the form of independent deities and spirits.

Among the Mari, echoes of a dualistic worldview have been preserved, in which an important place was occupied by faith in the deities of forces and natural phenomena, in the animation and spirituality of the surrounding world and the existence in them of a rational, independent, materialized being - the owner - a double (vodyzh), souls (chon, ort) , spiritual incarnation (shyrt). However, the Mari believed that the deities, everything around in the world and the person himself are part of the one God (Tun Yumo), his image.

The deities of nature in folk beliefs, with rare exceptions, were not endowed with anthropomorphic features. The Mari understood the importance of man's active participation in the affairs of God, aimed at preserving and developing the surrounding nature, constantly striving to involve the gods in the process of spiritual ennoblement and harmonization of everyday life. Some leaders of the Mari traditional rites, having a sharpened inner vision, by an effort of their will could receive spiritual enlightenment and restore the image of the forgotten single God Tun Yumo at the beginning of the 19th century.

One God - the Universe embraces all living things and the whole world, expresses itself in revered nature. The living nature closest to man is his image, but not God himself. A person is able to form only a general idea of ​​the Universe or its part, knowing it in himself on the basis and with the help of faith, having experienced a living sensation of the divine incomprehensible reality, having passed the world of spiritual beings through his own “I”. However, it is impossible to fully know Tun Osh Kugu Yumo - the absolute truth. Mari traditional religion, like all religions, has only an approximate knowledge of God. Only the wisdom of the Omniscient encompasses the entire sum of truths in itself.

The Mari religion, being more ancient, turned out to be closer to God and absolute truth. It has little influence of subjective moments, it has undergone less social modification. Taking into account the steadfastness and patience in preserving the ancient religion handed down by the ancestors, selflessness in observing customs and rituals, Tun Osh Kugu Yumo helped the Mari preserve true religious ideas, protected them from erosion and rash changes under the influence of all kinds of innovations. This allowed the Mari to maintain their unity, national identity, survive under the social and political oppression of the Khazar Khaganate, Volga Bulgaria, the Tatar-Mongol invasion, the Kazan Khanate and defend their religious cults during the years of active missionary propaganda in the 18th–19th centuries.

The Mari people are distinguished not only by divinity, but also by kindness, responsiveness and openness, readiness to help each other and those in need at any time. The Mari are at the same time a freedom-loving people, loving justice in everything, accustomed to living a calm, measured life, like the nature around us.

The traditional Mari religion directly affects the formation of the personality of each person. The creation of the world, as well as of man, is carried out on the basis and under the influence of the spiritual principles of the One God. Man is an inseparable part of the Cosmos, grows and develops under the influence of the same cosmic laws, is endowed with the image of God, in him, as in all Nature, bodily and divine beginning manifests a kinship with nature.

The life of every child long before his birth begins with the celestial zone of the Universe. Initially, she does not have an anthropomorphic form. God sends life to earth in a materialized form. Together with a person, his angels-spirits also develop - patrons, represented in the form of the deity Vuyumbal yumo, the corporeal soul (chon, ya?) and twins - figurative incarnations of a person ort and shyrt.

All people equally possess human dignity, the power of mind and freedom, human virtue, contain in themselves all the qualitative fullness of the world. A person is given the opportunity to regulate his feelings, control behavior, realize his position in the world, lead an ennobled lifestyle, actively create and create, take care of the higher parts of the Universe, protect the animal and plant world, the surrounding nature from extinction.

Being a rational part of the Cosmos, man, like the constantly improving one God, is forced to constantly work on self-improvement in the name of his self-preservation. Guided by the dictates of conscience (ar), correlating his actions and deeds with the surrounding nature, achieving the unity of his thoughts with the co-creation of material and spiritual cosmic principles, a person, as a worthy owner of his land, strengthens and diligently manages his economy with his tireless daily work, inexhaustible creativity, ennobles the world around, thereby improving itself. This is the meaning and purpose of human life.

Fulfilling his destiny, a person reveals his spiritual essence, ascends to new levels of being. Through the improvement of oneself, the fulfillment of the intended goal, a person improves the world, achieves the inner splendor of the soul. The traditional religion of the Mari teaches that a person receives a worthy reward for such activities: he greatly facilitates his life in this world and fate in the afterlife. For a righteous life, the deities can endow a person with an additional guardian angel, that is, affirm the existence of a person in God, thereby ensuring the ability to contemplate and experience God, the harmony of divine energy (shulyk) and the human soul.

Man is free to choose his actions and deeds. He can lead his life both in the direction of God, harmonizing his efforts and the aspirations of the soul, and in the opposite, destructive direction. The choice of a person is predetermined not only by divine or human will, but also by the intervention of the forces of evil.

The right choice for every life situation can only be done by knowing oneself, commensurate one's life, everyday affairs and actions with the Universe - the One God. Having such a spiritual guide, the believer becomes the true master of his life, gains independence and spiritual freedom, calmness, confidence, insight, prudence and measured feelings, steadfastness and perseverance in achieving the goal. He is not disturbed by the hardships of life, social vices, envy, self-interest, selfishness, the desire for self-affirmation in the eyes of others. Being truly free, a person gains prosperity, peace, intelligent life, will protect itself from any encroachment by ill-wishers and evil forces. He will not be frightened by the dark tragic aspects of material existence, the bonds of inhuman torment and suffering, hidden dangers. They will not prevent him from continuing to love the world, earthly existence, rejoice and admire the beauty of nature, culture.

In everyday life, believers of the traditional Mari religion adhere to such principles as:

Continuous self-improvement through strengthening inseparable connection with God, his regular communion with all major events in life and active participation in divine affairs;

Aiming at ennobling the surrounding world and social relations, strengthening human health through the incessant search and acquisition of divine energy in the process of creative work;

Harmonization of relations in society, strengthening collectivism and cohesion, mutual support and unity in upholding religious ideals and traditions;

Unanimous support of their spiritual mentors;

The obligation to preserve and pass on to future generations the best achievements: progressive ideas, exemplary products, elite varieties of grain and livestock breeds, etc.

The traditional religion of the Mari considers all manifestations of life to be the main value in this world and calls for the sake of its preservation to show mercy even towards wild animals, criminals. Kindness, kindness, harmony in relationships (mutual assistance, mutual respect and support of friendly relations), respect for nature, self-sufficiency and self-limitation in use natural resources, the pursuit of knowledge are also considered important values ​​in the life of society and in regulating the relationship of believers with God.

In public life, the traditional religion of the Mari seeks to maintain and improve social harmony.

The Mari traditional religion unites believers of the ancient Mari (Chimari) faith, admirers of traditional beliefs and rituals who have been baptized and attend church services (marla vera) and adherents of the Kugu Sorta religious sect. These ethno-confessional differences were formed under the influence and as a result of the spread of the Orthodox religion in the region. The religious sect "Kugu Sorta" took shape in the second half of the 19th century. Certain discrepancies in beliefs and ritual practices that exist between religious groups do not play a significant role in the daily life of the Mari. These forms of the traditional Mari religion form the basis of the spiritual values ​​of the Mari people.

The religious life of adherents of the traditional Mari religion takes place within the village community, one or more village councils (lay community). All Maris can take part in all-Mari prayers with sacrifice, thereby forming a temporary religious community of the Mari people (national community).

Until the beginning of the 20th century, the Mari traditional religion acted as the only social institution for rallying and uniting the Mari people, strengthening their national identity, and establishing a national original culture. At the same time, folk religion never called for the artificial separation of peoples, did not arouse confrontation and confrontation between them, did not assert the exclusivity of any people.

The current generation of believers, recognizing the cult of the One God of the Universe, is convinced that this God can be worshiped by all people, representatives of any nationality. Therefore, they consider it possible to attach to their faith any person who believes in his omnipotence.

Any person, regardless of nationality and religion, is part of the Cosmos, the Universal God. In this regard, all people are equal and worthy of respect and fair treatment. The Mari have always been distinguished by religious tolerance and respect for the religious feelings of the Gentiles. They believed that the religion of every nation has the right to exist, is worthy of reverence, since all religious rites are aimed at ennobling earthly life, improving its quality, empowering people and contributing to the communion of divine powers and divine mercy to everyday needs.

A clear evidence of this is the way of life of adherents of the ethno-confessional group "Marla Vera", who observe both traditional customs and rituals, and Orthodox cults, visit the temple, chapels and Mari sacred groves. Often they perform traditional prayers with sacrifices in front of an Orthodox icon specially brought for this occasion.

Admirers of the Mari traditional religion, while respecting the rights and freedoms of representatives of other faiths, expect the same respectful attitude towards themselves and their cult activities. They believe that the worship of the One God - the Universe in our time is very timely and quite attractive for the modern generation of people interested in spreading the environmental movement, in preserving the pristine nature.

The traditional religion of the Mari, including in its worldview and practice the positive experience of centuries of history, sets as its immediate goals the establishment of truly fraternal relations in society and the education of a man of an ennobled image, defends itself with righteousness, devotion to the common cause. She will continue to defend the rights and interests of her believers, protect their honor and dignity from any encroachment on the basis of the legislation adopted in the country.

Adherents of the Mari religion consider it their civil and religious duty to comply with the legal norms and laws of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Mari El.

The traditional Mari religion sets itself the spiritual and historical tasks of uniting the efforts of believers to protect their vital interests, the nature around us, the animal and plant world, as well as the achievement of material prosperity, worldly well-being, moral regulation and a high cultural level of relations between people.

sacrifices

In the bubbling Universal vital cauldron, human life proceeds under vigilant supervision and with the direct participation of God (Tun Osh Kugu Yumo) and his nine hypostases (manifestations), personifying his inherent mind, energy and material wealth. Therefore, a person should not only reverently believe in Him, but also deeply revere, strive to be rewarded with His mercy, goodness and protection (serlagysh), thereby enriching himself and the world around him with vital energy (shulyk), material wealth (perke). A reliable means of achieving all this is the regular holding of family and public (village, worldly and all-Mari) prayers (kumaltysh) in sacred groves with sacrifices to God and his deities of domestic animals and birds.

Origin of the Mari people

The question of the origin of the Mari people is still controversial. For the first time, a scientifically substantiated theory of the ethnogenesis of the Mari was expressed in 1845 by the famous Finnish linguist M. Kastren. He tried to identify the Mari with the annalistic measure. This point of view was supported and developed by T.S. Semenov, I.N. Smirnov, S.K. Kuznetsov, A.A. Spitsyn, D.K. Zelenin, M.N. Yantemir, F.E. Egorov and many others. researchers of the II half of the XIX - I half of the XX centuries. A prominent Soviet archaeologist A.P. Smirnov came up with a new hypothesis in 1949, who came to the conclusion about the Gorodets (close to Mordovian) basis, other archaeologists O.N. Bader and V.F. Gening at the same time defended the thesis about Dyakovo (close to measure) origin of the Mari. Nevertheless, even then archaeologists were able to convincingly prove that Merya and Mari, although related to each other, are not the same people. In the late 1950s, when the permanent Mari archaeological expedition began to operate, its leaders A.Kh. Khalikov and G.A. Arkhipov developed a theory about the mixed Gorodets-Azelin (Volga-Finnish-Permian) basis of the Mari people. Subsequently, G.A. Arkhipov, developing this hypothesis further, during the discovery and study of new archaeological sites, proved that the Gorodets-Dyakovo (Volga-Finnish) component and the formation of the Mari ethnos, which began in the first half of the 1st millennium AD, prevailed in the mixed basis of the Mari. , as a whole, ended in the 9th - 11th centuries, while even then the Mari ethnos began to divide into two main groups - mountain and meadow Mari (the latter, in comparison with the former, were more strongly influenced by the Azelin (Permo-speaking) tribes). This theory is now generally supported by the majority of archaeologists dealing with this problem. The Mari archaeologist V.S. Patrushev put forward a different assumption, according to which the formation of the ethnic foundations of the Mari, as well as the Meri and Muroms, took place on the basis of the population of the Akhmylov appearance. Linguists (I.S. Galkin, D.E. Kazantsev), who rely on the data of the language, believe that the territory of the formation of the Mari people should not be sought in the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, as archaeologists believe, but to the southwest, between the Oka and Sura. The archaeologist T.B. Nikitina, taking into account the data not only of archeology, but also of linguistics, came to the conclusion that the ancestral home of the Mari is located in the Volga part of the Oka-Sura interfluve and in the Povetluzhye, and the movement to the east, to Vyatka, occurred in VIII - XI centuries, during which contact and mixing with the Azelin (Permo-speaking) tribes took place.

The question of the origin of the ethnonyms "Mari" and "Cheremis" also remains complex and unclear. The meaning of the word "Mari", the self-name of the Mari people, is derived by many linguists from the Indo-European term "Mar", "Mer" in various sound variations (translated as "man", "husband"). The word "Cheremis" (as the Russians called the Mari, and in a slightly different, but phonetically similar vowel - many other peoples) has a large number of different interpretations. The first written mention of this ethnonym (in the original "ts-r-mis") is found in a letter from the Khazar Khagan Joseph to the dignitary of the Caliph of Cordoba Hasdai ibn-Shaprut (960s). D.E. Kazantsev following the historian of the XIX century. G.I. Peretyatkovich came to the conclusion that the name "Cheremis" was given to the Mari by the Mordovian tribes, and in translation this word means "a person living on the sunny side, in the east." According to I.G. Ivanov, “Cheremis” is “a person from the Chera or Chora tribe”, in other words, the name of one of the Mari tribes was subsequently extended by the neighboring peoples to the entire ethnic group. The version of the Mari local historians of the 1920s - early 1930s F.E. Egorov and M.N. Yantemir, who suggested that this ethnonym goes back to the Turkic term "warlike person", is widely popular. F.I. Gordeev, as well as I.S. Galkin, who supported his version, defend the hypothesis of the origin of the word "Cheremis" from the ethnonym "Sarmat" through the mediation of the Turkic languages. A number of other versions were also expressed. The problem of the etymology of the word "Cheremis" is further complicated by the fact that in the Middle Ages (up to the 17th - 18th centuries) in some cases not only the Maris, but also their neighbors - the Chuvashs and Udmurts, were called so.

Mari in the 9th - 11th centuries.

In the IX - XI centuries. in general, the formation of the Mari ethnos was completed. At the time in questionMarisettled on a vast territory within the Middle Volga region: south of the Vetluga and Yuga watershed and the Pizhma River; north of the Pyana River, the headwaters of Tsivil; east of the Unzha River, the mouth of the Oka; west of the Ileti and the mouth of the Kilmezi River.

economy Mari was complex (agriculture, cattle breeding, hunting, fishing, gathering, beekeeping, crafts and other activities related to the processing of raw materials at home). Direct evidence of the widespread use of agriculture among Mari no, there are only indirect data indicating the development of slash-and-burn agriculture among them, and there is reason to believe that in the 11th century. began the transition to arable farming.
Mari in the IX - XI centuries. almost all cereals, legumes and industrial crops cultivated in the forest belt of Eastern Europe at the present time were known. Slash-and-burn agriculture was combined with cattle breeding; stall keeping of livestock in combination with free grazing prevailed (mostly the same species of domestic animals and birds were bred as now).
Hunting was a significant help in the economy Mari, while in the IX - XI centuries. fur mining began to be commercial in nature. Hunting tools were bow and arrows, various traps, snares and traps were used.
Mari the population was engaged in fishing (near rivers and lakes), respectively, river navigation developed, while natural conditions (a dense network of rivers, difficult forest and swampy terrain) dictated the priority development of river rather than land routes.
Fishing, as well as gathering (first of all, forest gifts) were focused exclusively on domestic consumption. Significant spread and development in Mari received beekeeping, on the beech trees they even put signs of ownership - “tiste”. Along with furs, honey was the main export item of the Mari.
At Mari there were no cities, only rural crafts were developed. Metallurgy, due to the lack of a local raw material base, developed through the processing of imported semi-finished and finished products. Nevertheless, the blacksmith's craft in the 9th - 11th centuries. at Mari already stood out as a specialty, while non-ferrous metallurgy (mainly blacksmithing and jewelry - the manufacture of copper, bronze, silver jewelry) was predominantly done by women.
The manufacture of clothing, footwear, utensils, and some types of agricultural implements was carried out in each household in its free time from agriculture and animal husbandry. In the first place among the branches of home production were weaving and leatherworking. Linen and hemp were used as raw materials for weaving. The most common leather product was footwear.

In the IX - XI centuries. Mari conducted barter trade with neighboring peoples - Udmurts, Merei, Vesyu, Mordovians, Muroma, Meshchera and other Finno-Ugric tribes. Trade relations with the Bulgars and Khazars, who were at a relatively high level of development, went beyond the scope of barter, there were elements of commodity-money relations (many Arab dirhams were found in ancient Mari burials of that time). In the area where they lived Mari, the Bulgars even founded trading posts like the Mari-Lugovsky settlement. The greatest activity of Bulgar merchants falls on the end of the 10th - the beginning of the 11th centuries. There are no clear signs of close and regular ties between the Mari and the Eastern Slavs in the 9th - 11th centuries. until discovered, things of Slavic-Russian origin in the Mari archaeological sites of that time are rare.

Based on the totality of available information, it is difficult to judge the nature of contacts Mari in the IX - XI centuries. with their Volga-Finnish neighbors - Merei, Meshchera, Mordvins, Muroma. However, according to numerous folklore works, tensions between Mari developed with the Udmurts: as a result of a number of battles and minor skirmishes, the latter were forced to leave the Vetluzh-Vyatka interfluve, retreating east, to the left bank of the Vyatka. However, among the available archaeological material there are no traces of armed conflicts between Mari and not found by the Udmurts.

Relations Mari with the Volga Bulgars, apparently, they were not limited only to trade. At least part of the Mari population, bordering on the Volga-Kama Bulgaria, paid tribute to this country (kharaj) - at first as a vassal-intermediary of the Khazar Khagan (it is known that in the 10th century both Bulgars and Mari- ts-r-mis - were subjects of Kagan Joseph, however, the first were in a more privileged position as part of the Khazar Khaganate), then as an independent state and a kind of successor to the kaganate.

Mari and their neighbors in the XII - early XIII centuries.

From the 12th century in some Mari lands, the transition to fallow farming begins. Unified funeral riteMari, cremation disappeared. If earlier in useMarimen often encountered swords and spears, but now they have been replaced everywhere by bows, arrows, axes, knives and other types of light edged weapons. Perhaps this was due to the fact that the new neighborsMarithere were more numerous, better armed and organized peoples (Slavic-Russians, Bulgars), with whom it was possible to fight only by partisan methods.

XII - beginning of the XIII centuries. were marked by a noticeable growth of the Slavic-Russian and the fall of the Bulgar influence on Mari(especially in Povetluzhye). At this time, Russian settlers appeared in the interfluve of the Unzha and Vetluga (Gorodets Radilov, first mentioned in the annals for 1171, settlements and settlements on Uzol, Linda, Vezloma, Vatom), where settlements were still found Mari and eastern measures, as well as in the Upper and Middle Vyatka (the cities of Khlynov, Kotelnich, settlements on Pizhma) - in the Udmurt and Mari lands.
Territory of settlement Mari, in comparison with the 9th - 11th centuries, did not undergo significant changes, however, its gradual shift to the east continued, which was largely due to the advancement of the Slavic-Russian tribes and the Slavicized Finno-Ugric peoples from the west (primarily, Merya) and, possibly , the ongoing Mari-Udmurt confrontation. The movement of the Meryan tribes to the east took place in small families or groups of them, and the settlers who reached Povetluzhye most likely mixed with related Mari tribes, completely dissolving in this environment.

Under the strong Slavic-Russian influence (obviously, through the mediation of the Meryan tribes) was the material culture Mari. In particular, according to archaeological research, dishes made on a potter's wheel (Slavic and "Slavic" ceramics) come instead of traditional local hand-made ceramics; under Slavic influence, the appearance of Mari jewelry, household items, and tools has changed. At the same time, among the Mari antiquities of the 12th - early 13th centuries, there are much fewer Bulgar items.

Not later than the beginning of the XII century. the inclusion of the Mari lands into the system of ancient Russian statehood begins. According to The Tale of Bygone Years and The Tale of the Destruction of the Russian Land, the Cheremis (probably these were the western groups of the Mari population) already then paid tribute to the Russian princes. In 1120, after a series of attacks by the Bulgars on the Russian cities in the Volga-Ochya, which took place in the second half of the 11th century, a series of counter-attacks by Vladimir-Suzdal princes and their allies from other Russian principalities began. The Russian-Bulgarian conflict, as is commonly believed, flared up on the basis of collecting tribute from the local population, and in this struggle, the advantage steadily leaned towards the feudal lords of North-Eastern Russia. Reliable information about direct participation Mari not in the Russian-Bulgarian wars, although the troops of both opposing sides repeatedly passed through the Mari lands.

Mari in the Golden Horde

In 1236 - 1242. Eastern Europe was subjected to a powerful Mongol-Tatar invasion, a significant part of it, including the entire Volga region, was under the rule of the conquerors. At the same time, the BulgarsMari, Mordvins and other peoples of the Middle Volga region were included in the Ulus of Jochi or the Golden Horde, an empire founded by Batu Khan. Written sources do not report a direct invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the 30s - 40s. 13th century to the area where they livedMari. Most likely, the invasion touched the Mari settlements located near the areas that suffered the most severe ruin (Volga-Kama Bulgaria, Mordovia) - this is the Right Bank of the Volga and the left-bank Mari lands adjacent to Bulgaria.

Mari subordinated to the Golden Horde through the Bulgar feudal lords and the khan's darugs. The main part of the population was divided into administrative-territorial and taxable units - uluses, hundreds and dozens, which were led by centurions and foremen accountable to the khan's administration - representatives of the local nobility. Mari, like many other peoples subject to the Golden Horde Khan, had to pay yasak, a number of other taxes, carry out various duties, including military service. They mainly supplied furs, honey, and wax. At the same time, the Mari lands were located on the forested northwestern periphery of the empire, far from the steppe zone, it did not differ in a developed economy, therefore, strict military and police control was not established here, and in the most inaccessible and remote area - in Povetluzhye and on the adjacent territory - the power of the khan was only nominal.

This circumstance contributed to the continuation of the Russian colonization of the Mari lands. More Russian settlements appeared on Pizhma and the Middle Vyatka, the development of the Povetluzhye, the Oka-Sura interfluve, and then the Lower Sura began. In Povetluzhye, Russian influence was especially strong. Judging by the “Vetluzhsky chronicler” and other trans-Volga Russian chronicles of late origin, many local semi-mythical princes (kuguzes) (Kai, Kodzha-Yaraltem, Bai-Boroda, Keldibek) were baptized, were in vassal dependence on the Galician princes, sometimes concluding military alliances with the Golden Horde. Apparently, a similar situation was in Vyatka, where the contacts of the local Mari population with the Vyatka Land and the Golden Horde developed.
The strong influence of both Russians and Bulgars was felt in the Volga region, especially in its mountainous part (in the Malo-Sundyr settlement, Yulyalsky, Noselsky, Krasnoselishchensky settlements). However, here the Russian influence gradually grew, while the Bulgarian-Golden Horde weakened. By the beginning of the XV century. the interfluve of the Volga and Sura actually became part of the Grand Duchy of Moscow (before that, Nizhny Novgorod), as early as 1374, the Kurmysh fortress was founded on the Lower Sura. Relations between the Russians and the Mari were complicated: peaceful contacts were combined with periods of war (mutual raids, campaigns of Russian princes against Bulgaria through the Mari lands from the 70s of the XIV centuries, attacks by the Ushkuyns in the second half of the XIV - early XV centuries, the participation of the Mari in the military actions of the Golden Horde against Russia, for example, in the Battle of Kulikovo).

Mass migrations continued Mari. As a result of the Mongol-Tatar invasion and subsequent raids of the steppe warriors, many Mari, who lived on the right bank of the Volga, moved to the safer left bank. At the end of the XIV - beginning of the XV centuries. the left-bank Mari, who lived in the basin of the Mesha, Kazanka, Ashit rivers, were forced to move to the more northern regions and to the east, since the Kama Bulgars rushed here, fleeing from the troops of Timur (Tamerlane), then from the Nogai warriors. The eastern direction of the resettlement of the Mari in the XIV - XV centuries. was also due to Russian colonization. Assimilation processes also took place in the zone of contacts of the Mari with Russians and Bulgaro-Tatars.

Economic and socio-political situation of the Mari in the Kazan Khanate

The Kazan Khanate arose during the collapse of the Golden Horde - as a result of the appearance in the 30s - 40s. 15th century in the Middle Volga region of the Golden Horde Khan Ulu-Mukhammed, his court and combat-ready troops, which together played the role of a powerful catalyst in the consolidation of the local population and the creation of a state entity equivalent to the still decentralized Russia.

Mari were not included in the Kazan Khanate by force; dependence on Kazan arose due to the desire to prevent armed struggle in order to jointly oppose the Russian state and, in accordance with the established tradition, paying tribute to the Bulgarian and Golden Horde representatives of power. Allied, confederate relations were established between the Mari and the Kazan government. At the same time, there were noticeable differences in the position of the mountain, meadow and northwestern Maris in the khanate.

At the main part Mari the economy was complex, with a developed agricultural basis. Only in the northwestern Mari due to natural conditions (they lived in an area of ​​almost continuous swamps and forests), agriculture played a secondary role compared to forestry and cattle breeding. In general, the main features of the economic life of the Mari of the XV - XVI centuries. have not undergone significant changes compared to the previous time.

Mountain Mari, who lived, like the Chuvashs, the Eastern Mordovians and the Sviyazhsk Tatars, on the Mountainous side of the Kazan Khanate, were distinguished by their active participation in contacts with the Russian population, the relative weakness of ties with the central regions of the Khanate, from which they were separated by the large river Volga. At the same time, the Gornaya side was under rather strict military and police control, which was associated with a high level of its economic development, an intermediate position between the Russian lands and Kazan, and the growing influence of Russia in this part of the khanate. In the Right Bank (due to its special strategic position and high economic development), foreign troops invaded more often - not only Russian warriors, but also steppe warriors. The position of the mountain people was complicated by the presence of main water and land roads to Russia and the Crimea, since the bill of accommodation was very heavy and burdensome.

Meadow Mari unlike the mountain ones, they did not have close and regular contacts with the Russian state, they were more connected with Kazan and the Kazan Tatars in political, economic, cultural terms. According to the level of their economic development, meadow Mari did not yield to the mountains. Moreover, on the eve of the fall of Kazan, the economy of the Left Bank developed in a relatively stable, calm and less harsh military-political situation, so contemporaries (A.M. Kurbsky, author of Kazan History) describe the well-being of the population of the Lugovaya and especially the Arsk side most enthusiastically and colorfully. The amounts of taxes paid by the population of the Gorny and Lugovaya sides also did not differ much. If on the Mountain side the burden of housing service was felt more strongly, then on the Lugovaya side - the construction one: it was the population of the Left Bank that erected and maintained in proper condition the powerful fortifications of Kazan, Arsk, various prisons, notches.

Northwestern (Vetluga and Kokshay) Mari were relatively weakly drawn into the orbit of the khan's power due to their remoteness from the center and due to the relatively low economic development; at the same time, the Kazan government, fearing Russian military campaigns from the north (from Vyatka) and north-west (from Galich and Ustyug), sought allied relations with the Vetluzh, Kokshai, Pizhan, Yaran Mari leaders, who also saw the benefit in supporting the invaders actions of the Tatars in relation to the outlying Russian lands.

"Military democracy" of the medieval Mari.

In the XV - XVI centuries. Mari, like other peoples of the Kazan Khanate, except for the Tatars, were at a transitional stage in the development of society from primitive to early feudal. On the one hand, individual family property was allocated within the framework of a land-related union (neighboring community), parcel labor flourished, property differentiation grew, and on the other hand, the class structure of society did not acquire its clear outlines.

Mari patriarchal families united in patronymic groups (nasyl, tukym, urlyk), and those - in larger land unions (tiste). Their unity was based not on kinship ties, but on the principle of neighborhood, to a lesser extent - on economic ties, which were expressed in various kinds of mutual "help" ("vyma"), joint ownership of common lands. Land unions were, among other things, unions of mutual military assistance. Perhaps the Tiste were territorially compatible with hundreds and uluses of the period of the Kazan Khanate. Hundreds, uluses, dozens were led by centurions or hundreds of princes (“shÿdövuy”, “puddle”), tenants (“luvuy”). The centurions appropriated for themselves some part of the yasak they collected in favor of the khan's treasury from subordinate ordinary community members, but at the same time they enjoyed authority among them as smart and courageous people, as skillful organizers and military leaders. Sotniki and foremen in the 15th - 16th centuries. they had not yet managed to break with primitive democracy, at the same time the power of the representatives of the nobility was increasingly acquiring a hereditary character.

The feudalization of the Mari society accelerated due to the Turkic-Mari synthesis. In relation to the Kazan Khanate, ordinary community members acted as a feudal-dependent population (in fact, they were personally free people and were part of a kind of semi-service estate), and the nobility acted as serving vassals. Among the Mari, representatives of the nobility began to stand out in a special military class - mamichi (imildashi), heroes (batyrs), who probably already had some relation to the feudal hierarchy of the Kazan Khanate; on the lands with the Mari population, feudal estates began to appear - belyaki (administrative tax districts given by Kazan khans as a reward for service with the right to collect yasak from land and various fishing lands that were in the collective use of the Mari population).

The domination of the military-democratic order in the medieval Mari society was the environment where the immanent impulses for raids were laid. Warfare, once fought only to avenge attacks or to expand territory, is now becoming a constant pursuit. The property stratification of ordinary community members, whose economic activity was hampered by insufficiently favorable natural conditions and a low level of development of productive forces, led to the fact that many of them began to turn to a greater extent outside their community in search of means to satisfy their material needs and in an effort to raise their status in society. The feudalized nobility, which gravitated toward a further increase in wealth and its socio-political weight, also sought outside the community to find new sources of enrichment and strengthening its power. As a result, solidarity arose between two different layers of community members, between which a “military alliance” was formed with the aim of expansion. Therefore, the power of the Mari "princes", along with the interests of the nobility, still continued to reflect the common tribal interests.

The greatest activity in raids among all groups of the Mari population was shown by the northwestern Mari. This was due to their relatively low level of socio-economic development. Meadow and mountain Mari, engaged in agricultural labor, took a less active part in military campaigns, in addition, the local proto-feudal elite had other, besides military, ways to strengthen their power and further enrichment (primarily by strengthening ties with Kazan)

The accession of the mountain Mari to the Russian state

Entry Marithe composition of the Russian state was a multi-stage process, and the mountainMari. Together with the rest of the population of the Gornaya side, they were interested in peaceful relations with the Russian state, while in the spring of 1545 a series of major campaigns of Russian troops against Kazan began. At the end of 1546, the mountain people (Tugay, Atachik) attempted to establish a military alliance with Russia and, together with political emigrants from among the Kazan feudal lords, sought the overthrow of Khan Safa Giray and the enthronement of the Moscow vassal Shah Ali, in order to thereby prevent new invasions Russian troops and put an end to the despotic pro-Crimean internal politics of the khan. However, Moscow at that time had already set a course for the final annexation of the khanate - Ivan IV was married to the kingdom (this indicates that the Russian sovereign put forward his claim to the Kazan throne and other residences of the Golden Horde kings). Nevertheless, the Moscow government failed to take advantage of the successfully launched rebellion of the Kazan feudal lords led by Prince Kadysh against Safa Giray, and the help offered by the mountain people was rejected by the Russian governors. The mountain side continued to be considered by Moscow as enemy territory even after the winter of 1546/47. (campaigns against Kazan in the winter of 1547/48 and in the winter of 1549/50).

By 1551, Moscow government circles came up with a plan to annex the Kazan Khanate to Russia, which provided for the rejection of the Mountainous Side with its subsequent transformation into a stronghold for capturing the rest of the Khanate. In the summer of 1551, when a powerful military outpost was erected at the mouth of the Sviyaga (Sviyazhsk fortress), the Gornaya side was annexed to the Russian state.

The reasons for the occurrence of mountain Mari and the rest of the population of the Gornaya side in Russia, apparently, were: 1) the introduction of a large contingent of Russian troops, the construction of the fortress city of Sviyazhsk; 2) the flight to Kazan of the local anti-Moscow group of feudal lords, which could organize resistance; 3) the fatigue of the population of the Mountain side from the devastating invasions of the Russian troops, their desire to establish peaceful relations by restoring the Moscow protectorate; 4) the use by Russian diplomacy of the anti-Crimean and pro-Moscow moods of the mountain people in order to directly include the Mountain side into Russia (the actions of the population of the Mountain side were seriously affected by the arrival of the former Kazan Khan Shah-Ali along with the Russian governors, accompanied by five hundred Tatar feudal lords who entered the Russian service); 5) bribing the local nobility and ordinary militia soldiers, exempting mountain people from taxes for three years; 6) relatively close ties between the peoples of the Gorny side and Russia in the years preceding the accession.

Regarding the nature of the accession of the Mountain side to the Russian state, there was no consensus among historians. One part of the scientists believes that the peoples of the Mountainous side became part of Russia voluntarily, others argue that it was a violent seizure, others adhere to the version of the peaceful, but forced nature of the annexation. Obviously, in the annexation of the Mountainous Side to the Russian state, both the causes and circumstances of a military, violent, and peaceful, non-violent nature played a role. These factors mutually complemented each other, giving the entry of the mountain Mari and other peoples of the Mountain side into Russia an exceptional originality.

Accession of the left-bank Mari to Russia. Cheremis war 1552 - 1557

In the summer of 1551 - in the spring of 1552. The Russian state exerted powerful military and political pressure on Kazan, the implementation of a plan for the gradual elimination of the khanate by establishing a Kazan viceroy was launched. However, in Kazan, anti-Russian sentiment was too strong, probably growing as pressure from Moscow increased. As a result, on March 9, 1552, the citizens of Kazan refused to let the Russian governor and the troops accompanying him into the city, and the whole plan of the bloodless annexation of the khanate to Russia collapsed overnight.

In the spring of 1552, an anti-Moscow uprising broke out on the Mountain side, as a result of which the territorial integrity of the khanate was actually restored. The reasons for the uprising of the mountain people were: the weakening of the Russian military presence on the territory of the Mountain side, the active offensive actions of the left-bank Kazanians in the absence of retaliatory measures from the Russians, the violent nature of the annexation of the Mountain side to the Russian state, the departure of Shah Ali outside the khanate, to Kasimov. As a result of large-scale punitive campaigns of the Russian troops, the uprising was suppressed, in June-July 1552 the mountain people again took the oath to the Russian Tsar. So, in the summer of 1552, the mountain Mari finally became part of the Russian state. The results of the uprising convinced the mountain people of the futility of further resistance. The mountain side, being the most vulnerable and at the same time important in the military-strategic terms, part of the Kazan Khanate, could not become a powerful center of the people's liberation struggle. Obviously, such factors as privileges and all kinds of gifts granted by the Moscow government to mountain people in 1551, the experience of multilateral peaceful relations of the local population with the Russians, the complex, contradictory nature of relations with Kazan in previous years, played a significant role. Due to these reasons, most of the mountain people during the events of 1552-1557. remained loyal to the power of the Russian sovereign.

During the Kazan war of 1545 - 1552. Crimean and Turkish diplomats were actively working to create an anti-Moscow union of Turkic-Muslim states in order to resist the powerful Russian expansion in the east. However, the unification policy failed due to the pro-Moscow and anti-Crimean positions of many influential Nogai murzas.

In the battle for Kazan in August - October 1552, a huge number of troops participated from both sides, while the number of besiegers exceeded the number of besieged at the initial stage by 2 - 2.5 times, and before the decisive assault - by 4 - 5 times. In addition, the troops of the Russian state were better trained in military-technical and military-engineering terms; the army of Ivan IV also managed to defeat the Kazan troops in parts. October 2, 1552 Kazan fell.

In the first days after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV and his entourage took measures to organize the administration of the conquered country. Within 8 days (from October 2 to October 10), the Prikazan meadow Mari and Tatars were sworn in. However, the main part of the left-bank Mari did not show humility, and already in November 1552 the Mari of the Lugovoi side rose to fight for their freedom. The anti-Moscow armed uprisings of the peoples of the Middle Volga region after the fall of Kazan are usually called the Cheremis wars, since the Mari were the most active in them, at the same time, the insurrectionary movement in the Middle Volga region in 1552 - 1557. is, in essence, a continuation of the Kazan war, and the main goal of its participants was the restoration of the Kazan Khanate. People's liberation movement 1552 - 1557 in the Middle Volga region it was caused by the following reasons: 1) upholding one's independence, freedom, the right to live one's own way; 2) the struggle of the local nobility for the restoration of the order that existed in the Kazan Khanate; 3) religious confrontation (the Volga peoples - Muslims and pagans - seriously feared for the future of their religions and culture in general, since immediately after the capture of Kazan, Ivan IV began to destroy mosques, build Orthodox churches in their place, destroy the Muslim clergy and pursue a policy of forced baptism ). The degree of influence of the Turkic-Muslim states on the course of events in the Middle Volga region during this period was negligible, in some cases potential allies even interfered with the rebels.

Resistance movement 1552 - 1557 or the First Cheremis War developed in waves. The first wave - November - December 1552 (separate outbreaks of armed uprisings on the Volga and near Kazan); the second - the winter of 1552/53 - the beginning of 1554. (the most powerful stage, covering the entire Left Bank and part of the Mountain side); the third - July - October 1554 (the beginning of the decline of the resistance movement, a split among the rebels from the Arsk and Coastal sides); the fourth - the end of 1554 - March 1555. (participation in the anti-Moscow armed uprisings only of the left-bank Mari, the beginning of the leadership of the rebels by the centurion from the Lugovaya side Mamich-Berdei); the fifth - the end of 1555 - the summer of 1556. (the rebel movement led by Mamich-Berdei, supported by the Aryan and coastal people - the Tatars and southern Udmurts, the capture of Mamich-Berdei); sixth, last - late 1556 - May 1557 (widespread cessation of resistance). All waves received their momentum on the Lugovaya side, while the left-bank (Lugovye and northwestern) Mari proved to be the most active, uncompromising and consistent participants in the resistance movement.

Kazan Tatars also took an active part in the war of 1552-1557, fighting for the restoration of the sovereignty and independence of their state. But still, their role in the insurgent movement, with the exception of some of its stages, was not the main one. This was due to several factors. First, the Tatars in the XVI century. experienced a period of feudal relations, they were class differentiated and they no longer had such solidarity as was observed among the left-bank Mari, who did not know class contradictions (largely because of this, the participation of the lower classes of Tatar society in the anti-Moscow insurrectionary movement was not stable). Secondly, there was a struggle between clans within the class of feudal lords, which was due to the influx of foreign (Horde, Crimean, Siberian, Nogai) nobility and the weakness of the central government in the Kazan Khanate, and this was successfully used by the Russian state, which was able to win over a significant group Tatar feudal lords even before the fall of Kazan. Thirdly, the proximity of the socio-political systems of the Russian state and the Kazan Khanate facilitated the transition of the feudal nobility of the khanate into the feudal hierarchy of the Russian state, while the Mari proto-feudal elite had weak ties with the feudal structure of both states. Fourthly, the settlements of the Tatars, unlike most of the left-bank Mari, were in relative proximity to Kazan, large rivers and other strategically important routes of communication, in an area where there were few natural barriers that could seriously complicate the movement of punitive troops; moreover, these were, as a rule, economically developed areas, attractive for feudal exploitation. Fifthly, as a result of the fall of Kazan in October 1552, perhaps the bulk of the most combat-ready part of the Tatar troops was destroyed, the armed detachments of the left-bank Mari then suffered to a much lesser extent.

The resistance movement was suppressed as a result of large-scale punitive operations by the troops of Ivan IV. In a number of episodes, insurgent actions took the form of civil war and class struggle, but the main motive remained the struggle for the liberation of their land. The resistance movement stopped due to several factors: 1) continuous armed clashes with the tsarist troops, which brought innumerable victims and destruction to the local population; 2) mass starvation and plague epidemic that came from the trans-Volga steppes; 3) the left-bank Mari lost the support of their former allies - the Tatars and the southern Udmurts. In May 1557, representatives of almost all groups of meadow and northwestern Mari swore allegiance to the Russian tsar.

Cheremis wars of 1571 - 1574 and 1581 - 1585 Consequences of the accession of the Mari to the Russian state

After the uprising of 1552-1557. the tsarist administration began to establish strict administrative and police control over the peoples of the Middle Volga region, but at first it was possible to do this only on the Mountain side and in the immediate vicinity of Kazan, while in most of the Lugovaya side the power of the administration was nominal. The dependence of the local left-bank Mari population was expressed only in the fact that they paid a symbolic tribute and put up soldiers from their midst who were sent to the Livonian War (1558 - 1583). Moreover, the meadow and northwestern Mari continued to raid Russian lands, and local leaders actively established contacts with the Crimean Khan in order to conclude an anti-Moscow military alliance. It is no coincidence that the Second Cheremis War of 1571-1574. began immediately after the campaign of the Crimean Khan Davlet Giray, which ended with the capture and burning of Moscow. The reasons for the Second Cheremis War were, on the one hand, the same factors that prompted the Volga peoples to start an anti-Moscow insurgency shortly after the fall of Kazan, on the other hand, the population, which was under the most strict control from the tsarist administration, was dissatisfied with the increase in the volume of duties, abuses and shameless arbitrariness of officials, as well as a streak of setbacks in the protracted Livonian War. Thus, in the second major uprising of the peoples of the Middle Volga region, national liberation and anti-feudal motives intertwined. Another difference between the Second Cheremis War and the First was the relatively active intervention of foreign states - the Crimean and Siberian khanates, the Nogai Horde and even Turkey. In addition, the uprising swept the neighboring regions, which had already become part of Russia by that time - the Lower Volga region and the Urals. With the help of a whole range of measures (peace negotiations with the achievement of a compromise with representatives of the moderate wing of the rebels, bribery, isolation of the rebels from their foreign allies, punitive campaigns, construction of fortresses (in 1574, Kokshaysk was built at the mouth of the Bolshaya and Malaya Kokshag, the first city on the territory the modern Republic of Mari El)) the government of Ivan IV the Terrible managed to first split the rebel movement, and then suppress it.

The next armed uprising of the peoples of the Volga and Ural regions, which began in 1581, was caused by the same reasons as the previous one. What was new was that strict administrative and police supervision began to spread to the Lugovaya side as well (assigning heads (“watchmen”) to the local population - Russian service people who carried out control, partial disarmament, confiscation of horses). The uprising began in the Urals in the summer of 1581 (the attack of the Tatars, Khanty and Mansi on the possessions of the Stroganovs), then the unrest spread to the left-bank Mari, soon they were joined by the mountain Mari, Kazan Tatars, Udmurts, Chuvashs and Bashkirs. The rebels blocked Kazan, Sviyazhsk and Cheboksary, made long trips deep into Russian territory - to Nizhny Novgorod, Khlynov, Galich. The Russian government was forced to urgently end the Livonian War by signing a truce with the Commonwealth (1582) and Sweden (1583), and throw significant forces into pacifying the Volga population. The main methods of struggle against the rebels were punitive campaigns, the construction of fortresses (Kozmodemyansk was built in 1583, Tsarevokokshaysk in 1584, Tsarevosanchursk in 1585), as well as peace negotiations, during which Ivan IV, and after his death, the actual The ruler of Russia, Boris Godunov, promised amnesty and gifts to those who wanted to stop the resistance. As a result, in the spring of 1585, "they finished off the Tsar and Grand Duke Fyodor Ivanovich of All Russia with the brow of the Cheremis with a centuries-old peace."

The entry of the Mari people into the Russian state cannot be unambiguously characterized as evil or good. Both negative and positive consequences of entering Mari into the system of Russian statehood, closely intertwined with each other, began to manifest itself in almost all spheres of the development of society. However Mari and other peoples of the Middle Volga region, on the whole, faced the pragmatic, restrained and even mild (compared to Western European) imperial policy of the Russian state.
This was due not only to fierce resistance, but also to the insignificant geographical, historical, cultural and religious distance between the Russians and the peoples of the Volga region, as well as the traditions of multinational symbiosis dating back to the early Middle Ages, the development of which later led to what is usually called the friendship of peoples. The main thing is that, despite all the terrible upheavals, Mari nevertheless, they survived as an ethnic group and became an organic part of the mosaic of the unique Russian super-ethnos.

Materials used - Svechnikov S.K. Methodical manual "History of the Mari people of the IX-XVI centuries"

Yoshkar-Ola: GOU DPO (PC) C "Mari Institute of Education", 2005

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