Reformatory activity of Speransky M. M.: plans and results

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky (1772-1839) - Russian political and public figure, author of numerous works on law and jurisprudence, author of major bills and reforms.

Speransky lived and worked during the reign of Alexander the 1st and Nicholas the 1st, was an active member of the Academy of Sciences, was engaged in social activities and reforming the legal system of the Russian Empire. Under Nicholas I, he was the tutor of the heir to the throne - Alexander Nikolayevich. Speransky wrote many theoretical works on jurisprudence and is considered one of the founders of modern law. In addition, he drafted a constitution.

Brief biography of Speransky

Born in the Vladimir province in the family of a church clerk. From early childhood, he learned to read and write and read sacred books. In 1780, Speransky entered the Vladimir Seminary, where, thanks to his sharp mind and unusually strong abilities for analytical thinking, he soon became the best student. After graduating from the seminary, Speransky continued his education there, but already as a student. For his success in his studies, he received the opportunity to transfer to the Alexander Nevsky Seminary in St. Petersburg, after which he remained there to teach.

Speransky's teaching activity at the seminary did not last long. In 1795, he received an offer to become Prince Kurakin's secretary. Thus began the political career of Speransky.

Speransky quickly moved up the career ladder. In 1801, he became a full councilor of state, which allowed him to participate more actively in the social and political life of the country. In 1806, Speransky met Emperor Alexander 1st and so impressed him with his talents and intelligence that he received an offer to develop a draft reform that could improve the state of the country. In 1810, Speransky became secretary of state (the second person in the country after the sovereign), and his active reformatory activity began.

The reforms proposed by Speransky affected the interests of too many sectors of society and were so extensive that the nobility feared them. As a result, in 1812 Speransky fell into disgrace and remained in such a miserable position until 1816.

In 1819, he unexpectedly received the post of Governor-General of Siberia, and already in 1821 he returned to St. Petersburg.

The emperor died, and his brother ascended the throne,. Speransky met Nikolai and also charmed him with his intelligence, which allowed him to regain his former political influence and respect. At this time, Speransky received the post of educator of the heir to the throne. The Higher School of Law was opened, in which he actively worked.

Speransky died in 1839 from a cold.

Speransky's political reforms

Speransky was widely known for his numerous reforms, which were comprehensive. Speransky was not a supporter of the monarchical system, he believed that the state should give all citizens the same rights, and power should be divided, but at the same time he was sure that Russia was not yet ready for such radical changes, so he suggested, as it seemed to him , a better option. By order of Alexander the 1st, Speransky developed a program of reforms that were supposed to help Russia get out of the crisis.

Speransky proposed the following ideas:

• the receipt by citizens, regardless of class, of equal civil rights;
• a significant reduction in all costs for the activities of state bodies and officials, as well as the establishment of strict control over the budget;
• division of power into legislative, executive and judicial, restructuring of the system of ministries and changing their functions;
• the creation of more modern judiciaries, as well as the writing of new legislation that would take into account the needs of the new system of government;
• extensive transformations in the domestic economy, the introduction of taxes.

The main idea of ​​Speransky's reforms was to create a democratic model of government headed by a monarch, who, however, would not have power alone, and society would be equalized before the law. According to the project, Russia was supposed to become a full-fledged legal state.

Speransky's reforms were not accepted by the nobility, who were afraid of losing their privileges. The project was not completed in full, only some of its points were implemented.

The results of Speransky's activities

The results of Speransky's activities:

• a significant increase in foreign trade by increasing the economic attractiveness of Russia in the eyes of foreign investors;
• modernization of the state administration system; reforming the army of officials and reducing the cost of their maintenance;
• the emergence of a powerful economic infrastructure that allowed the economy to self-regulate and develop faster;
• creation of a modern legal system; Speransky became the author and compiler of the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire;
• creation of the theoretical basis of modern legislation and law.

Count Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky (1772-1839) went down in history as a great Russian reformer, the founder of Russian legal science and theoretical jurisprudence. His practical activity was largely connected with the reform of the state-legal system of the Russian Empire. Speransky's concept formed the basis of the famous Decree of Alexander I "On free (free) cultivators» (1803), according to which the landlords received the right to release the serfs to "freedom", giving them land.

MM. Speransky was born into the family of a village priest, and was educated at the St. Petersburg Theological Academy. After completing his studies, he was a professor of mathematics, physics and eloquence in the period 1792-1795, and later a professor of philosophy and prefect of the academy. Speransky's educational and administrative activities continued until 1797, when he moved to serve in the Senate.

Speransky's career was largely determined by his closeness to Prince A.B. Kurakin. As soon as the prince was appointed Prosecutor General of the Senate, he persuaded Speransky to go to the service there and quickly promoted him to the rank of collegiate adviser and the post of expeditor. Despite the suspicion of Paul I and the rapid change of governors-general - Kurakin, then P.V. Lopukhin, A.A. Bekleshov and, finally, in 1801 P.Kh. Obolyaninov - Speransky retained his position thanks to his high professionalism. At the same time, Mikhail Mikhailovich was the secretary of the Commission for Supplying the Capital with Food, which was headed by the heir to the throne, Alexander Pavlovich. It was here that the future emperor met M.M. Speransky.

On March 12, 1801, Alexander I ascended the throne, and already on March 19, Speransky was appointed state secretary of the sovereign. At this stage of his political career, Speransky is the author and editor of many decrees and orders, which were the basis for the reformist course of Emperor Alexander. These include the restoration of the Charter to the nobility and the Charter to the cities; the abolition of corporal punishment of priests and deacons; liquidation of a secret expedition; permission to import books and music from abroad; restoration of the right to open private printing houses; numerous pardons.

Speransky became the author of the project for the transformation of the system of state authorities, taking in 1802, in the newly formed State Council, the post of head of the expedition of civil and spiritual affairs. Soon, at the request of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.P. Kochubey, Speransky received the post of ruler of the office of the ministry. From 1802 to 1807 Kochubey holds the post of minister, and in cooperation with Speransky, a number of innovations in a liberal spirit are being carried out, including a decree on free cultivators, permission for free salt mining, and a transformation of medical and postal affairs. Speransky's activity in the Ministry was noticed by Emperor Alexander I, who reappointed him Secretary of State. In 1808, Speransky accompanied Alexander to Erfurt to meet with Napoleon, and in the same year presented his draft of a general political reform for consideration by the emperor.

The statesman Speransky was poorly versed in court intrigues and relations within the court. On his initiative, an exam for officials was introduced, and court service was abolished, and all court titles became only honorary titles and nothing more. All this caused irritation and hatred of the court. AT On the day of his 40th birthday, Speransky was awarded the Order. However, the handing ritual was unusually strict, and it became clear thatThe "star" of the reformer begins to fade. Speransky's ill-wishers (among whom was the Swedish baron Gustav Armfeld, chairman of the Finnish Affairs Committee, and A.D. Balashov, head of the Ministry of Police) became even more active. They passed on to Alexander all the gossip and rumors about the Secretary of State. At the same time, the self-confidence of Speransky himself, his careless reproaches against Alexander I for inconsistency in state affairs, ultimately overwhelmed the cup of patience and irritated the emperor.Contemporaries will call this resignation "the fall of Speransky." In reality, it was not a simple fall of a high dignitary, but the fall of a reformer with all the ensuing consequences. Speransky in 1812 was accused of treason, arrested, dismissed from all positions and exiled to Perm, from where he was soon transferred under police supervision to voe small estate Velikopolie Novgorod province. At first, he was forced to pawn royal gifts and orders granted to him in order to secure at least some decent living for himself.

Opala M.M. Speransky ended in 1816 and he was appointed governor of Penza, where he lived for about three years and took vigorous measures to restore order. In 1819, Speransky became the Siberian governor-general with emergency powers to carry out revisions. In 1821 he returned to St. Petersburg with the results of the revision and with the draft of a new Code for Siberia. His plans were approved, he himself was generously awarded and appointed a member of the State Council and head of the Civil Code Commission.

After the accession of Nicholas I, Speransky was instructed to compile a complete set of laws of the Russian Empire from the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich to Alexander I. Speransky completed this task at the age of 4 (1826-1830). For his state activity in 1839, shortly before his death, Speransky was granted the title of count.

He created the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire, tried the Decembrists, argued with Karamzin. According to legend, after meeting with him, Napoleon offered Alexander I to exchange him "for some kingdom."

Speaking surname

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was born into the family of a clergyman, so he did not receive a surname from his father. Speransky was named by his uncle when enrolling in the Vladimir Theological Seminary. Even then, 8-year-old Mikhail showed outstanding abilities, and the surname, which comes from the Latin spero (that is, “I hope”), spoke of the hopes that the young seminarian gave.
In the seminary, Speransky proved to be one of the best students. There he began studying languages ​​(including Latin and ancient Greek), philosophy, theology, rhetoric, mathematics, and the natural sciences. For his successes, Speransky was honored to become the prefect's cell-attendant, which gave him access to his library.

Unchosen road

In 1790, Speransky became a student of the Alexander Nevsky Main Seminary, where the best seminary students from all over Russia were sent. This institution trained the elite of the clergy. Among the subjects studied were many secular disciplines: higher mathematics, physics, even the new French philosophy. Speransky perfectly mastered the French language and became seriously interested in the work of Western enlighteners. However, the future reformer showed excellent success in all subjects.

In 1792, Speransky brilliantly graduated from the Main Seminary, he was left with her as a teacher of mathematics. Later, he also began to teach physics, eloquence and philosophy, and in 1795 he became prefect of the seminary. In the same year, Speransky was recommended as a house secretary to Prince Kurakin. When the prince received the post of prosecutor general, he suggested that Speransky give up teaching and go to the civil service. In response to this, the metropolitan, wishing to keep Speransky in the spiritual field, suggested that he take the veil as a monk, which opened the way to a high bishopric. However, Speransky preferred to refuse this opportunity, and in 1797 he was enrolled in the office of the prosecutor general.

To the top

Speransky's bureaucratic career developed rapidly. In 1797, he was a titular councilor, 3 months later - a collegiate assessor, since 1798 - a court councilor, and in 1799 - a state councilor. By 1801, when Alexander I came to the throne, Speransky became a real state Soviet. This civil rank corresponded to the rank of major general in the army, and its bearer could even hold a governor's position.

After the overthrow of Pavel Speransky, he became the secretary of state of the Privy Councilor D.P. Troshchinsky - State Secretary of Alexander I. Since 1802, Speransky carried out work on the preparation of draft state reforms in the Ministry of the Interior.
During these years, he drew up several important political projects for the tsar, the main of which was the Note on the Organization of Judicial and Government Institutions in Russia. Speransky also participated in the development of a decree on free cultivators, which was the first step towards the abolition of serfdom.

Great Reformer

In the "Introduction to the Code of State Laws" (1809), Speransky was one of the first ideologists of the rule of law in Russia. He advocated a constitutional monarchy, defended the principle of separation of powers and the need to grant political rights to citizens. It was proposed the creation of the State Duma, the election of judges and the introduction of jury trials, the creation of the State Council - a body that communicates the monarch with all authorities. These political transformations inevitably led to the abolition of serfdom.

According to the reformer, the transition to a constitutional system had to take place in an evolutionary way, so his project did not directly limit autocracy, but created tools for such a limitation in the future.
But Speransky's undertakings were practically not realized, the reformist ardor of the tsar quickly dried up, and Russia once again missed the opportunity for change, slipping into reaction.

Karamzin vs. Speransky

In 1810, on the initiative of Speransky, the State Council was created, which was conceived as the first step towards large-scale political reforms. In the same year, 1810, a manifesto on elections to the State Duma was to appear. However, the transformations ran into rejection from aristocratic circles, although Speransky's plan was initially approved by the tsar.

The nobility disliked Speransky for his attempt on the usual procedure for obtaining civil ranks and holding public office. Now the nobility could not write down their offspring from the cradle to the service, and in order to receive the rank, it was necessary to graduate from the university.

The war with France, the ideas of which inspired Speransky in his reforms, gave trump cards in the hands of conservatives and disgruntled officials. Slanderous rumors about Speransky's betrayal were spread, after which the sovereign sent him into exile.
The ideological leader of Speransky's opponents was the famous writer Karamzin. He compiled for the sovereign a “Note on Ancient and New Russia”, in which he convincingly proved the inviolability of the autocracy, denying the need for reforms.

Childhood and youth

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was born on January 1, 1772 in the village of Cherkutino, Vladimir province (now in the Sobinsky district of the Vladimir region). Father, Mikhail Vasilyevich Tretyakov (1739-1801), was a priest of the church on the estate of Ekaterininsky nobleman Saltykov. All household chores lay entirely on the mother - Praskovya Fedorova, daughter of the local deacon.

Of all the children, only 2 sons and 2 daughters have grown to adulthood. Michael was the eldest child. He was a boy of poor health, prone to thoughtfulness, and learned to read early. Mikhail spent almost all his time alone or in communication with his grandfather Vasily, who retained a wonderful memory for various everyday stories. It was from him that the future statesman received the first information about the structure of the world and the place of man in it. The boy regularly went to church with his blind grandfather and there he read the Apostle and the Book of Hours instead of the sexton.

Speransky subsequently never forgot about his origin and was proud of him. His biographer M. A. Korf told the story of how one evening he dropped in on Speransky, then already a prominent official. Mikhail Mikhailovich made a bed for himself on a bench with his own hands: he laid down a sheepskin coat and a dirty pillow.

The boy was six years old when an event occurred in his life that had a huge impact on his later life: in the summer, the owner of the estate, Nikolai Ivanovich, and Archpriest Andrei Afanasyevich Samborsky, who was then chamberlain of the court of the heir to the throne, Pavel Petrovich, arrived in Cherkutino, and later (since 1784) became the confessor of the Grand Dukes Alexander and Konstantin Pavlovich. Samborsky fell in love with the boy very much, he met his parents, played with him, carried him in his arms, and jokingly invited him to St. Petersburg.

Vladimir Seminary

Opala (1812-1816)

The reforms carried out by Speransky affected almost all layers of Russian society. This caused a storm of dissatisfied exclamations from the nobility and officials, whose interests were most affected. All this had a negative effect on the position of the state adviser himself. Alexander I did not satisfy the request for resignation in February 1811, and Speransky continued to work. But the further course of affairs and time brought him more and more ill-wishers. In the latter case, Erfurt and meetings with Napoleon were remembered to Mikhail Mikhailovich. This reproach in the conditions of the aggravated Russian-French relations was especially heavy. Intrigue always plays a big role where there is a regime of personal power. To pride was added in Alexander an extreme fear of ridicule. If someone laughed in his presence, looking at him, Alexander immediately began to think that they were laughing at him. In the case of Speransky, the opponents of the reforms performed this task brilliantly. Having agreed among themselves, the participants in the intrigue began for some time to regularly report to the sovereign various impudent reviews coming from the lips of his secretary of state. But Alexander did not seek to listen, since there were problems in relations with France, and Speransky's warnings about the inevitability of war, his insistent calls to prepare for it, specific and reasonable advice did not give reason to doubt his loyalty to Russia. On his 40th birthday, Speransky was awarded the Order of Alexander Nevsky. However, the handing ritual was unusually strict, and it became clear that the “star” of the reformer was beginning to fade. Speransky's ill-wishers (among whom was the Swedish baron Gustav Armfeld, chairman of the Finnish Affairs Committee, and A. D. Balashov, head of the Ministry of Police) became even more active. They passed on to Alexander all the gossip and rumors about the Secretary of State. But, perhaps, these desperate denunciations in the final analysis would not have had a strong effect on the emperor if in the spring of 1811 the camp of opponents of the reforms had not suddenly received ideological and theoretical reinforcement. In Tver, a circle of people formed around Alexander's sister Ekaterina Pavlovna who were dissatisfied with the liberalism of the sovereign and, in particular, with the activities of Speransky. In their eyes, Speransky was a "criminal." During the visit of Alexander I, the Grand Duchess introduced Karamzin to the sovereign, and the writer handed him the "Note on Ancient and New Russia" - a kind of manifesto of the opponents of change, a generalized expression of the views of the conservative direction of Russian social thought. To the question whether it is possible to limit autocracy in any way without weakening the saving royal power, he answered in the negative. Any changes, "any news in the state order is an evil, which should be resorted to only when necessary." Salvation Karamzin saw in the traditions and customs of Russia, its people, who do not need to take an example from Western Europe. Karamzin asked: “And will the farmers be happy, freed from the power of the master, but betrayed as a sacrifice to their own vices? There is no doubt that […] the peasants are happier […] having a vigilant guardian and supporter.” This argument expressed the opinion of the majority of the landowners, who, according to D. P. Runich, "lost their heads only at the thought that the constitution would abolish serfdom and that the nobility would have to give way to the plebeians." Repeatedly heard them, apparently, and the emperor. However, the views were concentrated in one document, written vividly, vividly, convincingly, based on historical facts and by a person not close to the court, not invested with power that he would be afraid of losing. This note by Karamzin played a decisive role in his attitude towards Speransky. At the same time, the self-confidence of Speransky himself, his careless reproaches against Alexander I for inconsistency in state affairs, ultimately overwhelmed the cup of patience and irritated the emperor. From the diary of Baron M. A. Korf. Entry dated October 28, 1838: “Giving full high justice to his mind, I can’t say the same about his heart. I do not mean here a private life in which one can call him a truly kind person, or even judgments in cases in which he, too, was always inclined towards goodness and philanthropy, but what I call the heart in a state or political respect - character, straightforwardness, rightness, steadfastness in the once chosen rules. Speransky had ... neither character, nor political, nor even private rightness. To many of his contemporaries, Speransky seemed exactly the way he was described by his main biographer in the words just quoted.

The denouement came in March 1812, when Alexander I announced to Speransky the termination of his official duties. At 8 pm on March 17, a fateful conversation took place between the Emperor and the Secretary of State in the Winter Palace, the content of which historians can only speculate about. Speransky went out “almost unconscious, instead of papers he began to put his hat in his briefcase and finally fell into a chair, so that Kutuzov ran for water. A few seconds later, the door from the sovereign’s office opened, and the sovereign appeared on the threshold, apparently upset: “Farewell again, Mikhail Mikhailovich,” he said, and then disappeared ... ”On the same day, the police minister Balashov was already waiting for Speransky at home with an order to leave the capital . Mikhail Mikhailovich silently listened to the emperor's command, only looked at the door of the room where his twelve-year-old daughter was sleeping, collected some of the business papers available at home for Alexander I and, having written a farewell note, left. He could not even imagine that he would return to the capital only after nine years, in March 1821.

Contemporaries will call this resignation "the fall of Speransky." In reality, it was not a simple fall of a high dignitary, but the fall of a reformer with all the ensuing consequences. Going into exile, he did not know what sentence was pronounced on him in the Winter Palace. The attitude of the common people towards Speransky was contradictory, as M. A. Korf notes: “... in some places he went around, quite loudly saying that the sovereign’s favorite was slandered, and many landlord peasants even sent salutary prayers for him and lit candles. Having risen, - they said, - from dirt to high ranks and positions and being the mind above all among the royal advisers, he became a serf ..., inciting against himself all the masters who, for this, and not for any betrayal, decided to destroy him ". From September 23, 1812 to September 19, 1814, Speransky was exiled in the city of Perm. From September to October 1812, M. M. Speransky lived in the house of the merchant I. N. Popov. However, the accusation of treason was not written off. In 1814, Speransky was allowed to live under police supervision in his small estate, Velikopolye, Novgorod province. Here he met with A. A. Arakcheev and through him petitioned Alexander I for his complete “forgiveness”. M. M. Speransky repeatedly appealed to the emperor and the minister of police with a request to clarify his position and protect him from insults. These appeals had consequences: by order of Alexander, Speransky was to be paid 6 thousand rubles a year from the moment of expulsion. This document began with the words: "To the Privy Councilor Speransky, who is in Perm ...". In addition, the order was evidence that the emperor Speransky does not forget and appreciates.

Return to service. (1816-1839)

Penza Civil Governor

On August 30 (September 11), 1816, by decree of the emperor, M. M. Speransky was returned to public service and appointed Penza civil governor. Mikhail Mikhailovich took vigorous measures to restore proper order in the province and soon, according to M. A. Korf, "the entire Penza population fell in love with their governor and glorified him as a benefactor of the region." Speransky himself, in turn, assessed this region in a letter to his daughter: “the people here, generally speaking, are kind, the climate is wonderful, the land is blessed ... I will say in general: if the Lord brings us to live here with you, then we will live here more peacefully and more pleasantly, than anywhere and ever lived hitherto .. "

Siberian Governor General

However, in March 1819, Speransky unexpectedly received a new appointment - Governor-General of Siberia. Speransky extremely quickly delved into local problems and circumstances with the help of the "glasnost" proclaimed by him. Direct appeal to the highest authorities ceased to "constitute a crime." In order to somehow improve the situation, Speransky begins to reform the administration of the region. The "first collaborator" in carrying out the Siberian reforms was the future Decembrist G. S. Batenkov. Together with Speransky, he was energetically engaged in the development of the "Siberian Code" - an extensive code of reforming the administrative apparatus of Siberia. Of particular importance among them were two projects approved by the emperor: "Institutions for the management of the Siberian provinces" and "Charter on the management of foreigners". A feature was the new division of the indigenous population of Siberia proposed by Speransky according to the way of life into sedentary, nomadic and vagrant.

During the period of his work, Batenkov sincerely believed that Speransky, “a kind and strong nobleman,” would really transform Siberia. Subsequently, it became clear to him that Speransky was not given "any means to fulfill the entrusted order." However, Batenkov believed that "Speransky cannot be personally blamed for the failure." At the end of January 1820, Speransky sent a brief report on his activities to Emperor Alexander, where he stated that he would be able to finish all his affairs by the month of May, after which his stay in Siberia "would have no purpose." The emperor instructed his former secretary of state to arrange the route from Siberia in such a way as to arrive in the capital by the last days of March next year. This delay had a strong influence on Speransky. A sense of the meaninglessness of his own activity began to prevail in his soul. However, Speransky did not remain in despair for long, and in March 1821 he returned to the capital.

Back in the capital

He returned to St. Petersburg on March 22, the emperor at that time was in Laibach. Returning on May 26, he received the former Secretary of State only weeks later - on June 23. When Mikhail entered the office, Alexander exclaimed: “Ugh, how hot it is here,” and took him with him to the balcony, to the garden. Every passer-by was able not only to see them, but also to completely hear their conversation, but the sovereign could see this and wanted to have a reason not to be frank. Speransky realized that he had ceased to use his former influence at court.

Under Nicholas I

"Emperor Nicholas I rewards Speransky for compiling a code of laws." Painting by A.Kivshenko

Political views and reforms

A supporter of the constitutional order, Speransky was convinced that new rights to society must be granted by the authorities. A society divided into estates, whose rights and obligations are established by law, needs civil and criminal law, public conduct of court cases, and freedom of the press. Speransky attached great importance to the education of public opinion.

At the same time, he believed that Russia was not ready for a constitutional system, that it was necessary to start the transformations with the reorganization of the state apparatus.

The period 1808-1811 was the era of the highest importance and influence of Speransky, about whom it was at this time that Joseph de Maistre wrote that he was "the first and even the only minister" of the empire: the reform of the State Council (1810), the reform of ministers (1810-1811), the reform Senate (1811-1812). The young reformer, with his characteristic fervor, set about drawing up a complete plan for the new formation of state administration in all its parts: from the sovereign's office to the volost government. Already on December 11, 1808, he read to Alexander I his note "On the improvement of general public education." Not later than October 1809, the whole plan was already on the emperor's desk. October and November passed in an almost daily review of its various parts, in which Alexander I made his own corrections and additions.

The views of the new reformer M. M. Speransky are most fully reflected in the note of 1809 - "Introduction to the Code of State Laws." Speransky's "Code" opens with a serious theoretical study of "the properties and objects of state, indigenous and organic laws." He additionally explained and substantiated his thoughts on the basis of the theory of law or, rather, the philosophy of law. The reformer attached great importance to the regulatory role of the state in the development of domestic industry and, through his political transformations, strengthened the autocracy in every possible way. Speransky writes: “If the rights of state power were unlimited, if the forces of the state were united in sovereign power and they would not leave any rights to subjects, then the state would be in slavery and rule would be despotic.”

According to Speransky, such slavery can take two forms. The first form not only excludes subjects from any participation in the exercise of state power, but also deprives them of the freedom to dispose of their own person and property. The second, softer one, also excludes subjects from participation in government, but leaves them freedom in relation to their own person and property. Consequently, subjects do not have political rights, but civil rights remain with them. And their presence means that there is freedom in the state to some extent. But it is not sufficiently guaranteed, therefore - explains Speransky - it is necessary to protect it - through the creation and strengthening of the basic law, that is, the Political Constitution.

Civil rights must be enumerated in it "in the form of initial civil consequences arising from political rights", and political rights must be given to citizens by which they will be able to defend their rights and their civil liberty. So, according to Speransky, civil rights and freedoms are insufficiently secured by laws and law. Without constitutional guarantees, they are powerless in themselves, therefore, it was precisely the requirement to strengthen the civil system that formed the basis of Speransky's entire plan of state reforms and determined their main idea - "rule, hitherto autocratic, to establish and establish on the basis of law." The idea is that state power must be built on a permanent basis, and the government must stand on a solid constitutional and legal basis. This idea stems from the tendency to find in the fundamental laws of the state a solid foundation for civil rights and freedoms. It bears the desire to ensure the connection of the civil system with the fundamental laws and firmly establish it, precisely relying on these laws. The transformation plan involved a change in the social structure and a change in the state order. Speransky dismembers society on the basis of the difference in rights. “From a review of civil and political rights, it becomes clear that all of them, in their belonging to three classes, can be divided: Civil rights are common to all subjects; the nobility; Middle class people; The working people." The entire population seemed to be civilly free, and serfdom was abolished, although, establishing "civil freedom for the landlord peasants", Speransky at the same time continues to call them "serfs". The nobles retained the right to own populated lands and freedom from compulsory service. The working people consisted of peasants, artisans and servants. Speransky's grandiose plans began to come true. Back in the spring of 1809, the emperor approved the “Regulations on the composition and management of the commission for drafting laws” developed by Speransky, where for many years (until the new reign) the main directions of its activity were determined: “The works of the Commission have the following main subjects:

1. Code Civil. 2. Code Criminal. 3. Code Commercial. 4. Various parts belonging to the State Economy and to public law. 5. Code of provincial laws for the Ostsee provinces. 6. Code of laws for those provinces of Little Russian and Polish annexed.

Speransky speaks of the need to create a rule of law state, which should ultimately be a constitutional state. He explains that the security of a person and property is the first inalienable property of any society, since inviolability is the essence of civil rights and freedoms, which have two types: personal freedoms and material freedoms. Content of personal freedoms:

1. No one can be punished without trial; 2. No one is obliged to send a personal service, except by law. The content of material freedoms: 1. Everyone can dispose of his property at will, in accordance with the general law; 2. No one is obliged to pay taxes and duties otherwise than according to the law, and not according to arbitrariness. Thus, we see that Speransky everywhere perceives the law as a method of protecting security and freedom. However, he sees that guarantees are also needed against the arbitrariness of the legislator. The reformer approaches the requirement of a constitutional and legal limitation of power, so that it takes into account the existing law. This would give her more stability.

Speransky considers it necessary to have a system of separation of powers. Here he fully accepts the ideas that then dominated Western Europe, and writes in his work that: “It is impossible to base government on the law if one sovereign power will draw up the law and execute it.” Therefore, Speransky sees a rational structure of state power in its division into three branches: legislative, executive and judicial, while maintaining the autocratic form. Since the discussion of bills involves the participation of a large number of people, it is necessary to create special bodies representing the legislative power - the Duma.

Speransky proposes to involve the population (personally free, including state peasants, if there is a property qualification) to direct participation in the legislative, executive and judicial authorities on the basis of a system of four-stage elections (volost - district - provincial - State Duma). If this plan had received a real embodiment, the fate of Russia would have been different, alas, history does not know the subjunctive mood. The right to elect them cannot belong equally to all. Speransky stipulates that the more property a person has, the more he is interested in protecting property rights. And those who have neither real estate nor capital are excluded from the election process. Thus, we see that the democratic principle of universal and secret elections is alien to Speransky, and in contrast to this, he puts forward and attaches greater importance to the liberal principle of the division of power. At the same time, Speransky recommends broad decentralization, that is, along with the central State Duma, local dumas should also be created: volost, district and provincial. The Duma is called upon to resolve issues of a local nature. Without the consent of the State Duma, the autocrat had no right to legislate, except in cases where it was a question of saving the fatherland. However, in contrast, the emperor could always dissolve the deputies and call new elections. Consequently, the existence of the State Duma, as it were, was called upon to give only an idea of ​​the needs of the people and exercise control over the executive branch. Executive power is represented by boards, and at the highest level - by ministries, which were formed by the emperor himself. Moreover, the ministers had to be accountable to the State Duma, which was given the right to ask for the abolition of illegal acts. This is the fundamentally new approach of Speransky, expressed in the desire to put officials, both in the center and in the field, under the control of public opinion. The judicial branch of government was represented by regional, district and provincial courts, consisting of elected judges and acting with the participation of juries. The highest court was the Senate, whose members were elected for life by the State Duma and approved personally by the emperor.

The unity of state power, according to Speransky's project, would be embodied only in the personality of the monarch. This decentralization of legislation, courts and administration was supposed to give the central government itself the opportunity to solve with due attention those most important state affairs that would be concentrated in its bodies and which would not be obscured by the mass of current petty matters of local interest. This idea of ​​decentralization was all the more remarkable because it was not yet in the queue of Western European political thinkers, who were more concerned with developing questions about central government.

The monarch remained the only representative of all branches of government, heading them. Therefore, Speransky believed that it was necessary to create an institution that would take care of planned cooperation between individual authorities and would be, as it were, a concrete expression of the fundamental embodiment of state unity in the personality of the monarch. According to his plan, the State Council was to become such an institution. At the same time, this body was supposed to act as the guardian of the implementation of the legislation.

On January 1, 1810, a manifesto was announced on the creation of the Council of State, replacing the Permanent Council. M. M. Speransky received the post of state secretary in this body. He was in charge of all the documentation that passed through the State Council. Speransky initially envisaged the State Council in his reform plan as an institution that should not be particularly involved in the preparation and development of bills. But since the creation of the State Council was considered as the first stage of transformation and it was he who was supposed to establish plans for further reforms, at first this body was given wide powers. From now on, all bills had to pass through the State Council. The general meeting was composed of members of four departments: 1) legislative, 2) military affairs (until 1854), 3) civil and spiritual affairs, 4) state economy; and from ministers. The emperor himself presided over it. At the same time, it is stipulated that the king could only approve the opinion of the majority of the general meeting. The first chairman of the State Council (until August 14, 1814) was Chancellor Count Nikolai Petrovich Rumyantsev (1751_1826). The Secretary of State (new position) became the head of the State Chancellery.

Speransky not only developed, but also laid down a certain system of checks and balances in the activities of the highest state bodies under the supremacy of the emperor. He argued that already on the basis of this, the very direction of the reforms is set. So, Speransky considered Russia mature enough to start reforms and get a constitution that provides not only civil, but also political freedom. In a memorandum to Alexander I, he hopes that “if God blesses all undertakings, then by the year 1811 ... Russia will perceive a new being and will be completely transformed in all parts.” Speransky argues that there are no examples in history of an enlightened commercial people remaining in a state of slavery for a long time and that upheavals cannot be avoided if the state system does not correspond to the spirit of the times. Therefore, heads of state should closely monitor the development of the public spirit and adapt political systems to it. From this, Speransky drew the conclusion that it would be a great advantage to have a constitution in Russia thanks to the "beneficial inspiration of the supreme power." But the supreme power in the person of the emperor did not share all the points of Speransky's program. Alexander I was quite satisfied with only partial transformations of feudal Russia, flavored with liberal promises and abstract arguments about law and freedom. Alexander I was ready to accept all this. But meanwhile, he also experienced the strongest pressure from the court environment, including members of his family, who sought to prevent radical changes in Russia.

Also, one of the ideas was to improve the "bureaucratic army" for future reforms. On April 3, 1809, a decree was issued on court ranks. He changed the order of obtaining titles and certain privileges. Henceforth, these titles were to be regarded as mere insignia. Privileges were given only to those who performed public service. The decree, which reformed the procedure for obtaining court ranks, was signed by the emperor, but it was no secret to anyone who was its real author. For many decades, the offspring of the most noble families (literally from the cradle) received the court ranks of the chamber junker (respectively - 5th class), after a while - the chamberlain (4th class). When they entered the civil or military service upon reaching a certain age, they, who had never served anywhere, automatically occupied the “highest places”. By decree of Speransky, chamber junkers and chamberlains who were not in active service were ordered to find a kind of activity for themselves within two months (otherwise - resignation).

The second measure was the decree published on August 6, 1809 on new rules for promotion to civil service ranks, secretly prepared by Speransky. In a note to the sovereign under a very unpretentious title, a revolutionary plan was rooted for a radical change in the order of production to ranks, establishing a direct connection between obtaining a rank and an educational qualification. This was a bold attempt on the system of rank production, which has been operating since the era of Peter I. One can only imagine how many ill-wishers and enemies Mikhail Mikhailovich had thanks to this decree alone. Speransky protests against the monstrous injustice when a graduate of the Faculty of Law receives ranks later than a colleague who has never really studied anywhere. From now on, the rank of collegiate assessor, which previously could be obtained by seniority, was given only to those officials who had in their hands a certificate of successful completion of a course of study at one of the Russian universities or who passed exams in a special program. At the end of the note, Speransky speaks directly about the harmfulness of the existing system of ranks according to Peter's "Table of Ranks", suggesting either to cancel them or to regulate the receipt of ranks, starting from the 6th grade, by the presence of a university diploma. This program included testing knowledge of the Russian language, one of the foreign languages, natural, Roman, state and criminal law, general and Russian history, state economics, physics, geography and statistics of Russia. The rank of collegiate assessor corresponded to the 8th grade of the "Table of Ranks". Starting from this class and above, officials had great privileges and high salaries. It is easy to guess that there were many who wanted to get it, and most of the applicants, as a rule, middle-aged, simply could not take the exams. Hatred of the new reformer began to grow. The emperor, protecting his faithful comrade with his auspices, raised him up the career ladder.

Elements of market relations in the Russian economy were also covered in the projects of M. M. Speransky. He shared the ideas of the economist Adam Smith. Speransky connected the future of economic development with the development of commerce, the transformation of the financial system and money circulation. In the first months of 1810, the problem of regulating public finances was discussed. Speransky drew up a "Finance Plan", which formed the basis of the tsar's manifesto of February 2. The main purpose of this document was to eliminate the budget deficit. According to its content, the issuance of paper money was stopped, the volume of financial resources was reduced, and the financial activities of ministers were put under control. In order to replenish the state treasury, the poll tax was increased from 1 ruble to 3, and a new, previously unprecedented tax was introduced - "progressive income". These measures gave a positive result and, as Speransky himself later noted, “by changing the financial system ... we saved the state from bankruptcy.” The budget deficit was reduced, and the treasury revenues increased by 175 million rubles in two years.

In the summer of 1810, at the initiative of Speransky, the reorganization of the ministries began, which was completed by June 1811. During this time, the Ministry of Commerce was liquidated, cases of internal security were allocated, for which a special police ministry was formed. The ministries themselves were divided into departments (with a director at the head), departments into departments. From the highest officials of the ministry, a council of the minister was formed, and from all the ministers, a committee of ministers to discuss administrative and executive affairs.

Clouds begin to gather over the head of the reformer. Speransky, contrary to the instinct of self-preservation, continues to work selflessly. In a report submitted to the emperor on February 11, 1811, Speransky reports: “/…/ the following main subjects were completed: I. The State Council was established. II. Completed two parts of the Civil Code. III. A new division of ministries has been made, a general charter has been drawn up for them, and draft charters for private ones have been drawn up. IV. A permanent system for the payment of state debts was drawn up and adopted: 1) by ceasing the issuance of banknotes; 2) sale of property; 3) setting a repayment commission. V. A monetary system has been drawn up. VI. A commercial code for 1811 was drawn up.

Never, perhaps, in Russia in the course of one year were so many general state decrees made as in the past. /…/ From this it follows that in order to successfully complete the plan that Your Majesty deigns to deign for himself, it is necessary to strengthen the methods of its implementation. /…/ the following subjects in terms of this seem to be absolutely necessary: ​​I. To complete the civil code. II. Draw up two very necessary codes: 1) judicial, 2) criminal. III. Complete the arrangement of the Judicial Senate. IV. Draw up the structure of the ruling Senate. V. Administration of the provinces in judicial and executive order. VI. Consider and strengthen ways to pay off debts. VII. Establish state annual revenues: 1) By introducing a new census of people. 2) The formation of a land tax. 3) A new wine income device. 4) The best source of income from state property. /…/ It can be stated with certainty that /…/ by committing them /…/ the empire will be placed in such a firm and reliable position that the age of Your Majesty will always be called a blessed century. Alas, the grandiose plans for the future outlined in the second part of the report remained unfulfilled (primarily the Senate reform).

By the beginning of 1811, Speransky also proposed a new project for the transformation of the Senate. The essence of the project was largely different from the original. It was supposed to divide the Senate into a government and a judiciary. The composition of the latter provided for the appointment of its members as follows: one part - from the crown, the other was chosen by the nobility. Due to various internal and external reasons, the Senate remained in the same state, and Speransky himself ultimately came to the conclusion that the project should be postponed. We also note that in 1810, according to the plan of Speransky, the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was established.

Such was the general outline of the political reform. The state of serfdom, the court, administration, legislation - everything found a place and resolution in this grandiose work, which remained a monument of political talents far beyond the level of even highly talented people. Some reproach Speransky for paying little attention to the peasant reform. In Speransky we read: “The relations in which both these classes (peasants and landowners) are placed completely destroy all energy in the Russian people. The interest of the nobility requires that the peasants be completely subordinate to it; the interest of the peasantry is that the nobles were also subordinate to the crown ... The throne is always a serf as the only counterbalance to the property of their masters”, i.e. serfdom was incompatible with political freedom. “Thus, Russia, divided into various classes, exhausts its forces in the struggle that these classes wage among themselves, and leaves to the government the entire scope of unlimited power. A state organized in this way - that is, on the division of hostile classes - if it has one or another external structure - these and other letters to the nobility, letters to the cities, two senates and the same number of parliaments - is a despotic state, and as long as it consist of the same elements (warring classes), it will be impossible for it to be a monarchical state. The consciousness of the need, in the interests of the political reform itself, to abolish serfdom, as well as the consciousness of the need for the redistribution of power to correspond to the redistribution of political power, is evident from the argument.

Code of laws

Emperor Nicholas I, first decided to create a solid system of legislation. The architect of this system was Speransky. It was his experience and talent that the new emperor wanted to use, entrusting the compilation of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. Speransky headed the 2nd department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery. Under the leadership of Mikhail Mikhailovich, by 1830, the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire was compiled in 45 volumes, which included laws starting with the Code of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich (1649) until the end of the reign of Alexander I. Back in 1832, a 15-volume Code of Laws was published. As a reward for this, Speransky received the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. At a special meeting of the State Council in January 1833, dedicated to the publication of the first edition of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire, Emperor Nicholas I, having removed the St. Andrew's star, put it on Speransky.

Count Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky (1772-1839) went down in history as a great Russian reformer, the founder of Russian legal science and theoretical jurisprudence. His practical activity was largely connected with the reform of the state-legal system of the Russian Empire. Speransky's concept formed the basis of the famous Decree of Alexander I "On free (free) cultivators» (1803), according to which the landlords received the right to release the serfs to "freedom", giving them land.

MM. Speransky was born into the family of a village priest, and was educated at the St. Petersburg Theological Academy. After completing his studies, he was a professor of mathematics, physics and eloquence in the period 1792-1795, and later a professor of philosophy and prefect of the academy. Speransky's educational and administrative activities continued until 1797, when he moved to serve in the Senate.

Speransky's career was largely determined by his closeness to Prince A.B. Kurakin. As soon as the prince was appointed Prosecutor General of the Senate, he persuaded Speransky to go to the service there and quickly promoted him to the rank of collegiate adviser and the post of expeditor. Despite the suspicion of Paul I and the rapid change of governors-general - Kurakin, then P.V. Lopukhin, A.A. Bekleshov and, finally, in 1801 P.Kh. Obolyaninov - Speransky retained his position thanks to his high professionalism. At the same time, Mikhail Mikhailovich was the secretary of the Commission for Supplying the Capital with Food, which was headed by the heir to the throne, Alexander Pavlovich. It was here that the future emperor met M.M. Speransky.

On March 12, 1801, Alexander I ascended the throne, and already on March 19, Speransky was appointed state secretary of the sovereign. At this stage of his political career, Speransky is the author and editor of many decrees and orders, which were the basis for the reformist course of Emperor Alexander. These include the restoration of the Charter to the nobility and the Charter to the cities; the abolition of corporal punishment of priests and deacons; liquidation of a secret expedition; permission to import books and music from abroad; restoration of the right to open private printing houses; numerous pardons.

Speransky became the author of the project for the transformation of the system of state authorities, taking in 1802, in the newly formed State Council, the post of head of the expedition of civil and spiritual affairs. Soon, at the request of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.P. Kochubey, Speransky received the post of ruler of the office of the ministry. From 1802 to 1807 Kochubey holds the post of minister, and in cooperation with Speransky, a number of innovations in a liberal spirit are being carried out, including a decree on free cultivators, permission for free salt mining, and a transformation of medical and postal affairs. Speransky's activity in the Ministry was noticed by Emperor Alexander I, who reappointed him Secretary of State. In 1808, Speransky accompanied Alexander to Erfurt to meet with Napoleon, and in the same year presented his draft of a general political reform for consideration by the emperor.

The statesman Speransky was poorly versed in court intrigues and relations within the court. On his initiative, an exam for officials was introduced, and court service was abolished, and all court titles became only honorary titles and nothing more. All this caused irritation and hatred of the court. AT On the day of his 40th birthday, Speransky was awarded the Order. However, the handing ritual was unusually strict, and it became clear thatThe "star" of the reformer begins to fade. Speransky's ill-wishers (among whom was the Swedish baron Gustav Armfeld, chairman of the Finnish Affairs Committee, and A.D. Balashov, head of the Ministry of Police) became even more active. They passed on to Alexander all the gossip and rumors about the Secretary of State. At the same time, the self-confidence of Speransky himself, his careless reproaches against Alexander I for inconsistency in state affairs, ultimately overwhelmed the cup of patience and irritated the emperor.Contemporaries will call this resignation "the fall of Speransky." In reality, it was not a simple fall of a high dignitary, but the fall of a reformer with all the ensuing consequences. Speransky in 1812 was accused of treason, arrested, dismissed from all positions and exiled to Perm, from where he was soon transferred under police supervision to voe small estate Velikopolie Novgorod province. At first, he was forced to pawn royal gifts and orders granted to him in order to secure at least some decent living for himself.

Opala M.M. Speransky ended in 1816 and he was appointed governor of Penza, where he lived for about three years and took vigorous measures to restore order. In 1819, Speransky became the Siberian governor-general with emergency powers to carry out revisions. In 1821 he returned to St. Petersburg with the results of the revision and with the draft of a new Code for Siberia. His plans were approved, he himself was generously awarded and appointed a member of the State Council and head of the Civil Code Commission.

After the accession of Nicholas I, Speransky was instructed to compile a complete set of laws of the Russian Empire from the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich to Alexander I. Speransky completed this task at the age of 4 (1826-1830). For his state activity in 1839, shortly before his death, Speransky was granted the title of count.