An example of a conservative ideology. Conservatism as a political ideology

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Conservatism is a set of socio-philosophical ideas, as well as economic, political, other values and ideals, which, revealing the nature of society, the state and the place of an individual in them, are focused on maintaining established traditions, a cautious attitude to radical changes. Conservatism as an ideology is not always identical to the programs of political parties that call themselves conservatives.

Conservative ideology opposes the ideals of liberalism and revolutionary radicalism in the transformation of social foundations. The main meaning of the ideology of conservatism is to justify the traditions and social institutions (patriarchal family, church, aristocracy, etc.), which are considered a manifestation of "natural law", grow in a natural historical way from the natural nature of man and society.

Conservatives believe that imperfection is inherent in human nature from the very beginning, that a radical reorganization of society is doomed to failure, since this violates the natural order established for centuries, which corresponds to the nature of a person who is completely alien to the concept of freedom. The main ideologists of conservatism are: E. Burke, N.M. Karamzin, K.N. Leontiev, S. Budny and others.

The main principles and provisions of the ideology of conservatism are:

1. the principle of the established order of things as "the right of prescription". According to this principle, society is a product of natural historical development.

2. the basis of civil society is religion

3. The basis of human behavior is experience, habits, prejudices, and not abstract theories.

4. society is a form of protection of a person from himself and therefore it should be valued above the individual, and human rights are a consequence of his duties.

5. the principle of anti-egalitarianism, according to which people are not equal by nature and therefore differences, hierarchy and the right of the more worthy to rule over others are inevitable in society. The ideology of conservatism recognizes the equality of people only in the sphere of morality and ethics.

6. the principle of stability and immutability of the social system, according to which the existing social system must be protected.

7. the principle of moral absolutism, according to which there are eternal and unshakable moral ideals and values, since human nature is unchanging.

8. the principle of "meritocracy", where power should belong to the "natural aristocracy", i.e. the most deserving people, people from various social groups.

9. the principle of regionalism, according to which it is necessary to focus on local, religious, national values and traditions. The ideas of local self-government are relevant and important.

It is important to note that conservatism acts as an ideology that fundamentally does not have the ideal of a perfect social order. It acts only in defense of cash, proven by experience and time of social institutions, when they are under threat. The fundamental practical idea of a conservative ideology is traditionalism - an attitude to the preservation and protection of old patterns, ways of life, values that are recognized as universal and universal. The most effective basis of government is the combination of the constitution with tradition. Conservative ideologists give preference to the idea of practical action, the philosophy of pragmatism, adaptation to circumstances, i.e. opportunism. Pragmatism, opportunism, an orientation towards compromises are important premises of conservative thinking.

The modern trend of neoconservatism identifies the theoretical ideas and practical principles of classical conservatism, however, a variety of shades, transitional steps, discrepancies, etc. are revealed. The practical orientations of the neoconservatives, for all their contradictions, cannot be denied flexibility, since they are aimed at consolidating nations and states on a conservative basis, uniting not only business, but also farmers, workers, intellectuals and overcoming the elitist character of the old conservatism. A significant place in the designs of neoconservatives is occupied by the problems of equality, power, democracy, and the state. The ideology of neoconservatism also affirms the belief in a natural law that does not depend on the will of people, expresses the belief that human society is a kind of "spiritual corporation", in fact, such as the church. Order, justice and freedom are declared to be the products of a very long development of human history. For neoconservatism, faith in the diversity, complexity and unknowability of established social institutions and forms of life is important. According to them, in order to maintain a "healthy" diversity in society, there must be different groups and classes, distinguished by their economic situation and many other forms of inequality, since true equality is possible only before God.

Neo-conservatives stand for a strong state that ensures the observance of law and human rights, for the priority of the principle of freedom over the principle of social equality, for public order, which is realized through a natural social hierarchy and the conscious fulfillment by each of his duties to society and himself; advocate limiting state intervention in the market economy, for the development of entrepreneurship, for creating favorable conditions for the accumulation of capital by reducing taxes and providing various benefits to private capital, relying on the personal factor: personal initiative, personal interest, personal opportunities and personal responsibility.

Neoconservatives consider the social market economy to be the most successful form of effective economic development. Today, neoconservatives uphold three principles: the principle of solidarity, which is based on the idea of the unity of labor and capital; the principle of justice, which implies "fair distribution of income and property", "fair wages", "fair tax policy", etc.; the principle of subsidiarity, which means assistance to promote self-help and private initiative through social legislation, tax policy and income distribution policy.

In accordance with these principles, a person must solve his own socio-economic problems, and the task of the state is to create the necessary favorable conditions for the implementation of private initiative.

Thus, conservatism as a socio-political phenomenon and ideology has undoubted positive features and positive social significance, therefore it can and should be present in the political life of every country within reasonable limits. Without a conservative beginning, it is impossible to ensure the stability of society and its evolutionary development. As noted in the report of the President of the Republic of Belarus A. Lukashenko “On the state of ideological work and measures to improve it”, certain elements of the ideology of conservatism “are naturally inherent in Belarusians in such traditional features as “kindness”, “pamyarkunation”, “talerance” , “courtesy”. It's already in the blood. Our generation does not know this, it does not remember, but the previous generations apparently lived under the dominance of this conservative approach in ideology. And many concepts today do not lose their relevance. You have to be good conservatives in the good sense of the word. We by no means discard many of the ideas of the ideology of conservatism.”

Each person has his own views on life, on hobbies, on various processes taking place around. Everyone has their own vision of a problem or situation. Different people - different opinions.

People react differently to the changes that take place around them. Some are only happy about any innovations or new developments coming after them. This may also apply to changes in life values, the political situation, or a banal change in the daily routine. Such people willingly adapt to the new trends of the time and society.

But there are people who adhere to the foundations and traditions that are already familiar to everyone. Innovations they accept reluctantly, in any case tend to accept them. within the framework of the existing social system, which has its own established traditions and foundations. The position of such a plan is called conservatism. What it is will be described in detail later in the article.

What is conservatism - definition

To begin with, it is worth revealing the very definition of conservatism. This is not a difficult term to understand. Everything is quite simple and clear.

Conservatism refers to adherence to traditional customs and practices. Adherents of such an ideological position tend to preserve traditions in society, as well as established religious or social doctrines, depending on the views and activities of the individual. Conservatism proclaims social tradition, its preservation and subsequent acceptance.

Conservative ideology allows the introduction of some changes in public life and political situation in the state, but at the same time it is very negative about the introduction of too radical reforms that can drastically change society and the state as a whole. Such drastic reforms are perceived by conservatives as extremism and have no right to exist.

If we consider conservatism not in a general concept, but from the point of view of political ideology, then we can note some trends that conservatives strive to achieve. Adherents of this ideology advocate strengthening security, try to consider only the traditional allies of the state and support them. It should also be noted the support for protectionism in the field of foreign economic relations of the state and the assumption of the use of military force if there is a direct need for this. That is, one can note the adherence to traditional activity in the international political space.

Cause of conservatism

The emergence of a conservative ideology is associated with certain events that led to the need to adopt a new idea that could be a reaction to the existing order and ongoing processes in society. Cause emergence of a new ideological paradigm was the French Revolution. As Edmund Burke wrote in his famous pamphlet, what was happening at that time could only be called "the horrors of the French Revolution." Not all representatives of French society were able to accept the new revolutionary ideals. The result was the emergence of a new ideological concept that proclaimed new moods in society.

Conservatism has become more than just an ideology. Ideas of this kind were opposed to the other two ideologies: liberalism and socialism. Liberalism demanded the existence and observance of economic freedoms and socialism - social equality. In addition to Edmund Burke, other prominent figures also contributed: the Austrian chancellor Clement Metternich, the French Jesuit Joseph de Maistre, and the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes. The participation of such serious people in strengthening the positions of conservatism played a role, and this ideology began to become more and more popular.

In modern society, conservatism is one of the three basic ideologies, along with socialism and liberalism. It should be taken into account that conservatism is sometimes confused with traditionalism or obscurantism. The confusion may arise because, in general, these ideological views have certain similarities. But obscurantism and traditionalism are a little more radical than conservatism.

Modern conservatism is even more flexible and innovative political movement than others. Variations of conservative ideology that appeared later are another confirmation of this.

Conservative parties of the world

At the moment, in different countries of the world there are still conservative parties that appeared a very long time ago and still maintain their existence. Their positions programs and campaign slogans are based on conservative provisions, but taking into account modern realities. It should also be noted that many conservative parties remained conservative only on paper, essentially dissolving into a group of other "democratic", "liberal" and "socialist" parties. Sometimes the positions of conservatives are sharpened only on relations with liberals and socialists.

You can also note the fact that often political conservatism flows into a kind of nationalism, designed to strengthen the rights of indigenous people state and restrict the rights of numerous migrants arriving in the country. This has its own idea, favorable for society.

At the moment, in many states there are still conservative parties that have weight in the political arena of the country, as well as claiming direct participation in decision-making both inside and outside the state.

Psychological type conservative

Everyone knows that each person has his own special character traits that form his personality as a whole. Divide the people taking into account their psychological characteristics can be different. It is only necessary to choose a conditional criterion for the subsequent selection of groups of people with the same characteristics.

People can be divided into two types. You can take two extreme psychotypes of a person: a radical and a conservative. Radical is a man, which is prone to constant changes, it is not satisfied with the existing norms and rules, as well as the environment. Its purpose is to change the existing order to achieve comfort and satisfaction. In the chaos of constant change is his satisfaction.

A conservative is a person of a completely different formation. His idyll is in maintaining optimal conditions to live and meet their needs. Conservatives do not like to change much in their lives. Conservatives tend to improve existing conditions, but radical changes do not attract them.

To be honest, it is quite rare to find a purely conservative or purely radical. Each person combines the features of both a radical and a conservative. A "golden mean" is formed, which is the best option.

French conservatisme from lat. conservare - protect, preserve) - one of the main directions of political philosophy, which is expressed in a historically specific political ideology. Elements of conservatism can be found in Aristotle. Since then, attempts to formulate the principles of conservatism have not ceased in Western thought. The ideologists of conservatism include E. Burke and M. Oakeshott (1901-90).

Burke, being a member of the Lower House of the British Parliament from the Whig party, formulated the principles of conservatism in his works devoted to specific problems of British, European and world politics of the 2nd floor. 18th century The event that allowed him to present the credo of conservatism with maximum clarity was the French Revolution of 1789. For Burke, it appeared as the maximum evil that people who are deprived of a correct understanding of their nature and the laws of human society can inflict on themselves. The basic principles of such an understanding can be reduced to the following: 1) man is a religious being, and religion forms the basis of civil society, 2) society is a product of historical development, and its institutions embody the wisdom of ancestors; 3) man as a being of instinct, feeling and reason is better guided by experience, habit and prejudice than by abstract theories; 4) evil lies in human nature itself, and not in public institutions; the community is a form of protection of a person from himself and therefore it should be valued above the individual, and his rights are only a consequence of duties; 5) people are by nature unequal and therefore differences, hierarchy and the right of some to rule over others are inevitable in society; 6) the existing social system must be protected, since usually attempts to eliminate evil lead to causing even more evil, which does not mean at all a denial of the need for change (Burke E. Reflections on the Revolution in France. L., 1790; Russian translation 1992, p. 85).

It should be noted that any attempt to abstract these principles from the context of thought and turn them into a kind of "creed" or list of obligatory beliefs, is protested by representatives of conservative philosophy. Oakeshott, in one of his essays, insisted that "the predisposition to being a conservative in politics does not at all oblige us to hold these beliefs as true, nor even to assume that they are true" (OakeshottM. On Being Conservative. - Kirk R. (ed.), The Portable Conservative Reader, N. Y, 1982, p. 585). The traditional reluctance of conservatives to reduce their worldview to a universal theory, to define it more as a "predisposition", but in no case as a rational doctrine, leads to the fact that conservatism is deprived of its own dynamics. As S. Huntington stated: “The findings of conservatism are simply parallel ideological reactions to similar social situations. The content of conservatism is essentially static. Its manifestations are historically isolated and discrete. So, paradoxically, conservatism, being the defender of tradition, itself exists without tradition. Conservatism is this call to history, itself without history” (Huntington S. Conservatism as an Ideology. - “The American Political Science Review”, 1957, No. 51, p.469).

Such an understanding of conservatism allows us to consider this political ideology functionally - as a response to the challenges facing a particular society with its specific economic, political and cultural issues. There is no need to reduce it to a mere aristocratic reaction to the French Revolution of 1789, nor to turn it into a supra-historical "eternal" philosophy. Conservatism, as an ideology that fundamentally does not have the ideal of a perfect social order (there is no "conservative utopia"), is defined by Huntington as "institutional", i.e., defending existing social institutions when they are under threat. In contrast to "ideational" ideologies (liberalism and socialism), which have their own social ideal (Ibid., p. 458). It follows from this that it is preferable to build a typology on the basis of historical originality, as N. Sullivan did, who proposed to distinguish between "reactionary", "revolutionary" and "moderate" conservatism, represented respectively by France, Germany and Great Britain / USA (see: OSullivan N Eatwell R., Wright A. (eds), Contemporary Political Ideologies, L, 1993, pp. 52-53.

It is a mistake to bury conservatism just because it temporarily transfers its functions to liberalism as an ideological ideology. So did J. Weiss, who concluded his work with the conclusion that after 1945 “the history of European conservatism ended” (Weiss J. Conservatism in Europe 1770-1945. Traditionalism, Reaction and Counter-Revolution. L., 1977, p. 173) . There is a different opinion. For example, Gray J. Enlightenmentss Wake. Politics and Culture at the Close of the Modem Age. L.-N. Y , 1997, p. 119), foresees the transfer - with the aim of preserving "liberal civilization" in the UK - of the political function of conservatism to the left. They, Gray hopes, will be able to preserve and nurture the conservative "grains of truth", which now include only three principles: 1) a person is not a representative of universal humanity, but a product of a specific culture; 2) progress and continuous improvement are possible, but meaningless; 3) cultural forms are primary in relation to economic and political institutions. And if such a transformation occurs with conservatism, then in the new century it will turn out to be the institutional counterpart of “multiculturalism” as an ideational ideology.

In Russia, the foundations of conservative political philosophy were first laid by H. M. Karamzin in his “Note on Ancient and New Russia” (1811). Subsequently, Russian conservatism was most clearly represented by K. N. Leontiev and K. P. Pobedonostsev, L. A. Tikhomirov and V. V. Rozanov. A classic example of conservative criticism of the Bolshevik revolution is the book by N. A. Berdyaev “The Philosophy of Inequality. Letters to Enemies on Social Philosophy (1923), which he later abandoned. Political philosophy was most thoroughly developed from the standpoint of "spiritually free conservatism" by S. L. Frank in his book The Spiritual Foundations of Society (1929).

Lit .: Mestu J. de. Reflections on France. Moscow, 1997; Manheim K. Conservative thought. - In the book: He. Diagnosis of our time. M., 1994; Gormozer G., Frenkin A. A. New conservatism: a challenge for Russia. Moscow, 1996; Pains R. Russian conservatism in the second half of the nineteenth century. Moscow, 1970; Russian conservatives. Moscow, 1997; OSullivan N. Conservatism. L., 1976; Scruton R. The Meaning of Conservatism. L., 1980; Nisbet R. Conservatism. N.Y., 1986; Miner B. The Concise Conservative Encyclopedia. N.Y., 1996.

L. V. Polyakov

Coincidence originated in England as a direct reaction to the French Revolution of 1789. E. Burke was its founder; S. Coleridge, A. Tocqueville, A. Muller, J. de Maistre, F. Lamenne, L. Bonald, and others. For the first time, the term “K.” was used in the early 19th century fr. writer F. Chateaubriand, who gave the name "The Conservator" to the periodical. The word came into wide use in Germany in the 1830s, in England it was adopted only in the 1930s. K. always opposed, on the one hand, liberalism, with which he shared, however, many important common values, and on the other - socialism. In con. 19th century socialism resolutely pushed back not only liberalism, but also socialism. In the 1930s, when the fatality of radical socialism became clear, liberalism came to the fore, insisting on state regulation of the economy and the transfer of a number of social functions to the state. K.'s supporters continued to advocate for the freedom of market relations. In the 1970s appeared and acquired the influence of the so-called. neoconservatism, which recognizes in principle the need for state intervention in the economy, but assigns the main role to market mechanisms of regulation. 1980s became a period of victories for political parties of a conservative orientation in many developed capitalist countries.

K. can be characterized as a theoretical understanding of traditionalism - a more or less universal tendency to preserve old patterns, established ways of life. To. assumes respect for the wisdom of ancestors, the preservation of old moral traditions, a suspicious attitude towards the radical transformation of social in-t and values. K. understands society as a special reality that has its own inner life and a very fragile structure. He is convinced that society is a living and complex organism and cannot be rebuilt like a machine.

Philos. K.'s predecessors were English. “moral philosophers” D. Hume, A. Smith and others, who believed that social in-you are not the implementation of any plans or projects, but are rather products of spontaneous, going without a preliminary plan of human activity and the results of a gradual selection of the most effective forms. K. rejects the "engineering" view of society, according to which it is capable of consciously, according to a predetermined project, control and direct its evolution. K. emphasizes that the main social institutes, moral traditions and practices of capitalist society - the sovereignty and autonomy of the individual, private property and private enterprise, political and intellectual freedom, democracy and the rule of law - are spontaneously developed in the course of cultural evolution, without k.- l. preliminary plan. Social progress is a journey of trial and error. “The mind of an individual is limited, and it is better for an individual to use the common bank and capital of peoples accumulated over the centuries” (E. Burke).

K. as a way of thinking gravitates towards concrete thinking: conservative reformism is concerned with individual details, replacing some single factors with other single factors (“improvement”) and does not seek to change the system as a whole in order to eliminate inconvenient facts. Dr. a key feature that distinguishes conservative thinking is its interpretation of freedom. Liberalism accepts freedom as the right of an individual to act according to his own will, and, first of all, as an opportunity to enjoy the inalienable rights of a person. The freedom of the individual is limited in this case only by the analogous freedom of other people. K. does not attack the very idea of freedom, but questions the underlying idea of equality. It is argued that people are fundamentally unequal, unequal in talent and ability, unequal in their very essence. “Freedom does not consist in the ability to act one way or another according to arbitral decisions, freedom consists in the ability to preserve oneself and live in accordance with the deepest essence of one's own personality” (F. Stahl). Another point that separates the supporters of accelerated progress and conservatives is that progressive thought characterizes reality not only in the category of the possible, but also in the category of the norm; Conservative thought, on the contrary, tries to understand reality as the result of the influence of real factors and comprehend the norm in the category of reality. “The special character of the conservative experience of phenomena in a wider context is based on the approach from behind, from the side of their past. For progressive thought, everything in the final instance acquires its meaning because of something outside or above itself, from a utopia of the future or from correlation with a transcendent form. In turn, the conservative sees any significance of the phenomenon in what stands behind it, or in the past as the germ of evolution. Where a supporter of progress will think in terms of norms, a conservative will think in terms of germs” (K. Manheim).

The methodologically conservative critique of thinking based on the idea of natural law included the following main points: conservatives replaced reason, which was constantly referred to

their opponents, such concepts as "history", "life", "nation"; the deductive inclinations of the opponents were countered by the conservatives with the idea of the irrational nature of reality; in response to the liberal postulate of the essential similarity of individuals, conservatives raised the problem of their radical difference; To the liberal belief that all political and social innovations have universal application, the conservatives countered the notion of the social organism. “A conservative thinks in terms of “We”, while a liberal thinks in terms of “I”. The liberal analyzes and isolates various cultural fields: Law, Government, Economics; the conservative strives for a generalizing and synthetic view” (Mannheim).

Contemporary culture is trying to combine two trends: respect for the freedom of the individual individual, which is characteristic of classical liberalism, and the traditional defense of such values as morality, family, religion, law and order, etc., which is traditional for culture. Now there is practically no independent pure conservative or liberal tradition. The direction of thought, called liberal in a broad sense, organically absorbed the main elements of K.

Opposition to socialism, which puts forward a plan for a radical collectivist (in particular, communist) reorganization of society, ultimately led to a rapprochement and even merging of liberalism and capitalism, which always remained in positions of defense of the basic values of modern capitalist society.

About Migranyan A.M. Rethinking conservatism // Questions of Philosophy. 1990. No. 11; Manheim K. Diagnosis of our time. M., 1944; Gadzhiev K.S. Political science. M., 1996; Ivin A.A. Philosophy of history. M., 2000; Stahl F.J. Die gegenwartigen Partien in Staat und Kirche. Berlin, 1863.

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Introduction
1. Conservatism as an ideology
2. The ideology of conservatism: origins, essence, evolution
3. Principles and attitudes of conservatism
4. Conservatism in the context of the ideology of the Belarusian state
Conclusion
Bibliography

Introduction

The formation of the ideology of the modern Belarusian state does not take place from scratch. It is based on the experience of the development and functioning of long-established world ideologies: liberalism, conservatism, socialism, etc.

The term "conservatism" comes from the Latin "conserve", which means "preserve, protect."

Conservatism is a multilevel and complex social phenomenon. It:

1) a political ideology that puts forward as priorities the maintenance of the moral and ethical foundations of society, the natural historical established institutions of the state and political procedures, as well as the preservation of stability (order) and continuity, as factors in the sustainable development of society;

2) the totality of parties and movements occupying the main positions on the right side of the ideological and political spectrum.

There are also special situational interpretations of conservatism - S. Huntington, for example, suggested considering it a phenomenon with a historically changing value content: it is “a system of ideas that serves to preserve the existing order, regardless of where and when it takes place, and is directed against any attempts its destruction."

Political conservatism was a reaction to the excessive radicalism of the French Revolution. And if many of his ideas (organicism, the cult of unlimited monarchical power and clericalism, the inviolability of estate privileges) were rejected by the subsequent development of political thought, then others (the need for respect for the state and the norms of traditional morality, the admission of only gradual, evolutionary changes in society, criticism of egalitarian psychology and excessive individualism) found their continuation in the ideology of neoconservatism (or liberal conservatism), the key developers of which were A. de Tocqueville, R. Acton, F. Hayek, K. Popper, I. Kristol and others.

This ideology was formed at the beginning of the 19th century and was a counterbalance to liberalism. If liberalism expressed the interests of the bourgeoisie, then conservatism expressed the interests of the landowning aristocracy (England - E. Burke, France - de Mester and de Bonalier).

Conservative ideology opposes the ideal of liberalism and revolutionary radicalism in the transformation of social foundations. The main meaning of the ideology of conservatism is to justify the primordial traditions and social institutions (patriarchal family, community, church, guild, aristocracy, etc.), which are considered a manifestation of natural law, grow in a natural historical way from the natural nature of man and society.

In contrast to liberal views on human nature, which uphold the ideals of freedom, equality, fraternity, conservatives believe that imperfection is inherent in human nature, that a radical reorganization of society is always doomed to failure, because in this case, the established natural order corresponding to the nature of man, to which completely alien concept of freedom.

For the first time, the formation of conservatism into a relatively harmonious system of views occurred in the works of thinkers who spoke at the height of the French Revolution, the Englishman Edmund Burke (1729-1797), the French Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) and Louis Bonald (1754-1840). Of course, the palm among these "founding fathers" of conservatism as a socio-political trend rightfully belongs to Edmund Burke. His book Reflections on the Revolution in France, which appeared in 1790 (still considered something of a bible of conservatism), where he was the first to criticize the French Revolution and for the first time formed the basic principles of the ideology of conservatism. These ideas of Burke have generated numerous followers.

Subsequently, prominent representatives of conservative thought were the French Francois de Chateaubriand (1768-1848), Felista de Lamenne (1782-1854), Joseph Arthur de Gobineau (1816-1882), the Englishman Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1881), the Spaniard X. Donosa Cortes (1809 - 1853), German Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898). Of the famous scientists of the XX century. the followers of this analytical tradition include the Italian Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941), the Germans Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), the Americans Daniel Bell (b. 1919), Seymour Martin Lipset (b. 1922 ). It should be noted that today in Western countries a very impressive number of researchers and practical politicians continue the conservative socio-political tradition.

The term conservatism was first used by the French romantic writer F. Chateaubriand, who gave the name Conservator to a periodical intended to promote the ideas of political and clerical restoration. This concept came into wide use in Germany in the 30s of the 19th century, and in England it was officially adopted in 1835, and began to denote the ideology of the feudal-aristocratic reaction of the period of the French bourgeois revolution of the late 19th century, as well as criticism of the ideas of enlightenment from the right and an apology for feudal foundations, and noble-clerical privileges.

In Russia, the foundations of conservative political philosophy were laid by N.N. Karanzin in the Note on Ancient and New Russia (1811), as well as in the History of the Russian State (1804 - 1829).

Among the prominent representatives of the Belarusian socio-political thought, the ideas of Western European conservatism did not have their obvious followers and adherents, due to the peculiarities of the socio-historical development of the Belarusian society, which for a long time was deprived of an independent political path, the opportunity to be the subject of its own historical destiny. However, researchers of the culture of Belarus of the XVI-XVII centuries. tend to assess the socio-political views of S. Budny as moderately conservative, since he is an adherent of active social activity within the framework of existing public institutions. To the leveling social ideas and demands of the state and complete freedom for all, put forward by representatives of the radical trend, S. Budny opposed a model of social order based on the peaceful coexistence and cooperation of various social groups that develop evolutionarily, without revolutionary upheavals.

conservatism ideology absolutism Belarusian

1. Conservatism, howideology

In political vocabulary, the concept of conservatism has long been used with a negative connotation. It served, as a rule, to denote an inert commitment to everything unchanged, outdated in public life and was defined only as a reactionary trend in politics, but recently it has been characterized by a steady interest in this political trend, a desire to rethink its ideological principles. This interest is connected, first of all, with the fact that the 1980s were triumphant for political parties of a conservative orientation in all the leading countries of the West. Interest in conservatism for our socio-political science is also connected with the process of breaking the old paradigm and searching for a new one. It must be assumed that this process will lead to a rethinking of the hierarchy of various ideological and political values that has developed in previous years.

There are various definitions of political conservatism in the literature. In its most general form, it can be interpreted as a socio-political movement focused on preserving and strengthening the established forms of economic, social and political life, traditional spiritual values, on the denial of revolutionary changes, distrust of popular movements, and a critically negative attitude towards reformist projects. This socio-political orientation is inherent in both fairly wide social groups, formalized political forces, and individuals in various countries.

All researchers of conservatism agree that this current of socio-political thought was formed after the French Revolution as a result of a critical assessment of its experience and results. Its fundamental postulates were born as a response, a reaction to the first experience of the implementation of the ideas of the Enlightenment by the French revolutionaries. Of course, conservative thought did not remain unchanged; over the course of 200 years, it has undergone significant evolution, adapting to a changing world.

Conservatism is an ideology aimed at the conscious retention of identity, the preservation of the living continuity of evolutionary development.

Conservatism- ideological adherence to traditional values and orders, social or religious doctrines. The main value is the preservation of the traditions of society, its institutions and values. Conservatives in domestic politics emphasize the value of the existing state and social order and reject radical reforms, which they regard as extremism. In foreign policy, conservatives rely on strengthening security, allow the use of military force, try to support traditional allies, and defend protectionism in foreign economic relations.

Conservatism is a set of socio-philosophical ideas, as well as economic, political, other values and ideals, which, revealing the nature of society, the state and the place of an individual in them, are focused on maintaining established traditions, a cautious attitude to radical changes. Conservatism as an ideology does not always match the programs of political parties that call themselves conservative.

The most important feature of the conservative ideology is that it focuses on the protection of the existing foundations of public life, has a negative attitude towards popular movements and revolutionary changes. Conservatism is based on the priority of continuity over innovation, on the recognition of the inviolability of the order that has developed naturally, as well as the paramount importance in the life of society of morality, family, religion and property.

The conservative reaction to changes can be very different: it is both open opposition, based on the idea of the modern model of society as justice for all times, and a reactionary focus on restoring the social order that existed in an earlier period. Conservatism does not recognize a once and for all chosen form of social organization, paying attention mainly to the nature of changes and insisting that they should only be gradual, evolutionary.

Its characteristic feature is opposition to certain types of reforms, especially those that proceed from abstract ideas, and not from the objective course of development of activity. Ideologically, conservatism can take many forms.

The following basic principles and position of the ideology of conservatism are distinguished:

§ The principle of the established order of things as the right of prescription (E. Burke). According to this principle, society is a product of natural historical development, and its institutions are not an artificial invention, because embody the wisdom of the ancestors.

§ The basis of society is religion, because Man is a religious being.

§ The basis of human behavior is experience, habits, prejudices, and not abstract theories, because Man is an instinctive, sensual and rational being.

§ Society (community of people) is a form of protection of a person from himself and therefore it should be valued above the individual, and human rights are a consequence of his duties.

§ The principle of anti-etalitarianism, according to which people are not equal by nature and therefore differences, hierarchy and the right of the more worthy to rule over others are inevitable in society. The ideology of conservatism recognizes the equality of people only in the sphere of morality and ethics, relations before God and divine justice. Conservatism is consistent anti-etalitarianism. This is justified by the fact that the social hierarchy, i.e. inequality of people is a necessary basis for order, social stability. People are not equal in their abilities, and the attitude of the hierarchy is directed against the power of the inferior.

§ The principle of stability and immutability of the social system, according to which the existing social system must be protected, because attempts to radically change it, improve it, for example, eliminate the existing evil, lead to even greater evil. According to this principle, there is a presumption in favor of any established system of government, against any unused project.

§ The principle of moral absolutism, according to which there are eternal and unshakable moral ideals and values, since human nature is unchanging.

§ According to the principle of meritocracy, formulated by E. Burke, power should belong to the natural aristocracy, i.e. the most gifted, worthy people, people from various social groups.

§ The principle of regionalism, according to which it is necessary to focus on local, regional, national values and traditions. Hence the importance of the ideas of local self-government.

Modern conservatism, which embraces political democracy, adheres not so much to the orientations of anti-etalitarianism as to elitist democracy, which provides the mechanisms of a professional political elite and the power of the worthy. At the same time, this ideology is characterized by a negative attitude towards the politicization of the property of wide public highways as a trend of the 20th century, leading to the destabilization of society.

Conservatism as a socio-political phenomenon and ideology has undoubted political features and positive social significance, therefore it can and should be present in the political life of every country within reasonable limits. Without a conservative beginning, it is impossible to ensure the stability of society and its evolutionary development. Conservatism upholds and affirms many of the values that society and any decent person need. Very attractive in conservatism is the sacred reverence for historically established traditions, customs, moral norms and ideals, as well as prudent. A balanced attitude to all innovations and arbitrary transformations. Natural healthy and moderate conservatism is firmly present in the character of the Belarusian people, our national mentality.

2. The ideology of conservatism: origins, essence, evolution

Conservatism is an ideological trend that insists on the gradual change of society, taking into account the established organic collective values and traditions that have justified themselves over time. Conservatism is not a theory (even in a weakened sense of the word), but a special style, or way, of thinking about social problems, within which there are different, often sharply polemical, specific social theories.

Origins.

The birth of conservatism is usually associated with the publication in 1790 of the work of the English political thinker E. Burke "Reflections on the Revolution in France". The main problem of his work is the question of why the English revolution of 1640 gave rise to freedom in society, and the French one degenerated into an unheard-of tyranny. Other prominent representatives of conservatism are the Catholic theologians J. de Maistre ("Study of France", "Notes on Sovereignty", "On the Origin of Political Constitutions"), Louis de Bonald ("The Theory of Political and Religious Power") and the Swiss politician and writer E . Haller.

The general provisions shared by representatives of this trend during the 18th-19th centuries are as follows:

1) The laws of history and society are predetermined by God, and a person cannot speed up the course of history and create fundamentally new social institutions without causing chaos (J. de Maistre: “A person is able to change everything in his field of activity, but he does not create anything, both physically and morally).

2) Human nature is complex and contradictory, and social relations are too complex and intricate - and therefore the transition to a simple social structure, as well as its restructuring according to a rational plan, is impossible and harmful; the improvement of a person can be gradually carried out through proper upbringing and education within the framework of existing institutions (J. de Maistre: “The art of reforming governments does not at all consist in overthrowing them and rebuilding them on the basis of ideal theories”).

3) It is not society that is a product of human activity, but a person is a product of the life of society (education, upbringing), and therefore its forces are insufficient for a radical social restructuring (L. de Bonald: “Man exists only through society, and society creates him for himself” ).

4) Conservative thinkers, one way or another, have the idea of a certain vital principle of the entire real world. For example, in V. Solovyov, Sophia, the Soul of the World, the Wisdom of God, acted as such a vital principle. It was assumed that an attempt by a person to interfere in the natural evolutionary and organic process of the development of society can only bring harm (for society is an organism, and it cannot be rebuilt like a machine). Therefore, any changes can only be partial and gradual.

5) Prejudices and traditions (“hidden collective mind”, “the age-old wisdom of the people”) have an advantage over abstract philosophical and political theories and the mind of an individual (“the mind of sophists and economists”), since they are supported by the experience of generations and naturally complement the laws (Rivarol: "Whatever judgments or prejudices may be, they are good because they are stable. And that is why they complement the laws so well.")

6) Human rights are an abstraction, devoid of historical roots, in contrast to the specific rights of the British or French (i.e. "historical right"), and the individual should not oppose himself to society as a whole (organicism).

7) Laws and constitutions are truly effective if they are based on moral and religious norms (E. Burke: “We know that we have not made any discoveries, and we think that there is no need for any moral discoveries”) and have unwritten character (J. de Maistre: "There are many laws that need to be followed, but which do not need to be written down").

8) The mind of an individual in matters of politics and social order is doomed to error, because it cannot cover the full complexity of the problems existing in this area - which again emphasizes the importance of relying on experience and tradition (J. de Maistre points out that “experience and history almost always contradict abstract theories"; E. Burke admits that "the mind of an individual is limited, and it is better for an individual to use the common bank and capital of peoples accumulated over the centuries").

9) The revolution does not liberate, but destroys a person; At the same time, it is not so much a person who controls the revolution as the revolution controls a person.

Essence

Today, supporters of the ideology of conservatism see its advantage in that, while retaining its ideological and value core and accepting various modifications (liberal conservatism, religious conservatism, elitist conservatism), it is able to absorb new ideas (social, technological, etc.) and provide answers to the main challenges of our time:

1) global chaos - through the strengthening of nation-states and national-religious traditions, which will provide the world with a true, geopolitical multipolarity and inter-civilizational dialogue;

2) social autonomy - through strengthening the traditional moral and religious values of society;

3) the problem of social atomization - through the consolidation of society on the basis of common spiritual and moral values;

4) the problem of political alienation - through the creation of a fundamentally new model of relations between the elite and society, built on the principles of service and responsibility;

5) the problem of the global shortage of resources - through the promotion of the idea of individual self-restraint in order to meet spiritual needs, as well as the creation of a more environmentally friendly and socially oriented model of the economy.

Evolution.

The term "conservatism" in its modern meaning was first introduced by the French royalist and classic of European literature, Francois René de Chateaubriand. Conservatism originated in England as a direct reaction to the French Revolution of 1789. E. Burke was its founder; S. Coleridge, A. Tocqueville, A. Muller, J. de Maistre, F. Lamenne, L. Bonald and others. The word came into wide use in Germany in the 1830s, in England it was adopted only in 1930- e gg. Conservatism has always opposed, on the one hand, liberalism, with which it shared, however, many important common values, and, on the other hand, socialism. At the end of the 19th century socialism decisively pushed back not only liberalism, but also conservatism. In the 1930s, when the fatality of radical socialism became clear, liberalism came to the fore, insisting on state regulation of the economy and the transfer of a number of social functions to the state. Supporters of conservatism continued to advocate the freedom of market relations. In the 1970s the term “neoconservatism” appeared and gained influence, recognizing in principle the need for state intervention in the economy, but assigning the main role to market mechanisms of regulation. 1980s became a period of victories for political parties of a conservative orientation in many developed capitalist countries.

According to the founders, conservatism is a system of ideas that serves to preserve the existing order, whatever that order may be. Conservatism emerges where and when social institutions face the threat of radical change. Therefore, each time conservatism acquires an ideological form that is opposite to the doctrine from which the threat of change comes. It has no content of its own. For a real conservative, it is not even the truth or fairness of his opinion that is important, but its institutionality, i.e. the ability to protect a given social system, to ensure the retention of state power. Nevertheless, the practical experience and rhetoric of the conservatives make it possible to outline the general provisions inherent in this ideological direction.

The term "conservatism" was introduced into wide political circulation already in the mid-30s of the 19th century. As an ideological movement, conservatism was born at the end of the 19th century. in the conditions of the crisis of classical liberal ideology, caused by the expansion of state activities to regulate the economy in industrialized countries.

In conservatism, the main value is the preservation of the traditions of society, its institutions, beliefs and even "prejudices", although it does not reject the development of society, if it is gradual, evolutionary. Conservatism allows inequality as a property of society. One of the main features of conservatism is the rejection of revolutionary changes.

Conservatism is a set of diverse ideological, political and cultural currents based on the idea of tradition and continuity in social and cultural life. In the course of history, conservatism has acquired various forms, but in general it is characterized by adherence to existing and established social systems and norms, rejection of revolutions and radical reforms, advocacy of the evolutionary, original development of society and the state. In the context of social change, conservatism manifests itself in a cautious attitude towards breaking down the old order, restoring lost positions, and recognizing the value of the ideals of the past. Conservatism is one of the four so-called basic ideologies (that is, having a tradition behind them and continuing to "work" today) democracy, liberalism, socialism and conservatism. The slogan of conservatism is traditional unity.

The main provisions of conservatism (another interpretation, a modern view):

1) The possibilities of the human mind and knowledge of society are limited, because a person by nature is an imperfect, base and in many ways vicious being. Due to the imperfection of human nature, all projects for the radical reorganization of society are doomed to failure, since they violate the established order for centuries.

2) Moral absolutism, recognition of the existence of unshakable moral ideals and values.

3) Traditionalism. Traditional beginnings are, according to conservatist theorists, the foundation of any healthy society.

4) Denial of the possibility of social equality. At the same time, conservatism has a positive attitude towards the idea of human equality before God. Equality exists in the realm of morality and virtue, perhaps even political equality.

5) Conservatives - adherents of a strict hierarchy of society, in which each person occupies a place strictly assigned to him, corresponding to his status.

6) At first, conservatives expressed distrust of democracy, especially of a populist kind, conservatives became supporters of elitist democracy, when the democratic mechanism makes it possible to form a professional political elite and put forward worthy people to power (the principle of meritocracy - power should be in the hands of worthy people, people from various social groups ). Worthy - worthy - such is the principle of conservatives in relation to the social status of the individual. The participation of the masses in politics must be limited and controlled.

7) In the economic sphere, conservatives, just like liberals, are betting on the development of business and private entrepreneurship. They oppose tight state control over the functioning of the economy. The economy should have maximum freedom. Freedom is interpreted by many conservatives as the right of every person to property and unlimited competition in society. Private property is sacred and inviolable. It is the guarantee of personal freedom, prosperity and social order. Therefore, no one has the right to encroach on private property, to alienate it under any pretext for their own benefit.

8) In the political sphere, conservatives advocate a strong and effective government. At the same time, it must be limited by constitutional and moral norms. The state is called upon to stand guard over private property, human rights and freedoms.

9) In the social sphere, conservatives advocate the creation of a social self-support system in society.

3. Principles and attitudes of conservatism

If we try to isolate the key position of the ideology of social conservatism, which underlies all its other postulates, then its essence can be expressed as follows: understanding of society as a spiritual reality that has its own inner life and a very fragile structure; the belief that society is an organism and cannot be rebuilt like a machine.

A closer look at conservatism, as its analysts note, clearly shows three cardinal problems that are still key today both in this theoretical tradition itself and in the struggle of conservatism with other ideological trends. First of all, we are talking about a conservative understanding of the rational in the socio-historical process. The second problem is the attitude towards society. And the third is the problem of revolutions. Let us turn to a conservative interpretation of each of these problems.

One of the central provisions of conservatism, from which many others follow, is the idea that the human mind is limited in its ability to perceive society in its totality, to comprehend the meaning and purpose of the social process and determine the place of a person in this process. All prominent representatives of this tradition believed that social affairs, along with reason, are ruled by Providence, which, according to religious ideas, is understood as a divine power that directs the destinies of people and the whole world to the good. They consider the real social process as the result of trial and error, experience accumulated and passed down from generation to generation, embodied in social institutions and values that a person has not consciously constructed, and therefore has no right to radically change them. Therefore, one of the fundamental principles of conservative ideology and practice is that although we should always strive to improve our institutions, we never set ourselves the task of remaking them entirely, and therefore, in our efforts to improve them, we must take for granted much that we do not understand; we must constantly operate within and within both values and institutions that are not created by us.

The second problem, which follows from the first, is connected with clarifying the essence of society and the relationship of people in this society, as well as with determining the nature of the relationship between society and the state. From the moment of its formation as a current of social thought, conservatives have opposed in solving these issues the supporters of the concept of natural rights and the contractual origin of civil society and the state. The latter proceed from the fact that the state, in essence, is a secondary institution, it arises on the basis of an agreement between people pursuing their own interests, but who are in a pre-civil society. Conservatives, on the other hand, believe that the state is a kind of constantly existing organic integrity, individual parts of which appear, change and disappear, but it itself remains unchanged.

The third problem concerns the question of social change: evolutionary and revolutionary. Proceeding from the idea of limited reason in determining the essence and direction of development of social processes, as well as from the idea of the organic nature of society and the state, conservatives adhere to the concept of the historical unity of the past, present and future, continuity and renewal of social ties transmitted from ancestors to descendants. They believe that the future should be derived from the past, and therefore attach great importance to the formation of the historical consciousness of their peoples, respect for the heritage of the past, religious traditions and values.

Hence the sharply negative attitude of the conservatives towards the revolution. Based on an analysis of the revolutionary processes that took place in many European countries from the 18th to the 20th centuries, conservative thought argues that attempts to make a radical break with reality and put into practice a rationally constructed schematic model of society, within which all antagonistic contradictions have been removed, inevitably leads to directly opposite results. Conservatives insist that the human mind is not omnipotent and therefore many mistakes will be made both in the project of the complete reorganization of society and in the course of the implementation of this project.

One of the central provisions for the ideology and practice of conservatism, which, as it were, concentrates all the postulates discussed above, is the concept of order that opposes chaos. In maintaining this order, including in the functioning of social and political institutions, the decisive role is assigned to the state, which is separated from society and rises above it. Only a strong state, according to conservatives, is able to ensure a healthy social order, overcome the egoism of various social groups and subordinate them to a single goal, the common good. Freedom for conservatives is not absolute, it is relative and allowed only within the necessary restrictions. For them, the interests of the state, nation, community are immeasurably higher than the interests of an individual or any social group. Conservatives also consider inequality to be the most important factor of order, since, according to their ideas, no society is possible without hierarchy. Equality, in their opinion, should exist only in the field of morality and virtue, where everyone is obliged to do their duty.

Here, by the way, it will be noted that this feature of conservatism, i.e. adherence to the idea of the supremacy of the interests of the nation over individual, group or class interests, brings it closer to nationalism and such a variety of the latter as fascism. Their supporters have in common admiration for the state: both of them see it as the center of the national spirit, a guarantee of stability and order. But this is where the similarities between conservatism and nationalism and fascism end. Fascism as a political ideology and practice has absorbed a number of new features that distinguish it from traditional conservatism. The Nazis put forward and tried to put into practice not just the idea of a strong state, but a totalitarian state, absorbing the whole society. Unlike conservatives who reject dictatorial forms of government, fascists bow to violence as a means of solving any social problems. Wherever they came to power, the institutions of democracy, the basic political rights and freedoms of citizens were liquidated, and state-organized terror became the main method of exercising power. As already noted, totalitarianism in all its forms has shown its futility, which cannot be said about conservatism.

The stated fundamental provisions of classical conservatism as a direction of social thought underlie conservatism as a political practice. We emphasize that the essence of the latter is a protective approach to the existing social order. This, however, does not mean at all that conservatives deny any conscious changes in public life. They are against only radical transformations, since there are no guarantees that a complete reconstruction of the existing world will lead to a working social system. According to the figurative remark of Karl Popper, a politician who resembles an artist who erases everything from a canvas in order to write on it again does not understand that he himself and his ideas are included in the old picture of the world and that, having destroyed it, he thereby destroys his own thoughts, and plans, and your utopia. The result is not an ideal social model, but chaos. Conservatives prefer gradual changes in society, which leave the possibility of their further correction.

Conservatism tends to preach and strive to assert the following principles of its ideology:

1) Moral absolutism. Conservatives believe that freedom should not free people from moral precepts. The imperfection of human nature exposes a person to all sorts of temptations, so it is necessary to strengthen the moral and religious order. The activities of state structures must comply with moral standards, but this does not exclude the use of force in the interests of preserving or restoring lost values.

2) Pragmatism. This means that a sober calculation is needed in politics for the sake of profit. In politics, it is not necessary to have permanent friends or enemies, but only state (national) interests should be permanent. Conservatives oppose sharp, cardinal reforms in society, especially since they are categorically against any revolution. It is necessary that the reformed part of society at the same time be many times smaller than that which remains especially gifted and capable people.

3) Traditionalism. This principle means adherence to established principles and traditions, from which the constitution (basic law) and other laws accompanying it should “grow” and improve. They must certainly reflect the result of the centuries-old experience of generations of the people. The continuity of generations must necessarily be reflected in all aspects of society, including public affairs.

Conservatism- teaching and socio-political movement, focused on the preservation and maintenance of historically established, traditional forms of state and public life, its value foundations, embodied in the family, nation, religion, property.

Admiration for traditions and the historical past.

The state and the ruling elite must not only govern society, but also embody the wisdom of the nation.

Justifying decisive action in defense of conservative values.

Restrained attitude towards social changes, a positive attitude only towards those changes that are consistent with the existing order and develop under control, and not synchronously.

Critical attitude to the potential for improving a person and society with the help of political means and methods: only religious faith can make a person better, political laws only do not allow him to do bad things.

Basic principles.

§ Society is a system of norms, customs, traditions, institutions rooted in history.

§ An existing institution is preferable to any theoretical scheme.

§ Pessimism in the assessment of human nature, skepticism in relation to the human mind.

§ Disbelief in the possibility of social equality between people.

§ Private property is the guarantor of personal freedom and social order.

§ Denial of subjective will in the regulation of social life.

Basic political ideas.

§ Traditions determine the social existence of the individual.

§ Protection of family, religion and national greatness.

§ Social inequality and political competition.

§ Refusal of active political interference in public life.

§ Disregard for parliamentarism and elective institutions of power.

4. Conservatism in the context of the ideology of the Belarusian state

At the beginning of the 21st century, ideology and ideological activity are increasingly turning from a private and personal into a public and socially significant matter. Ideology has not only become known from past historical experience as a form of self-knowledge of classes and large social groups of people, but also a form of justice and orientation of states and individuals. Conservatism as a political ideology is not only a system of protective consciousness that prefers the old system of government (regardless of its goals and content) to a new one, but also very specific guidelines and principles of political participation, attitudes towards the state, social order, etc.

Modern understanding of ideology:

§ ideology is a set of ideas that expresses the interests of the carrier,

§ a set of political beliefs and attitudes (liberalism, conservatism, socialism, nationalism, anarchism, etc.),

§ a set of ideas that reflect the economic structure of society (rich and poor, producers and consumers, etc.),

§ a system of ideas that serves and justifies certain types of social practice and differs from the theoretical understanding of reality.

The main principles and provisions of the ideology of conservatism are:

§ the principle of the established order of things as "the right of prescription". According to this principle, society is a product of natural historical development.

§ Religion is the basis of civil society

§ The basis of human behavior is experience, habits, prejudices, and not abstract theories.

§ Society is a form of protection of a person from himself and therefore it should be valued above the individual, and human rights are a consequence of his duties.

§ the principle of anti-egalitarianism, according to which people are not equal by nature and therefore differences, hierarchy and the right of the more worthy to rule over others are inevitable in society. The ideology of conservatism recognizes the equality of people only in the sphere of morality and ethics.

§ the principle of stability and immutability of the social system, according to which the existing social system must be protected.

§ the principle of moral absolutism, according to which there are eternal and unshakable moral ideals and values, since human nature is unchanging.

§ the principle of "meritocracy", where power should belong to the "natural aristocracy", i.e. the most deserving people, people from various social groups.

§ the principle of regionalism, according to which it is necessary to focus on local, religious, national values and traditions. The ideas of local self-government are relevant and important.

Contrary to generally accepted opinions, it is hardly possible to admit that in the early 1990s Belarus went through a full-fledged nation-building. Liberal reforms in Belarus were slowed down and modified by significant "national peculiarities". The traditional conservatism of Belarusians had a huge impact on this process: it ensured a relatively slow pace of liberal reforms. In addition, they were hindered by the internal struggle between the functionaries of the state apparatus: the vast majority of the ruling elite of Belarus was formed as the Soviet administrative elite - the directorate of large enterprises. This led to the subjective rejection of the shock deindustrialization project on the part of this social group. However, such subjective rejection was based on significant objective premises. So, if in other countries the total privatization and dismantling of industry was carried out with relatively minor negative social consequences, then in Belarus, the former assembly shop of the USSR, such measures would have left more than half of the country's able-bodied population without a livelihood, which would have had the most adverse consequences not only for socio-political stability, but also for statehood in general. Therefore, the “conservatism” of the Belarusians had and still has a completely rational explanation.

However, the general focus of the studies carried out in the 90s of the 20th century. reform was, of course, liberal. Measures traditional for "shock therapy" were implemented: large-scale privatization, liberalization of regulation of business entities, restructuring of political life along the lines of classical parliamentary democracy. The implementation of these measures, running into socio-cultural inertia and adherence to Soviet meanings and stereotypes of the majority of the population, also required the organization of powerful work to change the dominant ideological matrix.

The main direction in this work was to stimulate the development of nationalist sentiments, primarily through policy in the field of culture and education. These transformations, however, were not of such a radical nature, which modern Belarusian official propaganda is trying to ascribe to them. Thus, the law "On Languages" adopted in 1990 declared the Belarusian language the only state language, but also took into account the interests of the country's linguistic minorities. In addition, the introduction of this law into force was extended in time.

Nevertheless, in the conditions of the early 90s for Belarus, which until a few years ago was considered the most union of all the union republics, "even such measures were radical (besides the fact that the country was not technically ready to take such measures). Belarusians , who had the richest experience of interethnic communication and organically accepted Soviet internationalism, studied in Russian for decades and communicated in it, could not accept such a sharp turn. One of the results of the development of these trends was a rather harsh reaction on the national question after winning the 1996 referendum the pro-Soviet part of society, headed by President A.G. Lukashenko.Many Belarusian-language schools were transferred back to Russian, some were closed, etc.

Yes, the Belarusian society must develop, but this must be done, first of all, within the framework of its own cultural tradition. Borrowing ideals, values, and goals must be approached with caution. Our own traditions, ideals, values, goals and attitudes form the backbone of our people. They are not invented, but suffered by our people, the result of the natural adaptation of society to the surrounding natural and social worlds.

The introduction of alien attitudes can never make this or that nation look like a Western one, but it can destroy the foundations of an original civilization. In this case, it can be said with all certainty that not only the culture of the people will disappear, but the people themselves.

Thus, conservatism as a socio-political phenomenon and ideology has undoubted positive features and positive social significance, therefore it can and should be present in the political life of every country within reasonable limits. Without a conservative beginning, it is impossible to ensure the stability of society and its evolutionary development. As noted in the report of the President of the Republic of Belarus A.G. Lukashenko “On the state of ideological work and measures to improve it”, certain elements of the ideology of conservatism “are naturally inherent in Belarusians in such traditional features as “kindness”, “pamyarkunation”, “ talerantnasts”, “razvozhlіvasts”. It's already in the blood. Our generation does not know this, it does not remember, but the previous generations apparently lived under the dominance of this conservative approach in ideology. And many concepts today do not lose their relevance. You have to be good conservatives in the good sense of the word. We by no means discard many of the ideas of the ideology of conservatism.”

Conclusion

Despite the fact that liberalism and conservatism are two different approaches to the consideration and solution of socio-political problems, they nevertheless coexist quite peacefully with each other in all Western societies. Modern parliamentary democracies alternately choose one or the other approach in solving the pressing problems of social development. It follows from this that one cannot assume in advance that one of these political traditions, for example, the conservative one, is "worse" and the other, the liberal one, is "better." It is easy to see that in our country today, when discussing various social problems, different, in their essence also "liberal" and "conservative" approaches to their solution are proposed. From our point of view, the current political life lacks conservatism, i.e. careful attitude to the heritage of the past, preservation of all the best in public relations, which was achieved both in the pre-October period of our history and in Soviet times. The truth, apparently, lies in a reasonable combination of these two political approaches.

Thus, it can be argued that there is no insurmountable line between conservative and liberal political positions. In every society, among various categories of citizens, there is a tendency towards one or another type of political consciousness. This is due to social, group, professional, age and individual characteristics of people. According to analysts, all over the world people associated with the army and public order are more conservative, and representatives of the artistic intelligentsia are more sensitive to the topic of personal freedom. The older generation tends to be more conservative, while the younger ones are more liberal.

Moreover, both conservative and liberal approaches to various socio-political phenomena can and should be combined in one person. For how else can continuity be ensured in the implementation of socio-political innovations, if not by careful attitude to the heritage of the past? So in politics one could be not only a "pure" liberal or a conservative, but also a liberal conservative, and vice versa. Actually, the socio-political views of such prominent thinkers as the already mentioned French historian and politician Alexis de Tocqueville, the English philosopher and sociologist Karl Popper and the Austro-American economist and philosopher Friedrich von Hayek can be characterized precisely as liberal-conservative. The same position is typical today for many other scientists and politicians in Western countries. Both principles - conservative and liberal - are also manifested in the political behavior of the majority of citizens of these countries, who invariably support moderately conservative or reformist programs and refuse to trust radical socio-political projects.

Bibliography

1. Internet search engines: Google yandex.

2. Comb V.A. "Fundamentals of the ideology of the Belarusian state." 3rd edition; Minsk, publishing house MIU 2010.

3. Lukashenko A.G. On the state of ideological work and measures for its improvement. Report of the President of the Republic of Belarus at the permanent seminar of senior officials of republican and local state bodies March 27, 2003//On the state of ideological work and measures to improve it: Materials of the permanent seminar of republican and local state bodies. -Mn., 2003.

4. Babosov E.M. Fundamentals of the ideology of the modern state. - Mn., 2004.

5. Fundamentals of the ideology of the Belarusian state: History and theory. Textbook for students of institutions providing higher education; 2nd ed. / S.N. Knyazev et al. - Mn., 2006.

6. Yaskevich Ya.S. Fundamentals of the ideology of the Belarusian state. - Mn., 2004.

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Introduction………………………………………….……………………………….3

The concept of conservatism and the history of its occurrence……………………...4

Principles and goals of conservatism………………………………………………...7

Conservatism in the modern world..………………………………………....9

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………12

References…………………………………………………………...…15

Introduction

The political world cannot be imagined without ideology. From its very inception, power and the forms of government associated with it, as well as the political course pursued by them, needed a foundation, a foundation. Ideology, no matter what it was called in different historical eras, was called upon to fulfill this task. Its significance is evidenced by the fact that the 20th century is called the century of ideology, since it passed under the sign of not just an uncompromising struggle, but a war of various ideological systems.

The term "ideology" is of ancient Greek origin and literally means "the doctrine of ideas", since it consists of two words "idea" and "logos". It was introduced into scientific circulation by Antoine Destube de Tracy, one of the representatives of the later generation of French enlighteners. In his work A Study on the Power of Thinking, he used the term ideology to characterize the science of ideas.

In the modern world, there has been a globalization of political ideologization. In one melting pot now turned out to be political ideas, concepts of doctrine and representations of all times, peoples and regions. With such spatio-temporal and meaningful globalization of the production of political ideas, it is increasingly difficult to offer a universal system of political knowledge that meets the requirements of theoretical understanding of the political sphere of the modern world. The originality of the interpretations of current problems by the subjects of political life cannot be understood without knowing the features of liberalism, conservatism, socialism, which are part of the family of basic political ideologies.

I want to dwell in more detail on such a direction of political ideology as conservatism.

The concept of conservatism and the history of its occurrence

Conservatism is a system of views on the outside world, a type of consciousness and political and ideological orientations and attitudes, which, like liberalism, social democracy, Marxism, is not always associated with specific political parties. Conservatism has absorbed various, sometimes conflicting ideas, concepts, doctrines, and traditions. The historical multivariance of conservatism attracts attention.

For the first time, the main provisions of conservatism were formulated in the works of Z. Werk, J. de Maistre, L. de Wonald and their associates and followers. As a rule, the publication in 1790 of E. Werk's famous essay "On the Revolution in France" is considered the starting point of modern conservatism. A significant contribution to the development of the conservative tradition was made by Russian philosophers, sociologists and political thinkers: K. Leontiev, N. Danilevsky, V. S. Soloviev, I. Ilyin in the second half of the 19th - early 20 representatives of the Russian diaspora. The very term "conservatism" came into use after Chateaubriand founded in 1815 the magazine "Conservator".
The founders of conservatism opposed the ideas of individualism, progress, rationalism put forward by the European Enlightenment and the Great French Revolution with a view of society as an organic and integral system. In this regard, it should be noted that, although the economy of the late eighteenth - early nineteenth century. characterized by a rapid pace of development, the socio-political thought of this period was marked by the seal of restoration, manifested in the emergence of the so-called theocratic political doctrines, the revival of theories of the divine origin of state power in general and royal power in particular. The formation of historicism and world outlook also belongs to that period. Along with faith in the power of the human mind, the idea of the inseparable connection of man with the past, with centuries-old traditions and customs is again gaining popularity, and the historicization of human thinking is taking place. The further intensive development of the organic theory of the state belongs to the same period, in which the latter was identified with a being that has an existence independent of individuals and stands above them, possessing internal vitality and the ability to self-preservation.

It should be noted that began to form in the first half of the nineteenth century. positivism of O.Kont and socialism of A.K. Saint-Simon were a reaction to the ideas of social atomism, revival-enlightenment individualism and the results of the French Revolution, the desire to overcome them spiritually. In search of organic principles in the organization of society, they were very close to the founders of the continental conservative tradition, J. de Maistre and L. de Bonald. Explaining power and society by the will of God, de Bonald considered power as a living being, designed to preserve society. “The will of this being,” he said, “is called law, and its actions are called government.” Like a living being, society has its own childhood, youth, and maturity. Objecting to Rousseau and Kant, who believed that society was created by man for man, de Bonald argued:
Man exists only for society; society is created only for itself.

In the constructions of the founders of conservatism, only a society based on a hierarchical structure was considered natural and legitimate, the individual parts of which ensure the viability and integrity of the social organism, just as individual organs of the human body ensure the viability and integrity of its entire organism.

If liberalism into socialism arose as class ideological and political currents of the bourgeoisie and the working class, respectively, then in this sense the situation with conservatism is much more complicated. On the whole, conservatism reflects the ideas, ideals, attitudes, orientations, and value norms of those classes, factions and social groups whose position is threatened by the objective trends of socio-historical and socio-economic development, those privileged social groups that are experiencing increasing difficulties and pressure from outside. only democratic forces, but also the most dynamic factions of the propertied strata of the population.

As one of the prominent representatives of modern conservatism, M. Oakshot, wrote, being a conservative means “to prefer the verified to the unverified, the fact to the secret, the real to the possible, close to the distant, sufficient to the super-sufficient, convenient to the perfect ...”. In this context, conservatism can be seen as the art of political compromise, balance and moderation. Obviously, conservatism is more than just protecting the interests of certain segments of the population. The “conservative” includes a set of values that have been established and generally accepted in society that determine the behavior and way of thinking of significant categories of people, as well as forms of adaptation to traditional social norms and institutions. An important place in it is occupied by deep traditionalist and nostalgic tendencies characteristic of the psychology of the mass strata of the population. Often, conservative values and norms are also supported by certain groups of the population, whose interests they objectively contradict. It is also of great importance that conservatism is put forward in the context of religious social philosophy, which, as a rule, claims to be out of class.
It is significant that since the second half of the nineteenth century. and especially in the twentieth century. (in some cases after the Second World War), adapting to socio-economic and socio-political changes, the conservatives adopted many of the most important ideas and principles that they previously rejected, for example, free market relations, the system of representation and election of government bodies, parliamentarians, political and ideological pluralism, etc. For all their adherence to religious faith, most conservatives adopted rationalism after World War II. They also adopted certain Keynesian ideas of state regulation of the economy, social reforms, the welfare state, and so on. In this aspect, conservatism underwent a profound transformation in the 1970s and 1980s.

Principles and goals of conservatism

The basis of the conservative ideology is traditionalism, i.e. orientation of individual or group consciousness to the past, which is usually opposed to the present. From the point of view of E. Burne, following traditionalism means acting in accordance with the natural course of things, conforming one's actions to the age-old wisdom accumulated in traditional norms and ideas.

In the first half of the XIX century. Three main ideas dominated conservatism: opposition to the revolution, criticism of rationalism and individualism, and opposition to the social atomization of bourgeois civilization. These three ideas, organically interacting with each other, constituted, on the one hand, a specific ideological stance associated with certain, namely conservative political ideas, positions, parties, and on the other hand, a conservative model of behavior of individuals in everyday life.

One of the most influential spokesmen for conservatism in the United States, Thomas Stern Eliot, put forward three main principles of this ideological doctrine:

1) the need to base social well-being on traditional values;

2) provide organizational and effective opposition to egalitarianism (social equality);

3) the need for each individual to observe social loyalty and duty to the community.

Subsequently, these three principles were supplemented by several more fundamental conservative ideas. The most significant of them are:

a) denial of meliorism (the desirability of improving society);

b) cautious, mostly critical attitude towards social changes;

c) a critical attitude to the potential for improving society and man through political and economic means;

d) belief in the naturalness and justice of the social hierarchy in society (the presence in it of higher and lower social strata);

e) moral absolutism, expressed in the recognition of eternal truths, and the immutability of moral values;

f) progress and improvement of social life is possible, but meaningless.

Consistent proponents of conservatism reject the idea that human history is the inexorable improvement of social life and, therefore, are much more critical of social change than representatives of other ideological doctrines. The hierarchical nature of society, from which social inequality stems, they argue, is an unchanging form of modern stratified society, arising from its natural origin.

Conservatives do not reject the idea of social equality per se, but the concept of the realization of equality as a result of planned social actions, which, they argue, “prevent the natural and desirable differences between people. The functions of the state and especially the government, in their opinion, should be limited in their use of power and concentrated mainly on the “role of a guard”, which is “a necessary brake on a potential social upheaval (D. Zoll). As for people's democracy, it, according to conservatives, "undermines and worsens moral values."

The stability of the political order, according to supporters of conservatism, is ensured by gradual reformism. , based on compromise. It is a compromise, from their point of view, that is the only guarantee of the preservation of existing economic and political relations, as well as, albeit imperfect, but still real social harmony of various social forces.

Conservatism in the modern world

At the turn of the 60-70s. 20th century conservatism began to appear mainly in the guise of neoconservatism . Its most influential exponents are D. Moynihan, I. Kristol, D. Bell, Z. Brzezinski, N. Glazer, S. Huntington. They are often described as "changing American policy" and ensuring its "turn to the right." Basically, they are ex-liberals, concerned about the decline of traditional power and the "excess of democracy", the wave of student unrest in the late 60s, the decline of the traditional values of industrial civilization.

There are two main interpretations of neoconservatism:

1) as modern conservatism, adapting its traditional values to the innovations of the post-industrial era;

2) as an ideological trend enriched with new ideas and conclusions in the process of rivalry with liberalism and social democracy.

Remembering the original principle of neoconservatism, one of its founders, D. Moynihan, in 1976 stated: "Changing course during a storm is a way to keep the course." However, another forerunner of this ideological doctrine, P. Berger, added that "the modern American ideology of conservatism is profoundly and unconditionally liberal in its impact on people." Such an assessment is due to the significant circumstance that liberalism itself contains many important conservative elements.

One of the most significant features of neoconservatism is that its most famous representatives (D. Moynihan, I. Kristol, Z. Brzezinski, D. Bell, etc.) were or still are the leading experts of the ruling political forces in the USA, England , Australia, Japan. Among the neoconservatives are such influential political leaders as M. Thatcher, R. Nixon, R. Reagan, H. Kohl, G. Bush Sr. and G. Bush Jr.

The second most important feature of this ideological doctrine is manifested in the fact that, in the words of P. Steinfels, “... neoconservatism has become a direct defender of the interests of business. Needless to say, business, which for a relatively long time lacked ideological support from academia, greeted the neocons enthusiastically.” Therefore, P. Steinfels is convinced, "neo-conservatism will not wither in search of rich patrons."

The third distinguishing feature of neoconservatism is that its leading representatives are active champions of the scientist-technocratic direction of social philosophy. D. Bell, in particular, argues that the main tool for optimizing modern capitalism and turning it into a post-industrial (information) society is the latest technology. Unlike industrial society in the post-industrial era, according to D. Bell, it is scientific knowledge and its embodiment in technology that are the main sources of wealth and power, and therefore the decisive means of control are no longer machine, but intellectual technologies and telecommunication systems.

The fourth feature of neoconservatism is that, unlike their predecessors, who were open opponents of progress, modern neoconservatives have turned into champions of the inevitability of socio-economic changes and initiators of innovation, but not by “crowd methods from below”, but by unhurried changes carried out “from above”.

The fifth feature of the neoconservative ideology is that its followers redesigned the theoretical model of interactions between the individual and society, citizen and state. The individual must rely on his own strength and the local solidarity of fellow citizens (as opposed to what the advocates of liberalism claim), and not rely on the support of the state, while the state is called upon to preserve the integrity of society and provide the citizen with the living conditions necessary on the basis of the unshakable rule of law and the stability of the existing economic and political system.

The sixth feature of the ideological doctrine under consideration is the substantiation of the thesis according to which, in the conditions of the deepening globalization of the world, accompanied by the growth of social instability and instability, the best and most effective means of eradicating any instability are the market system and the principles of order and stability based on the ideology of neoconservatism, which are actively introduced into life. modern society.

Advocates of neoconservatism advocate limiting state intervention in the market economy, believing that the state is obliged to support private initiative, not to limit it. In social policy, they adhere to three main principles: a) the principle of solidarity based on the unity of labor and capital; b) the principle of justice - fair distribution of income, fair wages, fair tax policy, etc.; c) the principle of subsidiarity - assistance to people in their self-help and in the development of private initiative. In ideological terms, they recognize the priority of the principles of freedom over the principle of equality, argue that equality can exist only as equality of opportunity, but not as equality of conditions and results. In the political sphere, neoconservatives strictly adhere to the thesis: democracy must be vertical, and its top is the political and economic elite.

Conclusion

All of the above allows us to conclude that politics is an arena for the clash of various ideological systems, ideological currents and trends. However, the statement of this fact in itself does not explain much. The fact is that, for all his fidelity, the famous formula “politics is the art of the possible” remains valid in modern conditions. On the one hand, the “art of the possible” sets certain limits for the ideologization of politics, on the other hand, ideology, in turn, determines the possible limits beyond which one or another political party or government, when pursuing its political course, can go without prejudice to the fundamental principles of its political credo.

Therefore, the arguments and arguments often expressed in our country regarding the need to abandon ideology in favor of de-ideologization as an indispensable condition for building a democratic state are devoid of any serious grounds, since in the modern world politics as an arena for the clash of various conflicting interests is unthinkable without ideology. In this case, it seems that it should not be about de-ideologization, but about affirming the pluralism of ideological and political currents, approaches, methodological principles, their coexistence, tolerance towards each other and openness towards each other. And this, in turn, suggests that, although the scientific approach rejects ideology as a tool or the starting point of research, the need to study ideology itself as an integral element of the political world does not disappear.

Even F. Nietzsche warned that the XX century. will become the century of the struggle of various forces for world domination, carried out in the name of philosophical principles. Nietzsche's warning turned out to be prophetic, with the only difference that all the diversity and complexity of the worldview was replaced by an ideological dimension, ideological principles prevailed over philosophical ones, including political-philosophical ones. This was manifested, in particular, in the promotion of many projects, ideas, programs, and exercises that were offered as a guide to the search for restructuring the existing and creating a new, more advanced socio-political system. At the same time, political and philosophical thought itself turned out to be politicized and ideologized, subordinated to the imperatives of the systemic conflict.

The dividing line in this conflict was drawn at the beginning of the last century in the process of formation and more or less clear demarcation of the two main directions of political and philosophical thought: reformist in the face of liberalism, conservatism and social democracy and revolutionary in the face of Leninism and fascism, each of which had its national, regional and system varieties.

A number of leading countries, such as the USA, Great Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark, Holland and others, have chosen the path of gradual social, economic and political transformations of capitalism. Moreover, for all the disagreements that existed between them, all the main socio-political forces that recognized the fundamental principles of a market economy and political democracy acted as adherents of the reformist path of transforming society. All of them were united by the awareness of the need in the conditions created at that time to expand the role of the state in all spheres of society, especially in the social and economic, to prevent and overcome the negative consequences of a market economy. In general, we are talking about those forces that based their socio-political programs on the principles and ideological and political trends of liberalism, conservatism and social democracy.

The revolutionary-totalitarian path was chosen by Russia, Italy, Germany and a number of other countries in Europe and Asia, which were characterized by weakness, underdevelopment or complete absence of institutions, values, norms of civil society, the rule of law, constitutionalism, parliamentarism and other attributes of liberal democracy. Both in terms of their goals (radical replacement of the existing socio-political system with a completely new system) and in terms of the methods used (revolutionary coup, violent overthrow of the existing government), both main streams of totalitarianism were revolutionary movements, since they proposed a radical change in the existing system through violent coup. The difference was that the socialist revolution carried out in Russia, at least in theory, had a “progressive” character, as it was guided by the ideals of universal equality, social justice, international unity of all peoples, etc. As for the fascist coups committed in Italy, Germany, Spain and some other countries, they were of a "conservative" nature, because they were based on right-wing radical ideas of nationalism, racism, imperial great power, an apology for violence.

Bibliography

1. Vonsovich L. V. Fundamentals of the ideology of the Belarusian state: answers to examination questions / L. V. Vonsovich. – Minsk: TetraSystems, 2009

2. Gadzhiev K.S. Political science textbook, Moscow: Logos, 2002

3. Goncharenko R. M. Political and legal ideology of the state: a reference guide. - Minsk: Technoprint, 2005.

4. Comb V.A. Fundamentals of the ideology of the Belarusian state: educational and methodological complex / Minsk Institute of Management. - Minsk: MIU, 2008.

5. Matusevich E.V. A new stage in the development of the ideology of the Belarusian state / Management Problems (RB). - 2003. - No. 3.

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