Polish uprising of 1830. Polish uprising (1830)

In 1830 - 1831. the west of the Russian Empire was shaken by an uprising in Poland. The national liberation war began against the backdrop of ever-increasing infringement of the rights of its inhabitants, as well as revolutions in other countries of the Old World. The uprising was suppressed, but its echoes lingered throughout Europe for many years and had the most far-reaching consequences for Russia's reputation in the international arena.

background

Most of Poland was annexed to Russia in 1815 by decision of the Congress of Vienna after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. For the purity of the legal procedure, a new state was created. The newly founded Kingdom of Poland entered into a personal union with Russia. According to the then ruling Emperor Alexander I, this decision was a reasonable compromise. The country retained its constitution, army and diet, which was not the case in other areas of the empire. Now the Russian monarch also bore the title of the Polish king. In Warsaw, he was represented by a special governor.

The Polish uprising was only a matter of time given the policy that was being pursued in St. Petersburg. Alexander I was known for his liberalism, despite the fact that he could not decide on cardinal reforms in Russia, where the positions of the conservative nobility were strong. Therefore, the monarch implemented his bold projects on the national borders of the empire - in Poland and Finland. However, even with the most benevolent intentions, Alexander I behaved extremely inconsistently. In 1815, he granted a liberal constitution to the Kingdom of Poland, but after a few years he began to oppress the rights of its inhabitants, when they, with the help of their autonomy, began to put spokes into the wheels of the policy of Russian governors. So in 1820 the Sejm did not abolish what Alexander wanted.

Shortly before that, preliminary censorship was introduced in the kingdom. All this only brought the uprising in Poland closer. The years of the Polish uprising fell on a period of conservatism in the policy of the empire. Reaction reigned throughout the state. When the struggle for independence flared up in Poland, cholera riots were in full swing in the central provinces of Russia, caused by an epidemic and quarantine.

Storm coming

The coming to power of Nicholas I did not promise the Poles any indulgences. The reign of the new emperor began indicatively with the arrest and execution of the Decembrists. In Poland, meanwhile, the patriotic and anti-Russian movement became more active. In 1830, the overthrow of Charles X took place in France, which further agitated the supporters of cardinal changes.

Gradually, the nationalists enlisted the support of many famous tsarist officers (among them was General Joseph Khlopitsky). Revolutionary sentiment also spread to workers and students. For many dissatisfied, the right-bank Ukraine remained a stumbling block. Some Poles believed that these lands belonged to them by right, since they were part of the Commonwealth, divided between Russia, Austria and Prussia at the end of the 18th century.

The viceroy in the kingdom then was Konstantin Pavlovich - the elder brother of Nicholas I, who abdicated after the death of Alexander I. The conspirators were going to kill him and thus give a signal to the country about the beginning of a rebellion. However, the uprising in Poland was repeatedly postponed. Konstantin Pavlovich knew about the danger and did not leave his residence in Warsaw.

Meanwhile, another revolution broke out in Europe - this time Belgian. The French-speaking Catholic part of the population of the Netherlands came out for independence. Nicholas I, who was called the "gendarme of Europe", in his manifesto announced his rejection of the Belgian events. Rumors spread throughout Poland that the tsar would send her army to suppress the uprising in Western Europe. For the doubtful organizers of the armed uprising in Warsaw, this news was the last straw. The uprising was scheduled for November 29, 1830.

The beginning of the riot

At 6 pm on the agreed day, an armed detachment attacked the Warsaw barracks, where the guards lancers were stationed. The massacre of officers who remained loyal to the tsarist government began. Among those killed was Minister of War Maurycy Gauke. Konstantin Pavlovich considered this Pole his right hand. The governor himself managed to be saved. Warned by the guards, he fled from his palace shortly before the Polish detachment appeared there, demanding his head. Leaving Warsaw, Konstantin gathered Russian regiments outside the city. So Warsaw was completely in the hands of the rebels.

The next day, reshuffles began in the Polish government - the Administrative Council. All pro-Russian officials left it. Gradually, a circle of military leaders of the uprising also took shape. One of the main characters was Lieutenant General Iosif Khlopitsky, who was briefly elected dictator. Throughout the confrontation, he tried as best he could to negotiate with Russia by diplomatic methods, as he understood that the Poles could not cope with the entire imperial army if they were sent to suppress the rebellion. Khlopitsky represented the right wing of the rebels. Their demands boiled down to a compromise with Nicholas I, based on the constitution of 1815.

Mikhail Radziwill was another leader. His position remained exactly the opposite. More radical rebels (including him) planned to retake Poland, divided between Austria, Russia and Prussia. In addition, they considered their own revolution as part of a pan-European uprising (their main reference point was the July Revolution). That is why the Poles had many connections with the French.

Negotiation

The first priority for Warsaw was the question of a new executive power. On December 4, the uprising in Poland left behind an important milestone - a Provisional Government was created, consisting of seven people. Adam Czartoryski became its head. He was a good friend of Alexander I, was a member of his secret committee, and also served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1804-1806.

Despite this, the very next day Khlopitsky declared himself a dictator. The Sejm opposed him, but the figure of the new leader was extremely popular among the people, so the parliament had to retreat. Khlopitsky did not stand on ceremony with opponents. He concentrated all power in his hands. After the events of November 29, negotiators were sent to St. Petersburg. The Polish side demanded compliance with its constitution, as well as an increase in the form of eight provinces in Belarus and Ukraine. Nicholas did not agree to these conditions, promising only an amnesty. This response led to an even greater escalation of the conflict.

On January 25, 1831, a resolution was adopted to dethrone the Russian monarch. According to this document, the Kingdom of Poland no longer belonged to the titulary of Nicholas. A few days before, Khlopitsky lost power and remained in the army. He understood that Europe would not openly support the Poles, which meant that the defeat of the rebels was inevitable. The Sejm was set up more radically. The Parliament handed over executive power to Prince Mikhail Radziwill. Diplomatic tools were discarded. Now the Polish uprising of 1830-1831. found itself in a situation where the conflict could only be resolved by force of arms.

balance of power

By February 1831, the rebels managed to draft about 50 thousand people into the army. This figure almost corresponded to the number of troops sent to Poland by Russia. However, the quality of volunteer units was noticeably lower. The situation was especially problematic in the artillery and cavalry. Count Ivan Dibich-Zabalkansky was sent to suppress the November uprising in St. Petersburg. The events in Warsaw were unexpected for the empire. In order to concentrate all loyal troops in the western provinces, the count needed 2-3 months.

It was precious time that the Poles did not have time to use. Khlopitsky, put at the head of the army, did not begin to attack first, but dispersed his forces along the most important roads in the territories under his control. Meanwhile, Ivan Dibich-Zabalkansky recruited more and more troops. By February, he already had about 125,000 men under arms. However, he also made unforgivable mistakes. In a hurry to strike a decisive blow, the count did not waste time on organizing the delivery of food and ammunition to the army, which over time had a negative impact on its fate.

Grochovskoe battle

The first Russian regiments crossed the Polish border on February 6, 1831. Parts moved in different directions. The cavalry under the command of Cyprian Kreutz went to the Lublin Voivodeship. The Russian command planned to arrange a diversionary maneuver, which was supposed to finally disperse the enemy forces. The national liberation uprising really began to develop according to a plot convenient for the imperial generals. Several Polish divisions headed for Serock and Pultusk, breaking away from the main forces.

However, the weather suddenly intervened in the campaign. A thaw began, which prevented the main Russian army from going along the planned route. Dibich had to make a sharp turn. On February 14, there was a clash between the detachments of Jozef Dvernitsky and General Fyodor Geismar. The Poles won. And although it was not of particular strategic importance, the first success noticeably encouraged the militias. The Polish uprising assumed an indefinite character.

The main army of the rebels stood near the city of Grochow, protecting the approaches to Warsaw. It was here on February 25 that the first general battle took place. The Poles were commanded by Radzwill and Khlopitsky, the Russians were commanded by Dibich-Zabalkansky, who had become a field marshal a year before the start of this campaign. The battle lasted all day and ended only late in the evening. The losses were approximately the same (the Poles had 12 thousand people, the Russians had 9 thousand). The rebels had to retreat to Warsaw. Although the Russian army achieved a tactical victory, its losses exceeded all expectations. In addition, ammunition was wasted, and it was not possible to bring new ones due to bad roads and disruption of communications. In these circumstances, Dibich did not dare to storm Warsaw.

Polish maneuvers

For the next two months, the armies barely moved. On the outskirts of Warsaw, daily skirmishes broke out. In the Russian army, due to poor hygienic conditions, a cholera epidemic broke out. At the same time, guerrilla warfare was going on throughout the country. In the main Polish army, command from Mikhail Radzwill passed to General Jan Skrzynetsky. He decided to attack a detachment under the command of the Emperor's brother Mikhail Pavlovich and General Karl Bistrom, who was in the vicinity of Ostrolenka.

At the same time, an 8,000th regiment was sent towards Dibich. He was supposed to divert the main forces of the Russians. The bold maneuver of the Poles came as a surprise to the enemy. Mikhail Pavlovich and Bistrom retreated with their guards. Dibich did not believe for a long time that the Poles decided to attack, until he finally learned that they had captured Nur.

Battle at Ostrolenka

On May 12, the main Russian army left their apartments to overtake the Poles who had left Warsaw. The pursuit went on for two weeks. Finally, the vanguard overtook the Polish rear. So on the 26th the battle of Ostroleka began, which became the most important episode of the campaign. The Poles were separated by the Narew River. The first detachment on the left bank was attacked by superior Russian forces. The rebels began to hastily retreat. Dibich's forces crossed the Narew in Ostrołęka itself, after finally clearing the city of the rebels. They made several attempts to attack the attackers, but their efforts ended in nothing. The Poles advancing forward were beaten off over and over again by a detachment under the command of General Karl Manderstern.

With the onset of the second half of the day, reinforcements joined the Russians, which finally decided the outcome of the battle. Of the 30,000 Poles, about 9,000 died. Among those killed were Generals Heinrich Kamensky and Ludwik Katsky. The ensuing darkness helped the remnants of the defeated rebels to flee back to the capital.

Fall of Warsaw

On June 25, Count Ivan Paskevich became the new commander-in-chief of the Russian army in Poland. At his disposal were 50 thousand people. In Petersburg, the count was required to complete the defeat of the Poles and recapture Warsaw from them. The rebels had about 40 thousand people left in the capital. The first serious test for Paskevich was the crossing. It was decided to overcome the water line near the border with Prussia. By July 8, the crossing was completed. At the same time, the rebels did not create any obstacles for the advancing Russians, relying on the concentration of their own forces in Warsaw.

In early August, another castling took place in the Polish capital. This time, instead of Skrzynceky, who suffered a defeat at Osterlenka, Henry Dembinsky became the commander-in-chief. However, he also resigned after the news came that the Russian army had already crossed the Vistula. Anarchy and anarchy reigned in Warsaw. Pogroms began, perpetrated by an angry mob demanding the extradition of the military responsible for the fatal defeats.

On August 19, Paskevich approached the city. The next two weeks were spent in preparation for the assault. Separate detachments captured nearby cities in order to finally surround the capital. The assault on Warsaw began on September 6, when Russian infantry attacked a line of fortifications erected in order to delay the attackers. In the ensuing battle, Commander-in-Chief Paskevich was wounded. However, the Russian victory was clear. On the 7th, General Krukovetsky withdrew a 32,000-strong army from the city, with which he fled to the west. September 8 Paskevich entered Warsaw. The capital was captured. The defeat of the remaining scattered detachments of rebels became a matter of time.

Results

The last armed Polish formations fled to Prussia. On October 21, Zamosc surrendered, and the rebels lost their last stronghold. Even before that, a massive and hasty emigration of rebellious officers, soldiers and their families began. Thousands of families settled in France and England. Many, like Jan Skrzyniecki, fled to Austria. In Europe, in Poland, society was met with sympathy and sympathy.

Polish uprising 1830 - 1831 led to it being abolished. The authorities carried out an administrative reform in the Kingdom. Voivodships were replaced by regions. Also in Poland, a system of measures and weights common with the rest of Russia, as well as the same money, appeared. Prior to this, right-bank Ukraine was under the strong cultural and religious influence of its western neighbour. Now in St. Petersburg it has been decided to dissolve the Greek Catholic Church. The “wrong” Ukrainian parishes were either closed or became Orthodox.

For residents of Western states, Nicholas I became even more consistent with the image of a dictator and despot. And although not a single state officially stood up for the rebels, the echoes of the Polish events were heard throughout the Old World for many years. The fugitive emigrants did a lot to ensure that public opinion about Russia allowed European countries to freely start the Crimean War against Nicholas.

Polish uprising of 1830-1831. they call the rebellion organized by the nobility and the Catholic clergy in the Kingdom of Poland and the neighboring provinces of the Russian Empire.

The rebellion was aimed at separating the Kingdom of Poland from Russia and tearing away from Russia its original western lands, which were part of the 16th-18th centuries. part of the former Commonwealth. The constitution granted by Emperor Alexander I to the Kingdom (Kingdom) of Poland in 1815 granted Poland broad sovereign rights. The Kingdom of Poland was a sovereign state that was part of the Russian Empire and associated with it by a personal union. The All-Russian Emperor was at the same time the Tsar (King) of Poland. The Kingdom of Poland had its own bicameral parliament - the Sejm, as well as its own army. The Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland was solemnly opened in 1818 by Emperor Alexander I, who hoped to receive in his person proof of the possibility of the peaceful development of the Polish nation within the framework of the Empire as a link connecting Russia with Western Europe. But in subsequent years, the implacable anti-government opposition intensified in the Seimas.

In the 1820s in the Kingdom of Poland, in Lithuania and on the Right-Bank Ukraine, secret conspiratorial, Masonic societies arose, which began to prepare an armed rebellion. Guards lieutenant P. Vysotsky in 1828 founded a union of officers and students of military schools and entered into an agreement with other secret societies. The uprising was scheduled for the end of March 1829 and timed to coincide with the proposed coronation of Nicholas I as the king of Poland. But the coronation took place safely in May 1829.

The July Revolution of 1830 in France gave rise to new hopes for the Polish "patriots". The immediate cause for the uprising was the news of the imminent dispatch of Russian and Polish troops to suppress the Belgian revolution. The viceroy in the Kingdom of Poland, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, was warned by the Polish ensign about the conspiracy existing in Warsaw, but did not attach any importance to this.

On November 17, 1830, a crowd of conspirators led by L. Nabelyak and S. Goshchinsky broke into the Belvedere Palace - the Warsaw governor's residence and committed a pogrom there, injuring several people from among the Grand Duke's close associates and servants. Konstantin Pavlovich managed to escape. On the same day, an uprising began in Warsaw, led by the secret gentry officer society of P. Vysotsky. The rebels seized the arsenal. Many Russian generals and officers who were in Warsaw were killed.

In the context of the outbreak of the rebellion, the behavior of the governor looked extremely strange. Konstantin Pavlovich considered the uprising a mere outburst of anger and did not allow the troops to come out to suppress it, saying that "the Russians have nothing to do in a fight." Then he sent home that part of the Polish troops, which at the beginning of the uprising still remained loyal to the authorities.

November 18, 1830 Warsaw passed into the hands of the rebels. With a small Russian detachment, the governor left Warsaw and left Poland. The powerful military fortresses of Modlin and Zamostye were surrendered to the rebels without a fight. A few days after the flight of the governor, the Kingdom of Poland was left by all Russian troops.

The Administrative Council of the Kingdom of Poland was transformed into the Provisional Government. The Sejm elected General Yu. Khlopitsky as commander-in-chief of the Polish troops and proclaimed him a "dictator", but the general refused dictatorial powers and, not believing in the success of the war with Russia, sent a delegation to Emperor Nicholas I. The Russian tsar refused to negotiate with the rebellious government and on January 5 1831 Khlopitsky resigned.

Prince Radziwill became the new Polish commander-in-chief. On January 13, 1831, the Sejm announced the deposition of Nicholas I - depriving him of the Polish crown. The National Government headed by Prince A. Czartoryski came to power. At the same time, the "revolutionary" Seimas refused to consider even the most moderate projects of agrarian reform and improving the situation of the peasants.

The national government was preparing to fight with Russia. The Polish army grew from 35 to 130 thousand people, although only 60 thousand of them could participate in hostilities with combat experience. But the Russian troops stationed in the western provinces were not ready for war. Here, the vast majority of military garrisons were the so-called. "disabled teams". The number of Russian troops here reached 183 thousand people, but it took 3-4 months for their concentration. Field Marshal Count I.I. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. Dibich-Zabalkansky, and the chief of staff, General Count K.F. Tol.

Dibich hurried the troops. Without waiting for the concentration of all forces, without providing the army with food and not having time to equip the rear, on January 24-25, 1831, the commander-in-chief, together with the main forces, began an invasion of the Kingdom of Poland between the Bug and Narew rivers. A separate left column of General Kreutz was to occupy the Lublin Voivodeship in the south of the Kingdom and divert enemy forces. The spring thaw that began soon buried the original plan of the military campaign. On February 2, 1831, in the battle at Stochek, the Russian brigade of horse rangers under the command of General Geismar was defeated by the Polish detachment of Dvernitsky. The battle between the main forces of the Russian and Polish troops took place on February 13, 1831 near Grokhov and ended with the defeat of the Polish army. But Dibich did not dare to continue the offensive, expecting a serious rebuff.

Soon Radziwill was replaced as commander-in-chief by General J. Skshinetsky, who managed to raise the morale of his troops after the defeat at Grokhov. The Russian detachment of Baron Kreutz crossed the Vistula, but was stopped by the Polish detachment of Dvernitsky and retreated to Lublin, which was hastily abandoned by the Russian troops. The Polish command took advantage of the inaction of the main forces of the Russian troops and, trying to gain time, began peace negotiations with Dibich. Meanwhile, on February 19, 1831, Dvernitsky's detachment crossed the Vistula at Puławy, overthrew small Russian detachments and tried to invade Volhynia. The reinforcements that arrived there under the command of General Tol forced Dvernitsky to take refuge in Zamosc. A few days later, the Vistula cleared of ice and Dibich began to prepare a crossing to the left bank near Tyrchin. But the Polish detachments attacked the rear of the main forces of the Russian troops and thwarted their offensive.

In the areas adjacent to the Kingdom of Poland - Volhynia and Podolia, unrest broke out, an open rebellion broke out in Lithuania. Lithuania was guarded only by a weak Russian division (3200 people), stationed in Vilna. Dibić sent military reinforcements to Lithuania. In March, the Polish detachment of Dvernitsky set out from Zamosc and invaded Volhynia, but was stopped by the Russian detachment of F.A. Rediger and thrown back to the Austrian border, and then went to Austria, where he was disarmed. The Polish detachment of Hrshanovsky, who moved to help Dvernitsky, was met by a detachment of Baron Kreutz at Lyubartov and retreated to Zamosc.

However, successful attacks by small Polish detachments exhausted the main forces of Dibich. The actions of the Russian troops, moreover, were complicated by the cholera epidemic that broke out in April, there were about 5 thousand patients in the army.

In early May, the 45,000-strong Polish army of Skshinetsky launched an offensive against the 27,000-strong Russian guards corps, commanded by Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich, and threw it back to Bialystok - outside the Kingdom of Poland. Dibich did not immediately believe in the success of the Polish offensive against the guards, and only 10 days after it began, he threw the main forces against the rebels. On May 14, 1831, a new major battle took place at Ostroleka. The Polish army was defeated. The military council, assembled by Skshinetsky, decided to retreat to Warsaw. But a large detachment of the Polish general Gelgud (12 thousand people) was sent to the rear of the Russian army, to Lithuania. There he united with Khlapovsky's detachment and local bands of rebels, his numbers doubled. Russian and Polish forces in Lithuania were approximately equal.

On May 29, 1831, Dibich fell ill with cholera and died the same day. Command was temporarily taken over by General Tol. June 7, 1831 Gelgud attacked the Russian positions near Vilna, but was defeated and fled to the Prussian borders. Of the troops under his command, only the detachment of Dembinsky (3800 people) was able to break through from Lithuania to Warsaw. A few days later, the Russian troops of General Roth defeated the Polish gang of Pegs near Dashev and at the village. Maidanek, which led to the suppression of the rebellion in Volhynia. New attempts by Skshinetsky to move behind the lines of the Russian army failed.

On June 13, 1831, the new commander-in-chief of the Russian troops, Field Marshal Count I.F., arrived in Poland. Paskevich-Erivansky. Near Warsaw was the 50,000th Russian army, it was opposed by 40,000 rebels. The Polish authorities declared a total militia, but the common people refused to shed blood for the power of the greedy gentry and fanatic priests.

Paskevich chose Osek near Torun, near the Prussian border, as the place of crossing to the left bank of the Vistula. From July 1, 1831, the Russians built bridges near Osek, along which the army safely crossed to the enemy coast. Skshinetsky did not dare to interfere with the crossing, but the dissatisfaction of the Warsaw society forced him to move towards the main Russian forces. Under their onslaught, the Polish troops rolled back to the capital. At the end of July, Skshinetsky was removed and Dembinsky became the new commander-in-chief of the Polish army, who wanted to give the Russians a decisive battle right at the walls of Warsaw.

On August 3, 1831, unrest broke out in Warsaw. The Seimas dissolved the old government, appointed General J. Krukovetsky as head of government (president) and endowed him with emergency rights. On August 6, Russian troops began to besiege Warsaw, and commander-in-chief Dembinsky was replaced by Malakhovych. Malakhovych again tried to attack the Russian rear in the north and east of the Kingdom of Poland. The Polish detachment of Romarino attacked the Russian troops of Baron Rosen, stationed on the Brest highway - east of Warsaw, and on August 19, 1831 pushed them back to Brest-Litovsk, but then hastily retreated to protect the capital.

Paskevich's troops, having received all the necessary reinforcements, numbered 86 thousand people, and the Polish troops near Warsaw - 35 thousand. In response to the proposal to surrender Warsaw, Krukovetsky stated that the Poles had raised an uprising in order to restore their fatherland within its ancient borders, i.e. . to Smolensk and Kyiv. On August 25, 1831, Russian troops stormed Wola, a suburb of Warsaw. On the night of August 26-27, 1831, Krukowiecki and the Polish troops in Warsaw capitulated.

Were terrible. The country, hitherto calm, flourishing and rich, suddenly saw itself as a victim of the same evils that had previously tormented its bowels for many centuries. For 8 whole months Poland was a bloody disgrace of war, fires, devastation. The right bank of the Vistula, the main theater of the Polish uprising, was drenched in blood, covered with the ashes of cities and villages. The inhabitants of the left bank were ruined by taxes and extortions imposed by the rebellious Polish government. In the midst of abusive anxieties, all the sources of the people's industry, which had recently developed so actively and beautifully, dried up. As a result of the uprising of 1830-1831, everything that had hitherto enriched the Polish people collapsed; the very means of food were exhausted. Not only that: along with the rebellion, a fatal infection raged - the cholera epidemic. The finger of God, apparently, weighed heavily on the criminal people.

The borders of Poland according to the decisions of the Congress of Vienna in 1815: the Kingdom of Poland as part of Russia is marked in green, the part of the Napoleonic Duchy of Warsaw, ceded to Prussia, in blue, Krakow in red (at first a free city, then ceded to Austria)

The internal life of the Kingdom of Poland could not help but undergo profound changes as a result of the Polish uprising. After the capture of Warsaw by Russian troops in 1831, the administration of Poland with very extensive power was entrusted to the main fighter against the uprising, Count Paskevich-Erivansky, who soon after received the title of Prince of Warsaw and was appointed governor. To help him, a provisional government was established, consisting of four departments: internal affairs and police, education and confessions, finance and justice. The powers of this provisional government ended with the promulgation of the Organic Statute (February 26, 1832), which abolished the coronation of Russian emperors by Polish kings, a special Polish army and the Sejm, and declared the Kingdom of Poland a part of the Russian Empire. The Statute of 1832 became the main legal result of the Polish uprising.

Field Marshal Ivan Paskevich, leader of the fight against the Polish uprising 1830-1831

The two main bodies of civil self-government that existed in Poland before the uprising of 1830-1831 (administrative and state councils) were preserved by this Statute. According to the new position, the former presented candidates for ecclesiastical and civil positions to the sovereign, the latter drew up the budget and bills, considered the disputes that arose between various administrative and judicial bodies, held officials accountable for crimes in the service, etc. In addition, following the results of the uprising of 1830 -1831 in the Kingdom of Poland three commissions were established to manage internal affairs and education, courts and finances. Their orders had to be executed at the local level: in voivodeships, voivodeship commissions, in cities - burmisters, in gminas - voits. In addition, for the regional administration in Poland it was supposed to create voivodship councils, from members elected at the gentry meetings in the counties and at the gminas in the districts.

Instead of the former Polish Sejm, the statute of 1832 planned the establishment of an assembly of provincial officials with deliberative voice. Legislative power in Poland was now to belong undividedly to the Russian sovereign. He approved and canceled bills drawn up by the State Council of the Kingdom of Poland and considered in a special department for the affairs of the Kingdom of Poland, which was attached to the all-imperial State Council. These provisions of the Organic Statute of 1832 were not enforced in their entirety. The gentry and commune assemblies, as well as the assembly of provincial officials, remained only in the project. The Special State Council was abolished in 1841, and the affairs in which it dealt with were concentrated in the Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland. In 1837, the Polish voivodeships were transformed into provinces according to the Russian model, the voivodship commissions were transformed into provincial boards with their transfer under the leadership of governors. After the uprising of 1830-1831, the Russian language was introduced into the office work of the administrative council of Poland and the office of its governor, with permission to use French for those who did not speak Russian. The estates confiscated from the participants in the rebellion of 1830-1831, according to its results, were granted to the Russians; the highest government positions in the region were filled by Russians.

A separate Polish army, following the results of the Polish uprising of 1830-1831, was abolished and merged into one with the Russian one. Quite a fair result of the rebellion was the abolition of the former too favorable financial and customs regime in Poland. The Kingdom of Poland began to participate in the general expenses of the empire in proportion to its means, and not in the previous (smaller) proportion. After the uprising of 1830-1831, Russian subjects who settled in the Kingdom of Poland were granted all the rights of indigenous people, but the Poles also enjoyed the same advantage if they settled in Russia.

In 1832 the Alexander citadel in Warsaw was founded; strengthened the Modlin fortress, renamed Novogeorgievsk. Emperor Nicholas I came to inspect these fortresses, but visited Warsaw only in 1835. He did not allow deputations from the inhabitants of Warsaw to express loyal feelings, noting that he wanted to protect them from lies, because he knew that their feelings were not at all the same as they would wanted to introduce him. “I want deeds, not words,” said the emperor. “If you persist in your dreams of national isolation, of Polish independence, and similar fantasies, you will bring upon yourself the greatest misfortune. I have made a citadel here. I tell you that at the slightest disturbance I will order to shoot at the city, I will turn Warsaw into ruins and, of course, I will not rebuild it.

Portrait of Nicholas I. Artist J. Dow, 1820s

In order to protect the Kingdom of Poland from the influence of the revolutionary ideas of Western Europe and from the action of the propaganda of Polish emigrants, after the uprising of 1830-1831, leaving Poland abroad was surrounded by numerous restrictions: people no younger than 25 years old had the right to go there, and at first they paid 25 rubles for a foreign passport ., and then 100 r. for every semester. Polish youth who were educated abroad without government permission were deprived of the right to hold public office; parents were threatened in such cases with legal liability.

The Polish press after the uprising of 1830-1831 was subjected to strict censorship, which was justified by the need to maintain due respect for the faith, the inviolability of the rights of supreme power, purity of morals and personal honor. The Warsaw Society of Friends of Sciences was abolished; his library and museums were transferred to St. Petersburg. As punishment for the uprising, the Warsaw and Vilna universities and the Kremenets lyceum were closed. Instead of the Warsaw University, it was allowed to open additional courses in pedagogy and jurisprudence at the Warsaw gymnasium (1840), but after some time, due to the possibility of forming secret societies among young people, they were also closed. In 1839, the Warsaw educational district was formed, given over to the trustee, who directly depended on the Minister of Public Education. The district was first controlled by General Okunev, then by his assistant Mukhanov. Teaching in secondary schools was conducted in Russian. The government also paid attention to the education of female youth as future mothers, on whom the upbringing of future generations depends. For this purpose, the Alexandria Institute was established in Warsaw.

The result of the Polish uprising of 1830-1831 was the closer attention of the Russian government to the affairs of the local Catholic Church, some of whose representatives directly inspired the past uprising. The Polish Catholic clergy were subject to strict supervision: they were forbidden to convene local synods, organize anniversary celebrations, found sobriety societies, etc. After the abolition of Warsaw University, a Roman Catholic Theological Academy was established in Warsaw, which was under the control of the commission of internal affairs; this commission monitored the activities of the Catholic clergy. The government wanted to subordinate the spiritual affairs of the Catholic population in the Kingdom of Poland to the St. Petersburg Roman Catholic College, which was in charge of the spiritual affairs of Catholics in the rest of the empire, but due to the resistance of Rome, this was abandoned. The intellectual life of the country was in stagnation; outward calm was disturbed only occasionally by revolutionary propaganda, the centers of which were located abroad, mainly in France, where the Polish emigration was concentrated.

In 1830-31, an uprising against the authorities of St. Petersburg thundered on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. A whole range of reasons led to the beginning of the uprising:

• Poles' disappointment in Alexander's liberal policy Residents of the Kingdom of Poland hoped that the Constitution of 1815 would become an impetus for further expansion of the independence of local authorities, and sooner or later lead to the reunification of Poland with Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus. However, the Russian emperor had no such plans, and in 1820, at the next Sejm, he made it clear to the Poles that the previous promises would not be fulfilled;
• Still popular among Poles is the idea of ​​reviving the Commonwealth within its former borders;
• Violation by the Russian emperor of certain points of the Polish constitution;
• Revolutionary moods that hovered throughout Europe. Riots and individual terrorist attacks took place in Spain, France and Italy. In the Russian Empire itself in 1825 there was an uprising of the Decembrists, directed against the new ruler - Nicholas

Events leading up to the uprising

At the Diet of 1820, the Kalisz Party, representing the liberal gentry opposition, spoke for the first time. The Kalishans soon began to play a key role in the meetings of the Sejm. Through their efforts, the new Code of Criminal Procedure was rejected, which limited judicial publicity and eliminated the jury, and the "Organic Statute", which made ministers beyond jurisdiction. The Russian government responded to this by persecuting the oppositionists and attacking the Catholic clergy, however, this only contributed to the surge of national liberation sentiments. Student circles, Masonic lodges and other secret organizations sprang up everywhere, closely collaborating with the Russian revolutionaries. However, the Polish opposition did not yet have enough experience, so they could not act as a united front and they were often arrested by the police.

By the beginning of the Sejm in 1825, the Russian government had thoroughly prepared. On the one hand, many influential Kalishans were not allowed to attend the meetings, and on the other hand, Polish landowners learned about innovations that were very beneficial for themselves (cheap loans, low duties for the export of Polish bread to Prussia, and increased serfdom). Due to these changes, the Russian government achieved the reign of the most loyal sentiment among the Polish landowners. Although the idea of ​​restoring the Commonwealth was attractive to many Poles, being part of Russia (at that time one of the most powerful European powers) meant economic well-being - Polish goods were sold on a huge all-Russian market, and duties were very low.

However, secret organizations have not disappeared anywhere. After the Decembrist uprising in St. Petersburg, it became known about the connection of Russian revolutionaries with the Poles. Mass searches and arrests began. In order not to go into conflict with the Poles, Nicholas I allowed the Sejm Court to judge the rebels. The sentences were very lenient, and the main charge of high treason was completely dropped from the defendants. Against the backdrop of aggravated relations with Turkey, the emperor did not want to bring confusion into the internal affairs of the state and resigned himself to the verdict.

In 1829, Nicholas I was crowned with the Polish crown and left, signing several decrees that were contrary to the constitution. Another reason for the future uprising was the decisive unwillingness of the emperor to annex Lithuanian, Belarusian and Ukrainian provinces to the Kingdom of Poland. These two occasions became the impetus for the activation of the Warsaw circle of cadets, which arose in 1828. The members of the circle put forward the most resolute slogans, up to the assassination of the Russian emperor and the creation of a republic in Poland. Contrary to the expectations of the cadets, the Polish Sejm did not accept their proposals. Even the most opposition-minded deputies were not ready for the revolution.

But Polish students actively joined the Warsaw circle. As their number increased, more and more calls were made for the establishment of universal equality and the elimination of class differences. This did not meet with sympathy from the more moderate members of the circle, who imagined the future government, consisting of big magnates, gentry and generals. Many of the "moderates" became opponents of the uprising, fearing that it would develop into a mob revolt.

The course of the uprising

On the evening of November 29, 1830, a group of revolutionaries attacked the Belvedere Castle, where the Polish governor, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, was located. The goal of the rebels was the emperor's brother himself, it was planned that the revolution would begin with the massacre of him. However, not only the Russian soldiers guarding the castle, but also the Poles themselves raised weapons against the rebels. The rebels vainly asked the Polish generals who were under Constantine to go over to their side. Only junior officers, who led their companies out of the barracks, responded to their requests. The lower classes learned about the uprising. So artisans, students, the poor and workers joined the rebels.

The Polish aristocracy was forced to balance between rebellious compatriots and the tsarist administration. At the same time, the gentry was resolutely against the further development of the rebellion. As a result, General Khlopitsky became the dictator of the uprising. He stated that he supported the rebels in every possible way, but his real goal was to improve relations with St. Petersburg as soon as possible. Instead of starting hostilities against the tsarist army, Khlopitsky began to arrest the rebels themselves and write loyal letters to Nicholas I. The only demand of Khlopitsky and his supporters was the accession to the Kingdom of Poland of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. To this the emperor replied with a decisive refusal. The "moderates" were at an impasse and were ready to capitulate. Khlopitsky resigned. The Sejm, which was sitting at that time, under pressure from the rebellious youth and the poor, was forced to approve the act of deposition of Nicholas I. At that time, the army of General Dibich was moving to Poland, the situation was heated to the limit.

The frightened gentry preferred to oppose the Russian emperor than incur the wrath of the peasantry, and therefore began to prepare for war with Russia. The collection of troops was slow and with constant delays. In February 1831, the first battles took place. Despite the small number of the Polish army and the lack of agreement between its commanders, the Poles managed to repel the blows of Dibich for some time. But the new commander of the Polish insurgent army - Skshinetsky - immediately entered into secret negotiations with Dibich. In the spring, Skshinecki missed several opportunities to go on the counterattack.

Meanwhile, peasant unrest broke out all over Poland. For the peasants, the uprising was not so much a struggle against Petersburg as a way to resist feudal oppression. In exchange for social reforms, they were ready to follow their lords to war with Russia, but the overly conservative policy of the Sejm led to the fact that by the summer of 1831 the peasants finally refused to support the uprising and went against the landowners.

However, Petersburg was also in a difficult situation. Cholera riots began all over Russia. The Russian army, stationed near Warsaw, also suffered greatly from the disease. Nicholas I demanded from the army the immediate suppression of the uprising. In early September, troops led by General Paskevich broke into the suburbs of Warsaw. The Sejm chose to surrender the capital. The Poles also did not find support from foreign powers, who were afraid of democratic revolutions at home. In early October, the uprising was finally crushed.

The results of the uprising

The consequences of the uprising were very deplorable for Poland:

• Poland lost its constitution, Sejm and army;
• A new administrative system was introduced on its territory, which actually meant the elimination of autonomy;
• The attack on the Catholic Church began.

11/17/1830 (11/30). - The attack of the Polish rebels on the palace of the governor of the Kingdom of Poland, Vel. Prince Konstantin Pavlovich. Beginning of the Polish uprising

On the Polish Uprising of 1830–1831

When, after, by decision of the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Polish territories were transferred to Russia, they were included in the Russian Empire in the form of an autonomous Kingdom (Kingdom) of Poland.

On November 17, 1815, not at all wanting the Russification of the Poles, generously, which they wanted, the Legislative Sejm, an independent court, preserved a separate Polish army and monetary system.

The Poles lost all this after the uprising of 1830-1831, which began on the 15th anniversary of the granting of the constitution by the attack of Polish rebels on the palace of the governor in the Kingdom of Poland, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich. The Catholic gentry, not feeling sympathy for Orthodox Russia and encouraged by the Vatican, staged a rebellion under the slogan of "independence" (although in fact they had it, but wanted the same impunity), and Masonic structures similar to those in Russia became its stronghold ...

In 1830, Masonic lodges in Europe were preparing a wave of "progressive revolutions" against the conservative aristocracy. The July Revolution in France, which overthrew the Bourbons, and the simultaneous revolution against the Dutch monarchy, which declared independence, fueled the ambitions of the Polish revolutionaries. The immediate cause for the uprising was the news of the imminent dispatch of Russian and Polish troops to suppress the Belgian revolution.

On November 17, 1830, a crowd of conspirators broke into the Belvedere Palace, the Warsaw residence of the governor, and carried out a pogrom there, injuring several people from the Grand Duke's close associates. Konstantin Pavlovich managed to escape. On the same day, an uprising began in Warsaw, led by the secret gentry officer society of P. Vysotsky. The rebels seized the arsenal. Many Russian officials, officers and generals who were in Warsaw were killed.

In the context of the outbreak of the rebellion, the behavior of the governor looked extremely strange. Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich considered the uprising a mere outburst of anger and did not allow his troops to come out to suppress it, saying that "the Russians have nothing to do in a fight." Then he sent home that part of the Polish troops, which at the beginning of the uprising still remained loyal to the authorities. Warsaw completely passed into the hands of the rebels. With a small Russian detachment, the governor left Poland. The powerful military fortresses of Modlin and Zamostye were surrendered to the rebels without a fight. A few days after the flight of the governor, the Kingdom of Poland was left by all Russian troops.

In the euphoria of unexpected success, the administrative council of the Kingdom of Poland was transformed into the Provisional Government. The Sejm elected General Yu. Khlopitsky as commander-in-chief of the Polish troops and proclaimed him a "dictator", but the general refused dictatorial powers and, not believing in the success of the war with Russia, sent a delegation to. The Russian Tsar refused to negotiate with the rebellious government, and on January 5, 1831, Khlopitsky resigned. Prince Radziwill became the new Polish commander-in-chief. On January 13, 1831, the Sejm announced the "deposition" of Nicholas I - depriving him of the Polish crown. A government headed by Prince A. Czartoryski came to power. At the same time, the revolutionary Sejm refused to consider even the most moderate projects of agrarian reform and improving the situation of the peasants.

The Polish government was preparing to fight with Russia, increasing the conscription of the army from 35 to 130 thousand people. But the Russian troops stationed in the western provinces were not ready for war. Although they numbered 183,000, the vast majority of the military garrisons were the so-called "disabled teams." Required sending combat-ready parts.

Field Marshal Count I.I. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. Dibich-Zabalkansky, and the chief of staff, General Count K.F. Tol. Dibich, without waiting for the concentration of all forces, without providing the army with food and without having time to equip the rear, on January 24, 1831, entered the Kingdom of Poland between the Bug and Narew rivers. A separate left column of General Kreutz was to occupy the Lublin Voivodeship in the south of the Kingdom and divert enemy forces. However, the beginning of the thaw and thaw buried the original plan. On February 2, 1831, in the battle at Stochek, the Russian brigade of horse rangers under the command of General Geismar was defeated by the Polish detachment of Dvernitsky. The battle between the main forces of the Russian and Polish troops took place on February 13, 1831 near Grochow and ended in the defeat of the Polish army. But Dibich did not dare to continue the offensive, expecting a serious rebuff.

The Polish command took advantage of the inaction of the main forces of the Russian troops and, trying to gain time, began peace negotiations with General Dibich. Meanwhile, on February 19, 1831, Dvernitsky's detachment crossed the Vistula, dispersed small Russian detachments and tried to invade Volhynia. The reinforcements that arrived there under the command of General Tol forced Dvernitsky to take refuge in Zamosc. A few days later, the Vistula cleared of ice and Dibich began to prepare a crossing to the left bank near Tyrchin. But the Polish detachments attacked the rear of the main forces of the Russian troops and thwarted their offensive.

The revolutionaries were also not idle. In the areas adjacent to the Kingdom of Poland - Volhynia and Podolia - unrest broke out, an open rebellion broke out in Lithuania. Lithuania was guarded only by a weak Russian division (3200 people), stationed in Vilna. Dibić sent military reinforcements to Lithuania. Attacks by small Polish detachments in the rear exhausted the main forces of Dibich. The actions of the Russian troops, moreover, were complicated by the cholera epidemic that broke out in April, there were about 5 thousand patients in the army.

In early May, the 45,000th Polish army under the command of Skshinetsky launched an offensive against the 27,000th Russian Guards Corps, commanded by Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich, and threw it back to Bialystok - outside the Kingdom of Poland. Dibich did not immediately believe in the success of the Polish offensive against the guards and only 10 days later sent the main forces against the rebels. On May 14, 1831, in a major battle at Ostroleka, the Polish army was defeated. But a large detachment of the Polish General Gelgud (12 thousand people) in the Russian rear was united by local gangs of rebels, its numbers doubled. Russian and Polish forces in Lithuania were approximately equal.

On May 29, 1831, General Dibich fell ill with cholera and died the same day. Command was temporarily taken over by General Tol. June 7, 1831 Gelgud attacked the Russian positions near Vilna, but was defeated and fled to Prussia. A few days later, the Russian troops of General Roth defeated the Polish gang of Pegs near Dashev and near the village of Majdanek, which led to the pacification of the rebellion in Volhynia. New attempts by Skshinetsky to move behind the lines of the Russian army failed.

On June 13, 1831, the new commander-in-chief of the Russian troops, Field Marshal Count I.F., arrived in Poland. Paskevich-Erivansky. Near Warsaw was the 50,000th Russian army, it was opposed by 40,000 rebels. The Polish authorities announced a total militia, but the common people refused to shed blood for the power of the greedy gentry. In July, the Russian army, having built bridges, crossed over to the enemy coast, the Polish troops withdrew to Warsaw.

On August 3, unrest began in Warsaw, the commander-in-chief and the head of government were replaced. In response to the proposal to surrender Warsaw, the Polish leadership stated that the Poles had raised an uprising in order to restore their fatherland within its ancient borders, that is, to Smolensk and Kyiv. On August 25, Russian troops stormed the suburbs of Warsaw; on the night of August 26-27, 1831, the Polish troops capitulated.

In September and October 1831, the remnants of the Polish army, which continued to resist, were expelled by Russian troops from the Kingdom of Poland to Prussia and Austria, where they were disarmed. The last to surrender were the fortresses of Modlin (September 20, 1831) and Zamostye (October 9, 1831). The uprising was pacified, and the sovereign statehood of the Kingdom of Poland was liquidated. Count I.F. was appointed viceroy. Paskevich-Erivansky, who received the new title of Prince of Warsaw.

Speech of Emperor Nicholas I before the Polish delegation

Going to visit Warsaw after another unrest, Nicholas I wrote on June 30, 1835 to Paskevich-Erivansky: “I know that they want to kill me, but I believe that nothing will happen without the will of God, and I am completely calm ...” In the fall, the Emperor arrived in Warsaw. A deputation of Poles-citizens petitioned for her to be received by the Tsar for the presentation of an address prepared in advance, with an expression of reverent devotion to him. The sovereign agreed to this, declaring that they would not speak, but he. Here is the Emperor's speech:

“I know, gentlemen, that you wanted to address me with a speech; I even know its content, and it is precisely in order to save you from lies that I wish it not to be uttered before me. Yes, gentlemen, in order to save you from lies, for I know that your feelings are not what you want me to believe. And how can I trust them when you told me the same thing on the eve of the revolution? Didn't you yourself, five years old, eight years old, tell me about fidelity, about devotion and make me such solemn assurances of devotion? A few days later you broke your vows, you committed horrors.

Emperor Alexander I, who did more for you than the Russian Emperor should have done, who showered you with blessings, who patronized you more than his natural subjects, who made you the most prosperous and happiest nation, you paid Emperor Alexander I with the blackest ingratitude.

You never wanted to be satisfied with the most advantageous position and ended up ruining your own happiness...

Gentlemen, action is needed, not words. Repentance must come from the heart... First of all, you must fulfill your obligations and behave as honest people should. You, gentlemen, will have to choose between two paths: either to persevere in your dreams of an independent Poland, or to live peacefully and as loyal subjects under my rule.

If you stubbornly cherish the dream of a separate national, independent Poland and all these chimeras, you will only invite great misfortunes upon yourself. At my command, a citadel has been erected here; and I announce to you that at the slightest indignation I will order to destroy your city, I will destroy Warsaw, and certainly not I will rebuild it again. It’s hard for me to tell you this, it’s very hard for the Sovereign to treat his subjects like that; but I tell you this for your own benefit. It will depend on you, gentlemen, to deserve the oblivion of what happened. You can achieve this only by your conduct and your devotion to my government.

I know that there is correspondence with foreign lands, that reprehensible writings are sent here, and that they are trying to corrupt the minds... Amid all the troubles that agitate Europe, and amid all the teachings that shake the public edifice, Russia alone remains powerful and adamant.

God will reward everyone according to their deserts. And he will reward not here! I don’t think that meanness and betrayal, which are often rewarded here with earthly riches by the prince of THIS WORLD, will save you from the torments of hell. Let the Poles have their own state today. But we have the right to ask the question: is it our own? Are they rightful owners in it? Especially against the backdrop of the developing crisis with emigrants in Europe, gay parades mandatory for the European community (this is in Catholic Poland boasting of its piety :)) and other goading of their "older democratic brothers". Poland is now a simple "six". Spit and grind gentry pride.