Dzhokhar Musaevich Dudayev - militant field commanders - about the war in Chechnya - local conflicts - Russian soldiers as a reliable support for Russia. Why was General Dudayev killed?


Dzhokhar Musaevich Dudayev(Chech. Dudi Musa Kant Dzhokhar; February 15, 1944, Yalhori, Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, USSR - April 21, 1996, Gekhi-chu, Chechen Republic, Russian Federation) - Chechen military, state and political figure, leader of the Chechen separatist movement 1990s, the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. In the past - Major General of Aviation, the only Chechen general of the Soviet Army.

Biography

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaiskoye (Chech. Yalhori) of the Galanchozh district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now the Achkhoy-Martan district of the Chechen Republic), the seventh child in the family (had 9 brothers and sisters). A native of the teip Yalkhoroy. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR, among many thousands of Chechens and Ingush.

In 1957, together with his family, he returned to his homeland and lived in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5, at the same time he studied in the 10th grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute, then, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on specialized training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Pilot School with a degree in pilot-engineer (1962-1966).

Military career before the start of the Chechen conflict

In the Armed Forces of the USSR since 1962, he served in both command and administrative positions.

Since 1966, he served in the 52nd instructor heavy bomber regiment (Shaikovka airfield, Kaluga region), began as an assistant commander of an airship.

In 1971-1974 he studied at the command faculty of the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin.

Since 1970, he served in the 1225th heavy bomber aviation regiment (Belaya garrison near Irkutsk, Zabaikalsky Military District), where in subsequent years he successively served as deputy commander of the air regiment (1976-1978), chief of staff (1978-1979), squad leader (1979 -1980), commander of this regiment (1980-1982).

In 1982 he became chief of staff of the 31st heavy bomber division of the 30th air army, and in 1985 he was transferred to a similar position in the 13th guards heavy bomber division (Poltava, 1985-1987).

In 1986-1987, he took part in the war in Afghanistan: according to representatives of the Russian command, at first he was involved in the development of a plan of action for strategic aviation in the country, then on board the Tu-22MZ bomber as part of the 132nd heavy bomber aviation regiment of Long-Range Aviation, he personally made combat sorties in the western regions of Afghanistan, introducing the methodology of the so-called. carpet bombing of enemy positions. Dudayev himself has always denied the fact of his stay in Afghanistan.

In 1987-1991 he was the commander of the strategic 326th Ternopil heavy bomber division of the 46th strategic air army (Tartu, Estonian SSR), at the same time he served as head of the city's military garrison.

In the Air Force, he rose to the rank of Major General of Aviation (1989).

Start of political activity

On November 23, 1990, at the invitation of Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev and Movladi Udugov, ideologues of the National Congress of the Chechen People (OKCHN), Dudayev arrived in Grozny for the First Chechen National Congress (CHNS). On November 25, the congress elected its own governing body - the executive committee, which, among others, included the retired Major General Dzhokhar Dudayev. On November 27, members of the executive committee unanimously adopt a declaration on the formation of the Chechen Republic of Nokhchi-Cho ..

President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

In May 1991, the retired general accepts an offer to return to Chechnya and lead the growing social movement. On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the OKChN, into which the former executive committee of the ChNS was transformed. From that moment, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN, began the formation of parallel authorities in the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.

In early September 1991, he led a rally in Grozny demanding the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR in connection with the fact that on August 19 the party leadership in Grozny supported the actions of the State Emergency Committee. On September 3, Dudayev announced the deposition of the Supreme Soviet of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR. On the same day, the TV center, the House of Radio and the House of Political Education were seized by the OKCHN forces. On September 6, the Supreme Council of the CHIASSR was dispersed by armed supporters of the OKChN. The Dudaevites beat the deputies and threw the chairman of the Grozny City Council, Vitaly Kutsenko, out of the window. As a result, the chairman of the City Council died, and more than 40 deputies were injured. On September 8, the Dudaevites captured the airport and CHPP-1, blockaded the center of Grozny.

On October 1, 1991, by decision of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, the Chechen-Ingush Republic was divided into the Chechen and Ingush Republics (without borders). October 27, 1991 was elected President of the Chechen Republic. By his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI) from the RSFSR, which was not recognized by either the Russian authorities or any foreign states. On November 7, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree declaring a state of emergency in Chechnya and Ingushetia. In response, Dudayev introduced martial law on the territory under his control. An armed seizure of buildings of power ministries and departments was carried out, military units were disarmed, military camps of the Ministry of Defense were blocked, rail and air transportation was stopped. The OKChN called on Chechens living in Moscow to "turn the capital of Russia into a disaster zone."

On November 11, the Supreme Soviet of Russia, where Yeltsin's opponents held most of the seats, did not approve the presidential decree, in fact supporting the self-proclaimed republic.

In November-December, the self-proclaimed parliament of the CRI adopted a decision to abolish the existing authorities in the republic and to recall the People's Deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR from the CRI. Dudayev's decree introduced the right of citizens to acquire and store firearms.

Foreign policy activity

On March 3, 1992, Dudayev announced that Chechnya would sit down at the negotiating table with the Russian leadership only if Moscow recognized its independence. Nine days later, on March 12, the CRI parliament adopted the constitution of the republic, declaring it an independent secular state. The Chechen authorities, meeting almost no organized resistance, seized the weapons of the Russian military units stationed on the territory of Chechnya.

In August 1992, King Fahd ibn Abdulaziz al-Saud of Saudi Arabia and Emir of Kuwait Jaber al-Ahmed al-Jaber al-Sabah invited Dudayev to visit their countries as President of the Chechen Republic. During long audiences with the king and emir, Dudayev raised the issue of establishing interstate relations at the level of ambassadors, but the monarchs noted that they were ready to recognize the independence of Chechnya only after appropriate consultations with Russia and the United States. As a result of the visit, no documents were signed: according to the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Chechen Republic, Artur Umansky, the Arab leaders wanted to avoid reproaches from Moscow. Nevertheless, at an unofficial level, the monarchs demonstrated their disposition to Dudayev in every possible way. King Fahd flew with him to Medina and introduced him to the architectural monuments of the Muslim shrine. Then they prayed in the temple of al-Kaaba in Mecca, thereby making a small Hajj. And the Emir of Kuwait treated Dudayev to a dinner party in the presence of ambassadors from 70 countries accredited in Kuwait. In Saudi Arabia, the Chechen leader also held talks with Albanian President Sali Berisha and Foreign Minister of Bosnia and Herzegovina Haris Silajdzic, who were also there.

After that, Dudayev makes visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. At the end of September 1992, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited Bosnia, where a civil war was going on at that time. However, at the Sarajevo airport, Dudayev and his plane were arrested by French peacekeepers. Dudayev was released only after a telephone conversation between the Kremlin and UN headquarters.

After that, Dzhokhar Dudayev went to the United States, accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Mairbek Mugadaev and Grozny Mayor Beslan Gantemirov. According to official sources, the purpose of the visit was to establish contacts with American entrepreneurs for the joint development of Chechen oil fields. The visit ended on October 17, 1992.

1993

On April 17, 1993, Dudayev dissolved the CRI government, the parliament, the constitutional court and the Grozny City Assembly, introducing direct presidential rule and a curfew throughout Chechnya.

1995

On the instructions of Dzhokhar Dudayev, camps for prisoners of war and civilians were created in Chechnya.

Doom

From the very beginning of the first Chechen war, Russian special services were hunting for Dudayev. Three attempts ended in failure. On April 21, 1996, Russian special services located the signal from Dudayev's satellite phone near the village of Gekhi-Chu, 30 km from Grozny. 2 Su-25 attack aircraft with homing missiles were lifted into the air. Dudayev died from a missile strike right during a telephone conversation with Russian deputy Konstantin Borov. Alla Dudayeva, in an interview with Kommersant, said that she was next to Dzhokhar at the time of his death. She said in particular: And then Dzhokhar started talking to Borovoy. He told me: "Go back to the ravine." And here I am standing with Vakha Ibragimov on the edge of the ravine, early spring, the birds are singing. And one bird is crying - as if moaning from a ravine. I didn't know then that it was a cuckoo. And suddenly - behind my back a rocket strike. About twelve meters away I stood from Dzhokhar, I was thrown into a ravine. Out of the corner of my eye I saw a yellow flame. I wanted to get out. I look - there is no "UAZ". And then the second blow. One of the guards fell on top of me, he wanted to close me. When it calmed down, he got up, and I heard the crying of Viskhan, Dzhokhar's nephew. I got out, I don’t understand where everything disappeared: neither the UAZ, nor Vakha Ibragimov, I was walking as if in a dream and then I stumbled over Dzhokhar. He was already dying. I did not hear his last words, but he managed to tell our guard, Musa Idigov: "Bring it to the end." We picked it up, carried it to the second "UAZ", because a pile of metal remained from the first one. Khamad Kurbanov and Magomed Zhaniev died, Vakha was wounded. They put Dzhokhar in the back seat of the UAZ, Viskhan sat next to the driver, and I huddled behind the window. They were supposed to come for Vakha later. They still thought that Dzhokhar could be saved. Although I already then realized that it was impossible, I felt in his head, on the right, such a hole ...

Photo: And so it was! On the eve of the war, Ataman Nikolai Kozitsyn signed the "Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation" with Dudayev. Grozny city, August 24, 1994

DZHOKHAR DUDAEV WAS LIQUIDATED TWENTY YEARS AGO

Twenty years ago, in the spring of 1996, the history of Chechnya, rich in twists and turns, underwent another sharp turn: the first president of Ichkeria, General Dzhokhar Dudayev, gave his last order on April 21 - "live long."

"The owner is sound asleep"

From the very beginning of the war, our special services hunted for Dudayev. Three attempts ended in failure, the fourth gave a positive result.

The first time, they say, the sniper missed, and the bullet only slightly touched Dudayev's father. The second time a mine exploded, laid on the route of his car, only turned the car over. And the third time, Dudayev was saved by a miracle - he, along with the guards, left the house five minutes before it was smashed to pieces by an aircraft rocket.

On April 4, 1996, Dudayev settled with his headquarters in Gekhi-Chu, a village in the Urus-Martan district, located southwest of Grozny. The Dudayevs - Dzhokhar, Alla and their youngest son Degi, who at that time was twelve years old - settled in the house of the younger brother of the Prosecutor General of Ichkeria, Magomet Zhaniev.


During the day, the head of Ichkeria was usually at home, and at night he was on the road. “Dzhokhar, as before, at night, traveled around our Southwestern Front, appearing here and there, constantly being close to those who held positions,” Alla Dudayeva recalled.

In addition, her husband regularly traveled to the nearby forest for communication sessions with the outside world, carried out through the installation of satellite communications "Immarsat-M". The Ichkerian president avoided calling directly from home, fearing that the Russian special services could pinpoint his location from an intercepted signal.

From one of these communication sessions, which took place a few days before Dudayev's death, the general and his retinue returned earlier than usual. “Everyone was very excited,” Alla recalled. Dzhokhar, on the contrary, was unusually silent and thoughtful. Musik (bodyguard Musa Idigov. - Auth.) took me aside and, lowering his voice, whispered excitedly: "One hundred percent are hitting our phone."

... On April 21, 1996, the Russian special services located the signal from Dudayev's satellite phone in the Gekhi-Chu area. Two Su-25 attack aircraft with homing missiles were lifted into the air. Presumably, Dudayev was destroyed by a rocket strike right during a telephone conversation with State Duma deputy Konstantin Borov, who was his informal political adviser.

Alla Dudayeva, in an interview with the Kommersant newspaper, said that she was next to Dzhokhar at the time of his death: “... Dzhokhar began to talk with Borov. He told me: "Go to the ravine." And here I am standing with Vakha Ibragimov on the edge of the ravine, early spring, the birds are singing. And one bird is crying - as if moaning from a ravine. I didn't know then that it was a cuckoo. And suddenly - behind my back a rocket strike. About twelve meters away I stood from Dzhokhar, I was thrown into a ravine. Out of the corner of my eye I saw a yellow flame. I wanted to get out. I look - there is no "UAZ". And then the second blow. One of the guards fell on top of me, he wanted to close me. When it calmed down, he got up, and I heard the crying of Viskhan, Dzhokhar's nephew.


I got out, I don’t understand where everything disappeared: neither the UAZ, nor Vakha Ibragimov, I was walking as if in a dream and then I stumbled over Dzhokhar. He was already dying. I did not hear his last words, but he managed to say to our guard, Musa Idigov: "Bring it to the end." We picked it up, carried it to the second UAZ, because a pile of metal remained from the first one.

Khamad Kurbanov and Magomed Zhaniev died, Vakha was wounded. They put Dzhokhar in the back seat of the UAZ, Viskhan sat next to the driver, and I huddled behind the window. They were supposed to come for Vakha later. They still thought that Dzhokhar could be saved. Although I already realized then that it was impossible, I felt in his head, on the right, such a hole.

Some details of this operation are contained in the publication of Viktor Barants "Chechen informant handed over Dudayev for a million dollars" (April 2011). The Komsomolskaya Pravda correspondent talked with former GRU officers, reserve colonels Vladimir Yakovlev and Yuri Aksyonov, who in April 1996 took part in the action to eliminate the leader of the Chechen separatists.

“Through our Chechen agents, we obtained information that Dudayev intends to get in touch in such and such a square ... And we even knew the approximate time. Therefore, full combat readiness was declared ... On that day, all of us - both ground troops and pilots, were lucky as never before. Dudayev was still approaching Gekhi-Chu, and the plane was already taxiing to take off in Mozdok ... We later learned that Dudayev was there with his wife, assistants, and security guards. They arrived at the wasteland. Launched a satellite phone. At that time, Dudayev spoke really longer than usual. We heard the distant rumble of an airplane, then a deafening explosion. A few hours later, we received confirmation “from the other side” that Dudaev’s corpse was being prepared for burial ... A coded message was transmitted to the headquarters - something like “The owner fell asleep soundly” ... Everything.

The burial place of Dudayev is still unknown ... It is located in the south of Chechnya in one of the rural cemeteries. According to Akhmed Zakaev, who lives in London, the remains were reburied on the eve of or with the start of the second military campaign in the North Caucasus.

Dzhokhar Dudayev was allegedly born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaisky in the Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now the Achkhoy-Martanovsky district of the Chechen Republic). He was the youngest, thirteenth child of the veterinarian Musa and Rabiat Dudayev. He had three brothers and three sisters of blood and four brothers and two half-sisters (his father's children from a previous marriage).


The exact date of birth is unknown: during the deportation, all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, parents could not remember all the dates. Alla Dudayeva, in her book “One Million First: Dzhokhar Dudayev,” writes that the year of Dzhokhar’s birth could be 1943, not 1944.

Dzhokhar was a native of the teip Yalkhoroy. His mother Rabiat belonged to the Nashkhoy teip, originally from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, in February 1944, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass eviction of Chechens and Ingush.

When Dzhokhar was six years old, his father died. While his brothers and sisters studied poorly, often skipping school, Dzhokhar was distinguished by good academic performance and was even elected head of the class.

After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transferred to Shymkent. Dzhokhar studied there until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny.

In 1959, Dudayev graduated from high school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5. At the same time, he studied in the tenth grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later.

In 1960, Dzhokhar entered the Physics and Mathematics Department of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute. However, after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on profile training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School named after Marina Raskova (1962-1966).

After graduating from college in 1966, Dudayev was sent to the 52nd Guards Instructor Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment, which was based at the Shaikovka airfield in the Kaluga region. The first position is the assistant commander of an airship.

In 1968 Dudayev became a communist. In 1971 he entered, and in 1974 he graduated from the command faculty of the Yuri Gagarin Air Force Academy.

Since 1970, he served in Transbaikalia, in the 1225th heavy bomber aviation regiment, based in the Belaya garrison in the Usolsky district of the Irkutsk region. There, in subsequent years, he successively held the positions of deputy commander of an air regiment, chief of staff, commander of a detachment and commander of a unit.

In 1982, Dudayev was appointed chief of staff of the 31st heavy bomber division, and in 1985 he was transferred to Poltava, chief of staff of the 13th Guards Heavy Bomber Aviation Division.


According to former colleagues, Dzhokhar Musaevich was a quick-tempered, emotional and at the same time extremely honest and decent person. Responsible, among other things, for political work with personnel.

In 1988, Dudayev took part in the war in Afghanistan. He made combat missions to the western regions aboard a Tu-22MZ bomber, introducing the technique of so-called carpet bombing of enemy positions. However, Dudayev himself has always denied the fact of his active participation in hostilities against the Islamists in Afghanistan.

Former Defense Minister Pavel Grachev, speaking of his Afghan meetings with Dudayev, recalled that they spoke twice, at the air force base in Bagram and in Kabul: “We coordinated the interaction of long-range aviation and paratroopers. Dzhokhar Dudayev was the initiator and developer of the so-called carpet bombing in Afghanistan. Good officer. Soviet hardening, graduated from our school, literate ... "

Since 1989, Dudayev was the commander of the strategic 326th Tarnopol heavy bomber division of the 46th strategic air army. The base is the city of Tartu, Estonian SSR. At the same time, he served as the head of the military garrison. The rank of Major General of Aviation was awarded to him in 1989.

“Dudaev was a well-trained officer,” recalled Army General Pyotr Deinekin, Hero of Russia. - He graduated from the Gagarin Academy, adequately commanded a regiment and division. He firmly managed the aviation group during the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of War. He was distinguished by endurance, calmness and concern for people. A new training base was equipped in his division, canteens and airfield life were equipped, a firm statutory order was established in the Tartu garrison. Dzhokhar deservedly was awarded the rank of Major General of Aviation.

CHANGE MILESTONES. POWER TAKE

The Soviet Union, being destroyed from within, was living out its "last days", and Dudayev decided which way to go next. On November 23-25, 1990, the Chechen National Congress was held in Grozny. The head of the Executive Committee invited his "Varangian" Dzhokhar Dudayev.

After the January events in Vilnius, where troops and special forces of the KGB were sent by order or with the knowledge of Gorbachev, Dudayev spoke on Estonian radio, stating that if Soviet troops were sent to Estonia, he would not let them through the airspace.

According to the memoirs of Galina Starovoitova, in January 1991, during Boris Yeltsin's visit to Tallinn, Dudayev provided Yeltsin with his car, in which he returned to Leningrad.


In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR. In May, having been transferred to the reserve, he accepts an offer to return home and lead the growing social movement.

On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the National Congress of the Chechen People. From that moment on, Dudayev, as the head of the OKCHN Executive Committee, forms parallel authorities. According to him, the deputies "did not justify the trust", they are "usurpers".

The events of August 19-21, 1991 in Moscow became a catalyst for the aggravation of the political situation in the republic. The Chechen-Ingush Republican Committee of the CPSU, the Supreme Council and the government supported the GKChP, but the OKCHN opposed the GKChP.

On August 19, at the initiative of the Vainakh Democratic Party of Yandarbiev, a rally in support of the Russian leadership began on the central square of Grozny. However, after August 21 (the failure of the GKChP in Moscow), it began to take place under the slogan of the resignation of the Supreme Council, along with its chairman.

On September 4, the Grozny television center and the Radio House were seized. Dudayev read out an appeal in which he called the leadership of the republic "criminals, bribe-takers, embezzlers." And he announced that from "September 5 until the holding of democratic elections, power in the republic passes into the hands of the executive committee and other general democratic organizations."

On September 6, the Supreme Council of the CHIASSR was dispersed by armed supporters of the OKChN. Dudayevites beat the deputies and threw Vitaly Kutsenko, chairman of the Grozny City Council, the first secretary of the city committee of the CPSU, out of the window of the third floor. The head of the city died, and more than forty deputies were injured. Two days later, the Dudaevites captured the Severny airport and CHPP-1, blockading the center of Grozny.

Musa Muradov, former editor-in-chief of the Groznensky Rabochiy newspaper, recalled: “At the end of October 1991, Elza Sheripova, the Prosecutor General of independent Ichkeria, came to the editorial office of the Groznensky Rabochiy newspaper and put the text of the main law on my table: “Publish!”. The typewritten text is full of typos. In some paragraphs, “Chechnya” is replaced by “Sudan” and the names of the Baltic republics: the document was hastily compiled from the constitutions of these countries. “It's nothing,” says the attorney general, correcting mistakes. “We need to secure sovereignty as soon as possible. The people are tired, they can't wait."

On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in Checheno-Ingushetia, in which Dudayev won with 90.1% of the vote. By his first decree, he proclaimed the independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI), which, however, was not recognized by either the Russian authorities or any foreign states.

MEETING WITH DUDAYEV

Me and photojournalist Dmitry Borko happened to be the first Moscow journalists who spoke with Dzhokhar Dudayev immediately after the victory of the rebels. It happened like this. Our editor-in-chief Gennady Ni-Li called me in and casually said: “Dudaev seized power in Grozny, there are riots in the city ... Fly to Grozny and interview him.”


In fact, Gennady Pavlovich threw me out of the boat into the river - he will swim out, he will not swim out ... For which I am grateful to him! It was possible to refuse. But I saluted and rushed to the White House, where I was a parliamentary correspondent, in order to get a ticket for the Moscow-Grozny plane from the deputy cash desk.

Despite the share of adventurism, I was well aware of the possible consequences of this enterprise. That is why I stocked up on "credentials" - two official appeals addressed to Dudayev, on letterheads. They were signed by Oleg Rumyantsev, executive secretary of the Constitutional Commission of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation, co-chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Russia (SDPR), and Nikolai Travkin, head of the parliamentary committee, Hero of Socialist Labor, chairman of the Democratic Party of Russia (DPR).

Actually, these solid papers helped me find my way to Dudayev, because upon arrival in Grozny, on the square in front of the former Chechen-Ingush Republican Committee of the CPSU, I was detained as a "KGB agent". And the next day, Dudayev received me, and we spent two hours in a meaningful conversation.

Recalling that meeting, I want to note the main thing: at that time, Dudayev was still a Soviet and military man. This was evident in everything - in mentality, demeanor and speech turns. I remember one of his phrases: "Chechnya is the last Soviet republic of the Soviet Union." I don't know what he invested in it, since before that he himself supported Boris Yeltsin in his confrontation with the Union Center.

Twice during the conversation, the head of the Vainakh Democratic Party, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, the future head of Ichkeria, who, already in exile, was blown up in Doha (Qatar), when he returned home after Friday prayers, visited the office twice.

Then, in the fall of 1991, no one, I think, could have imagined that this gloomy schizophrenic with a frozen look, who headed the children's magazine Raduga, would become one of the ideologists of Wahhabism.

When Yandarbiev appeared, who sat down and silently listened to what we were talking about, Dudayev changed literally before our eyes; he began in an excited manner to pour claims and sharp accusations against Moscow.

After sitting for about five minutes, Yandarbiev, without uttering a word, got up and left, after which Dudayev calmed down and continued the conversation in the same vein. And so it went on twice. This made me think that Dudayev was influenced by his inner circle, being his hostage - which, in fact, was shown by subsequent events.

Having learned that Dudayev had spoken with a correspondent from Moscow for two hours, the leader of the Daimokhk (Fatherland) movement, Lecha Umkhaev, a former deputy of the Supreme Council of the CHI ASSR, decided to meet with me.

When in August 1990 an informal group of the Chechen intelligentsia created an organizing committee to convene the 1st Congress of the Chechen people, which included representatives of almost all parties and public movements, authoritative and respected people in the republic, Lecha Umkhaev was elected chairman of the OK.

It was he, Lecha Umkhaev, who was approved by the congress as Dudayev's first deputy.

Heading the moderate wing of the All-National Committee of the Chechen People, Umkhaev figured out the situation and, together with his supporters, left the leadership of the OKChN.

And now he was sitting in the room of the Kavkaz Hotel and telling me, a random, in general, guest from the capital, that he was the one who, unfortunately, directly had a hand in inviting Dudayev to the republic, that Moscow does not understand - Dudayev is not a democrat at all, but an ambitious leader, and he is turned around by his radical entourage. And that all this, in the end, will lead to big trouble.


Umkhaev urged me to convey this position to the readers of the capital and those politicians with whom I communicate. Time has shown that Umkhaev was absolutely right in his assessments and forecasts. Dudayev bit the bit, and the very logic of events carried him with the strength and pressure of a mountain river.

In the meantime, the democrats and yesterday's party members from the CPSU, who had changed colors, shared the skin of a murdered Soviet bear in Moscow with rapture and bitterness. When they realized it, it was already too late.

After the unpunished murder of Yuri Kutsenko and the absence of any reaction from Moscow to the seizure of the building of the Supreme Council in Grozny by Dudayev, the genocide of the Russian-speaking and non-Chechen population of the republic began, the liquidation of people suspected of having links with state security, and the expulsion from the republic of those Chechens who did not support secession from Russia. Grozny alone left 200,000 residents with the complete indifference of the Russian authorities and the world community.

From the moment of the declaration of independence, Dudayev announced a course towards building the state of the Chechen people. After taking office as president, he issued an order to pardon prisoners in prisons and colonies. The amnesty, as well as high unemployment in the subsidized region of Russia, played an important role in the future crimes of militants and criminal elements against the civilian population.

In an interview dated July 6, 2006, to the correspondent of the French weekly Parimatch, the famous writer and publicist Marek Halter, President Vladimir Putin stated in plain text: . Unfortunately, no one responded to this. No one reacted even to the raids on Russian territory that have been carried out all these years. The authorities did not react to mass kidnappings. You know that the number of abducted people in Chechnya amounted to about two thousand people! The interests of the extremists had nothing in common with the interests of the Chechen people. Abductions of Chechens by Chechens have begun in the republic, which has never happened before in the history of Chechnya ”(quote from kremlin.ru).

He also said two years later, during a direct line on December 19, 2002, that in Chechnya “as a result of ethnic cleansing, up to 30 thousand people died, and maybe even more” (“Direct Line with the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin". "Olma-Politizdat", 2003).

The head of state, giving these and other assessments, relied on the information and documents of law enforcement agencies. So, according to the assessment of Colonel-General Valery Baranov, who headed the Joint Group of Forces in the North Caucasus, “the sharp outflow of the Russian-speaking population was caused primarily by the change in the political regime and its policy of genocide against Russian-speaking citizens” (Valery Baranov. “From military operations - to the performance of police functions.” Military-Industrial Courier, No. 4, February 2006).

The materials of the Parliamentary Commission of the State Duma on the study of the causes and circumstances of the crisis in the Chechen Republic (Laventa, 1995) testify to what was happening in Ichkeria under Dudayev. The commission was headed by deputy, film director, publicist and public figure Stanislav Govorukhin.


... Such is the price of the collapse of empires and the indifference of temporary workers to the fate of their fellow citizens.

PASSPORT FOR DUDAYEV

Arkady Volsky, head of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP), told me that Dzhokhar Dudayev was offered a Jordanian passport by Yeltsin (on condition that he leave the war-torn republic), as well as what preceded the start of the war.

We met in July 2005 under the patronage of the Hero of the Soviet Union Gennady Nikolaevich Zaitsev. Five hours spent with Volsky in his office on Staraya Ploshchad. A total of five meetings. Most of it was recorded on magnetic tape, the smaller part - in a notebook, by hand.

Arkady Ivanovich was one of those who are commonly called political heavyweights. Why - you will not immediately understand. A discreet appearance, rustic manners, the unhurriedness of an experienced apparatchik ... But there was a fantastic charm and inner calm strength in his appearance and manner of communicating with people of different levels and circles. And most importantly, he was a brave and courageous person - Afghanistan, Chernobyl, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia, Chechnya ...

- Arkady Ivanovich, in your opinion, the situation in December 1994 and the armed phase of the conflict - were they predetermined?

It is difficult for me to answer this question. But, judging by the statement of Rutskoy, who was quite close to all these cases, I think yes. Judging by the stories of the Chechens themselves, I think that it is predestined.

Well, firstly, we ourselves, to be honest (if we take Burbulis and others), brought Dudayev there. Brought and dropped. Secondly, they left all the weapons. Even more than there! I don’t know, apparently, parts left - and left. Thirdly, we even left the planes at the Severny airport. Well, you know all this perfectly well. Therefore, I think the war was inevitable. But! When I met with Dudayev, and I met in very difficult conditions ...


- Tell me, please.

- I had a secret (now what to hide?) Task: to offer Dudayev a passport, money, a plane - and fly from Chechnya abroad.

— In 1995?

- Yes. But since we could not bring him to Grozny, of course, after all this war, so I had to crawl into the mountains, on all fours. For the whole day I traveled through impassable mud, “on my stomach”.

— With protection, as it should be?

- With a Chechen who knew where he lives. In the mountains. With what security, what are you?! They wouldn't let anyone in. You never know. They were afraid of assassination, and so on. Here you go. And when we arrived ... But I almost lied. I did not have security, but there was one person with me, who was called my assistant.

— And who was it?

- Conditional name - Assistant to the President of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. And if they check, I arranged an office for him here. With his last name. Well, it doesn't matter. He was not allowed to negotiate, but he still stood. Unarmed.

And to me, Dudayev, answering my words: “I have an instruction from the president to offer you a passport - a Jordanian one. Here's the money, here's the plane. All. Thank you for serving the Soviet Army and for commanding a strategic aviation division,” he said: “Arkady Ivanovich, you insulted me with this proposal. I understand that it does not come from you. You are a performer. I will not leave my people anywhere. I will not leave Russia anywhere. Ichkeria, as well as Russia, is my Motherland. I believe that if the Soviet Union had survived, nothing would have happened here. I believe that if the madness with the separation of Chechnya and Ingushetia had not been done, then nothing (tragic) would have happened either. I believe that if you had not supported a group of unscrupulous people in our republic, this would not have happened either. Therefore, I would rather die here, but I won’t go anywhere.”

Dudayev was mortally offended by my proposal. After that, we had a barbecue and started talking about how, naturally, he was a member of the party and how he now, although he converted to Islam, still understands: democracy, freedom, and so on. “Yours are inventing about the words in the Koran “kill the giaur,” said Dudayev. “I also thought that they were, but in fact these words are not there.” We talked with him until morning. From twelve at night to five in the morning.

Was it all in the mountains?

- In the mountains. God, it was terrible. Moreover, Dudayev's guards consisted of Ukrainians. Pretty "fun" stuff. For me.

Do you remember where the meeting took place?

- Not. They dragged me into the night. In a padded jacket, but with a briefcase. I slept in some mountain village. The day before. Then they didn’t let me out of the house for a day, so that no bandits would see ... And then, in the dark, they took me further, to the mountains. I asked: "What do you need to stop?" He says: "Give us the rights of Tatarstan and nothing else is needed."


- On what did you part with Dudayev?

- We parted with him very peacefully, amicably and well. He said: "Sign the agreement, I will try to approve it if Yeltsin signs at least two days before me." The second thing he told me. Slava Mikhailov and his (Dudaev's) men were negotiating in Ingushetia on the eve of the entry of our troops into Grozny. The talks went very well, quite amicably, and suddenly broke off. Mikhailov, on behalf of President Yeltsin, said that he was inviting him to Sochi. “That one-on-one negotiations would end in peace, I had no doubt, and like a child I rejoiced at this invitation. Arriving, I sewed a new uniform in Grozny. The girls made me a cap, - as he said, - with a dog ... "

- With a wolf, a greyhound ...

Yes, with a wolf. “I have been preparing for this challenge. A week passes - no, another week passes - again silence. Finally, he (Yeltsin) appears in Moscow, and not in Sochi. I start to pull everyone: why is there no call? Therefore, Arkady Ivanovich, I declare to you officially that if this meeting had taken place, the war would not have started.

Who needed it?

- Well, I tell him too - what do you think? And he began to list names for me. I don't want to talk about it now. I'm sorry.

GRACHEV'S TESTIMONY

Various sources testify that the meeting between Yeltsin and Dudayev was planned. She really was preparing, but could she have prevented the war? ..

It is generally accepted that the initiator of the First Chechen War was Defense Minister Pavel Grachev. However, judging by a number of sources, he did his best to delay the start of a full-scale military operation. However, the top officials in Yeltsin's entourage, including Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, believed that a "small victorious war" would not harm the Kremlin.

By that time, Dudayev staged a coup similar to what Boris Yeltsin did in Moscow: in the spring of 1993, Dudayev dissolved the CRI government, parliament, the constitutional court and the Grozny city assembly, introducing direct presidential rule and a curfew throughout Chechnya, and also appointed vice -President Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. Armed Dudayevites carried out the defeat of the Central Election Commission. On June 4, an opposition rally was shot, the buildings of the Grozny City Hall and the Central Internal Affairs Directorate were stormed, as a result of which about fifty people were killed.

The number of obvious, glaring problems piled up. An increasing number of Chechens showed dissatisfaction or went over to the side of the armed opposition. Many of Dudayev's associates from among the moderate nationalists with whom he took power were in tense relations with him.

It was necessary to wait until the "fruit" itself fell into the hands, but in Moscow the party of war won. The entry of federal forces into Chechnya once again made the President-General the banner of all separatists and attracted crowds of foreign mercenaries and religious fanatics to Chechnya.


From an interview with Pavel Grachev to the Trud newspaper, March 2011: “I still hoped to delay the operation until spring. However, an order was received - to put forward troops immediately. I took command and flew to Mozdok. By December 20, the troops reached the borders of Chechnya. B.N. asked to speed it up, I argued, argued: it was necessary to carry out aerial reconnaissance, draw up maps, train soldiers ... In the end, he offered to meet with Dudayev again.

- So what?

- Allowed. I took twelve people for security and negotiations and flew by helicopter to Ingushetia, to Sleptsovsk.

— How were you received?

— Threatening cries of the crowd. We barely squeezed into the building. And then Dudayev arrived. The crowd cheered. People fired into the air. He has 250 guards with him. My guys they immediately pushed back and disarmed.

Could you have been removed?

- Easily. But Dudayev gave the order - do not touch. Field commanders and clerics sat at the table with him. I announced bluntly: Mr. President, the Security Council has decided to use force if you do not obey Moscow's instructions. Dudayev asked if we would go further or just block the republic? I replied, let's go to the end until we put things in order. He is for his own: independence, separation from Russia, we will fight to the last Chechen. After each such statement, the bearded men banged their machine guns on the tabletop as a sign of approval, and the clergy nodded their heads approvingly.

Then Dudayev and I went to a separate room. There are fruit and champagne on the table. I say: "Dzhokhar, let's drink." “No, I am a Muslim.” - "And in Kabul I drank ..." - "Okay." I ask: “Do you understand what you are doing? I will wipe you off the face of the earth." He replies: “I understand, but it’s too late. Did you see the crowd? If I make a concession, you and I will be shot and put in charge of another.” We shook hands.

Was the word "war" uttered?

- Not. He is a military man, I am a military man - everything became clear to us without words. In the evening I reported to Yeltsin, and then the command came from him - to attack.

BLOOD TYPE ON A SLEEVE

There was information that a party card and a portrait of Stalin were found among Dudayev's personal belongings. Like it or not, now it is difficult to say. Looks like Apocrypha. However, the fact that the former Soviet artillery colonel Aslan Maskhadov, who turned from the president of the CRI into a terrorist, kept his party card with him until the very end is a fact!

Both Dudayev and Maskhadov were excellent officers of the Empire. However, with the destruction of the Soviet Union, all their former service lost its sacred meaning. And they became what they became... The same cannot be said about the former president of Ingushetia, Hero of the Soviet Union Ruslan Aushev, who was able to hold himself and keep his republic from turning into a second Ichkeria.

Looking at how the Soviet Union was being destroyed, Dudayev, Maskhadov and many others felt free from the oath of power that was weak and alien to them. An excellent warrior of the Empire, cavalry general Karl Mannerheim, who became the leader of the Finnish nation, did exactly the same.


Unlike many political figures in Finland who were recognized as war criminals, Field Marshal and former President of Finland Karl Mannerheim escaped prosecution - and Stalin did not seek this! Until the end of his life, there was a portrait with a photograph and a personal signature of Emperor Nicholas II on Mannerheim's desktop.

If somewhere in the universe there is a parallel "political" reality, where the modified USSR, albeit under a different name, continues to exist in the current century, then there is certainly a place for General Dudayev, who, using his rich Afghan experience, plans operations VKS against Islamists in Syria.

Gathering Russia, building the Eurasian Union with our equal allies, we must remember the lessons of history well and do everything so that the catastrophe that destroyed our country twice, in February 1917 and August-December 1991, never happens again. And people who are ready to give their lives for a common cause would stay with us, and not fight among the sworn and inveterate enemies.

The newspaper "SPETSNAZ RUSSIA" and the magazine "SCOUT"

Dzhokhar Musaevich Dudayev(Chech. Dudiin Musa-kIant Zhovkhar; February 15, 1944, Yalkhoroy - April 21, 1996, Gekhi-chu) - terrorist, Chechen politician, leader of the 1990s movement for the separation of Chechnya from Russia, the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (1991 -1996). In the past - Major General of Aviation, the only Chechen general in the Soviet Army. Member of the CPSU since 1968. Generalissimo CRI (1996).

Biography

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaisky in the Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now the Achkhoy-Martanovsky district of the Chechen Republic). He was the youngest, thirteenth child of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev, he had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (children of his father from a previous marriage). Johar's father was a veterinarian.

The exact date of Dzhokhar’s birth is unknown: during the deportation, all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, parents could not remember all the dates (Alla Dudayeva in her book “The First Million: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that the year of Dzhokhar’s birth could be 1943, and not 1944). Dzhokhar was a native of the taip Tsechoy from the Tati nekyo clan. His mother Rabiat was a native of the Nashkhoy taip, from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in February 1944.

According to the Russian political scientist Sergei Kurginyan, in exile the Dudayev family adopted the Viskhadzhi vird (a religious brotherhood established by Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev) of the Kadyrian sect of Sufi Islam:

Kadiriyya received a particularly strong impetus for development after the deportation of Chechens to Kazakhstan in 1944. In the 1950s, in the Tselinograd region of the Kazakh SSR, among the Chechens evicted there, the youngest and most radical vird of Kadiriyya, the vird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev, was formed. During the exile to Kazakhstan of the Dudayev family (she returned only in 1957), Dzhokhar's elder brother, Bekmuraz, joined the wird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev. Today, Bekmuraz is a member of the group of ustazes (mentors) of this vird. Dzhokhar Dudayev staked on this youngest and largest wird of the Qadiri tariqat in Chechnya. The Council of Elders was formed mainly from the vird of Vis-Khadji Zagiyev and other virds of Qadiriyya. The Ustazes of Naqshbandiyya were declared a "hornet's nest of the KGB", and the followers of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiyev were declared the purest supporters of the national idea.

When Dzhokhar was six years old, Musa died, which had a strong influence on his personality: his brothers and sisters studied poorly, often skipped school, while Dzhokhar studied well and was even elected head of the class.

After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transferred to Shymkent, where Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which, in 1957, the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5, at the same time he studied in the 10th grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute, but after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on profile training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School of Pilots named after M. M. Raskova (1962-1966) (since the Chechens were then tacitly equated with enemies of the people, upon admission, Dzhokhar had to lie that he was Ossetian, however, receiving a diploma with honors, he insisted that his real origin be entered in his personal file).

In the Armed Forces of the USSR since 1962, he served in command positions in combat units of the Air Force. After graduating from college in 1966, he was sent to the 52nd Guards Instructor Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment (Shaikovka airfield, Kaluga Region) as an assistant commander of an airship. In 1968 he joined the Communist Party. In 1971 he entered, and in 1974 he graduated from the command faculty of the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin.

Dudaev Dzhokhar Musaevich

Major General of Aviation, who led the movement for the secession of Chechnya from the Soviet Union, the first president of Ichkeria (1991-1996), supreme commander during the First Chechen War.

Biography

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Yalkhori (Yalkhoroy) of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Chechen, a native of the teip Yalkhoroy. He was the thirteenth youngest child in the family of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev. Johar's father worked as a veterinarian.

On February 23, 1944, the population of the CHIASSR was subjected to repressions and was deported to Kazakhstan and Central Asia. Dzhokhar Dudayev and his family were able to return to Chechnya only in 1957.

Dudayev graduated from the Tambov Military Aviation School and the Yu.A. Gagarin Air Force Academy in Moscow.

Military career

In 1962 he began serving in the Soviet Army. He rose to the rank of Major General of the USSR Air Force (Dudaev was the first Chechen general in the Soviet Army). He took part in military operations in Afghanistan in 1979-1989. In 1987-1990 he was commander of a heavy bomber division in Tartu (Estonia).

In 1968 he joined the CPSU and did not formally leave the party.

In the autumn of 1990, being the head of the garrison in the city of Tartu, Dzhokhar Dudayev refused to follow the order: to block television and the Estonian parliament. However, this act had no consequences for him.

Political activity

Until 1991, Dudayev visited Chechnya on short trips, but he was remembered at home. In 1990, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev convinced Dzhokhar Dudayev of the need to return to Chechnya and lead the national movement. In March 1991 (according to other sources - in May 1990), Dudayev retired and returned to Grozny. In June 1991, Dzhokhar Dudayev headed the Executive Committee of the National Congress of the Chechen People (OKCHN). According to the BBC, Boris Yeltsin's adviser Gennady Burbulis subsequently claimed that Dzhokhar Dudayev assured him of his loyalty to Moscow in a personal meeting.

In early September 1991, Dudayev led a rally in Grozny, demanding the dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chi ASSR, due to the fact that on August 19 the leadership of the CPSU in Grozny supported the actions of the USSR State Emergency Committee. On September 6, 1991, a group of armed supporters of the OKCHN, led by Dzhokhar Dudayev and Yaragi Mamadaev, broke into the building of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingushetia and forced the deputies to stop their activities at gunpoint.

On October 1, 1991, by decision of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, the Chechen-Ingush Republic was divided into the Chechen and Ingush Republics (without borders).

On October 10, 1991, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, in its resolution "On the Political Situation in Checheno-Ingushetia", condemned the seizure of power in the republic by the Executive Committee of the OKChN and the dispersal of the Supreme Soviet of Checheno-Ingushetia.

President of Ichkeria

On October 27, 1991, Dzhokhar Dudayev was elected President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI). Even after becoming the president of Ichkeria, he continued to appear in public in a Soviet military uniform.

On November 1, 1991, by his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the CRI from the Russian Federation, which was not recognized by either the Russian authorities or any foreign states.

On November 7, 1991, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree declaring a state of emergency in Checheno-Ingushetia. In response to this, Dudayev introduced martial law on its territory. The Supreme Soviet of Russia, where Yeltsin's opponents held most of the seats, did not approve the presidential decree.

At the end of November 1991, Dzhokhar Dudayev created the National Guard, in mid-December he allowed the free carrying of weapons, and in 1992 he created the Ministry of Defense.

On March 3, 1992, Dudayev announced that Chechnya would sit down at the negotiating table with the Russian leadership only if Moscow recognized its independence, thus leading possible negotiations to a dead end.

On March 12, 1992, the Chechen Parliament adopted the Constitution of the Republic, declaring the Chechen Republic an independent secular state. The Chechen authorities, meeting almost no organized resistance, seized the weapons of the Russian military units stationed on the territory of Chechnya.

In August 1992, at the invitation of King Aravin Fahd bin Abdel Aziz of Saudi Arabia and Emir of Kuwait Jabar el Ahded ak-Sabah, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited these countries. He was given a warm welcome, but his request to recognize the independence of Chechnya was denied.

On April 17, 1993, Dudayev dissolved the Cabinet of Ministers of the Chechen Republic, the Parliament, the Constitutional Court of Chechnya and the Grozny City Assembly, introduced direct presidential rule and a curfew throughout Chechnya

In November 1994, formations loyal to Dudayev successfully suppressed the armed uprising of the pro-Russian Chechen opposition. The column of tanks and infantry fighting vehicles that entered Grozny, partially manned by Russian contractors, was defeated.

On December 1, 1994, a decree of the President of the Russian Federation "On certain measures to strengthen law and order in the North Caucasus" was issued, which ordered all persons who illegally own weapons to voluntarily surrender them to the law enforcement agencies of Russia by December 15.

On December 6, 1994, in the Ingush village of Sleptsovskaya, Dzhokhar Dudayev met with Russian Defense Minister Pavel Grachev and Interior Minister Viktor Yerin.

First Chechen War

December 11, 1994, on the basis of the decree of the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin "On measures to suppress the activities of illegal armed groups on the territory of the Chechen Republic and in the zone of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict," units of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia entered the territory of Chechnya. The first Chechen war began.

According to Russian sources, by the beginning of the first Chechen campaign under the command of Dudayev there were about 15 thousand fighters, 42 tanks, 66 infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers, 123 guns, 40 anti-aircraft systems, 260 training aircraft, so the advance of the federal forces was accompanied by serious resistance from the Chechen militias and guardsmen Dudayev.

By the beginning of February 1995, after heavy bloody battles, the Russian army established control over the city of Grozny and began to advance into the southern regions of Chechnya. Dudayev had to hide in the southern mountainous regions, constantly changing his location.

Assassination and death

According to media reports, the Russian special services twice managed to introduce their agents into Dzhokhar Dudayev's entourage and mine his car once, but all assassination attempts ended in failure.

On the night of April 22, near the village of Gekhi-Chu, Dzhokhar Dudayev was killed. According to one of the versions, when D. Dudayev got in touch with the deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation K.N.

According to the Constitution of Ichkeria, Vice President Zelimkhan Yandarbiev became Dudayev's successor as president.

Family status

Dzhokhar Dudayev was married and had three children (daughter and two sons). Wife - Alla Fedorovna Dudayeva, daughter of a Soviet officer - artist, poetess (literary pseudonym - Aldest), publicist. Author of the books "One Million First: Dzhokhar Dudayev" (2002) and "Chechen Wolf: My Life with Dzhokhar Dudayev" (2005), co-author of the collection "The Ballad of Jihad" (2003).

Memory of Dzhokhar Dudayev

In a number of cities in Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine, streets and squares are named after Dzhokhar Dudayev.

Notes

  1. According to Dzhokhar's wife, Alla Dudayeva, her husband was born in 1943, and the exact date of birth is unknown, since all documents were lost due to deportation, "and there were so many children that no one remembered exactly who was born when" (Ch. 2): Dudaeva A.F. Million first. M.: Ultra. Culture, 2005.
  2. Dudaeva A.F. Million first. M.: Ultra. Culture, 2005. Ch. 2.
  3. Obituary: Dzhokhar Dudayev / Tony Barber // Independent, 04/25/1996.
  4. Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia / edited by Bernard A. Cook. Routledge, 2014. P. 322.
  5. Kort M. The Handbook of the Former Soviet Union. Twenty-First Century Books, 1997; Chronicle of the armed conflict. Comp. A.V. Cherkasov and O.P. Orlov. M.: HRC "Memorial".
  6. Chronicle of the armed conflict. Comp. A.V. Cherkasov and O.P. Orlov. M.: HRC "Memorial".

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Self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (-). In the USSR - Major General of Aviation. Generalissimo CRI (1996) .

The youngest, thirteenth child of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev, he had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (children of his father from a previous marriage). The father was a veterinarian.

The exact date of birth is unknown: during the deportation, all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, parents could not remember all the dates (Alla Dudayeva in her book “ Million one: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that the year of birth of Dzhokhar could be 1943, not 1944). Dzhokhar was a native of the taip Tsechoi of the village of Yalkhoroy. His mother Rabiat was a native of the Nashkhoy taip, from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in February 1944.

The opposition press wrote that Dudayev was born on April 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaiskoye, Pervomaisky district, Grozny region. Thus, the Dudayev family was not deported, which may be explained by the fact that Dudayev's father worked closely with the NKVD.

According to the Russian political scientist Sergei Kurginyan, in exile, the Dudayev family adopted the Viskhadzhi vird (a religious brotherhood established by Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev) of the Kadyrian wing of Sufi Islam.

When Dzhokhar was six years old, Musa died, which had a strong influence on his personality: his brothers and sisters studied poorly, often skipped school, while Dzhokhar studied well and was even elected head of the class.

After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transferred to Shymkent, where Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which, in 1957, the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from high school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5, at the same time he studied in the 10th grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, but after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on profile training, he entered (-1966) (since Chechens were then tacitly equated with enemies of the people, then with upon admission, Dzhokhar had to lie that he was Ossetian, however, while receiving a diploma with honors, he insisted that his real origin be entered in his personal file).

According to the memoirs of Galina Starovoitova, in January 1991, during Boris Yeltsin's visit to Tallinn, Dudayev provided Yeltsin with his car, in which Yeltsin returned from Tallinn to Leningrad.

On June 20, 1997, a memorial plaque was erected in Tartu on the building of the Barclay Hotel in memory of Dudayev.

In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. In May, the retired general accepts an offer to return to Checheno-Ingushetia and lead the growing social movement. On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN (National Congress of the Chechen People), into which the former executive committee of the Chechen People was transformed. From that moment, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKChN, began the formation of parallel authorities in the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, stating that the deputies of the Supreme Council of the CHIASSR "did not justify the trust" and declaring them "usurpers".

“On September 5, before the democratic elections are held, power in the republic passes into the hands of the executive committee and other general democratic organizations”

On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in Checheno-Ingushetia, which were won by Dzhokhar Dudayev, who received 90.1% of the vote. By his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI) from the RSFSR and the USSR, which was not recognized by either the allied or Russian authorities, or by any foreign states, except for the partially recognized Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (after Dudayev's death). On November 2, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR declared the elections invalid, and on November 7, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in Chechen-Ingushetia, but it was never implemented, since the Soviet Union still existed, and the security forces were in formal subordination not Yeltsin, but Gorbachev; the latter, after the August coup, no longer actually possessed real power and completely lost control over the processes taking place in the country. In response to Yeltsin's decision, Dudayev introduced martial law on the territory subject to him. An armed seizure of buildings of power ministries and departments was carried out, military units were disarmed, military camps of the Ministry of Defense were blocked, rail and air transportation was stopped. OKCHN called on Chechens living in Moscow to "turn the capital of Russia into a disaster zone."

In November-December, the CRI Parliament adopted a decision to abolish the existing authorities in the republic and to recall the people's deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR from the CHIASSR. Dudayev's decree introduced the right of citizens to acquire and store firearms.

After the collapse of the USSR, the situation in Chechnya finally got out of Moscow's control. In December-February, the seizure of abandoned weapons continued. In early February, the 556th regiment of internal troops was defeated, attacks were made on military units. More than 4,000 small arms, about 3 million pieces of various ammunition, etc. were stolen.

After that, Dudayev makes visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. At the end of September, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited Bosnia, where a civil war was going on at that time. However, at the Sarajevo airport, Dudayev and his plane were arrested by French peacekeepers. [ ] Dudayev was released only after a telephone conversation between the Kremlin and the UN headquarters.

After that, Dzhokhar Dudayev headed to the United States, accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Mairbek Mugadaev and Grozny Mayor Bislan Gantamirov. According to official sources, the purpose of the visit was to establish contacts with American entrepreneurs for the joint development of Chechen oil fields. The visit ended on October 17, 1992.

By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation in Chechnya worsened, Dudayev lost his former support.

At 3:30 am on August 8, several unidentified people broke into Dudayev's office, located on the 9th floor of the presidential palace, and opened fire, but the guards returned fire at the shots, and the attackers fled. During the assassination attempt, Dudayev was not injured.

In the summer of 1993, constant armed clashes took place on the territory of Chechnya. The opposition is forced out to the north of the republic, where alternative authorities were formed. At the end of the year, Chechnya refuses to take part in the elections of the State Duma and the referendum on the constitution, the parliament opposes the inclusion in the new Constitution of the Russian Federation of the provision on Chechnya as a subject of the Russian Federation.

On the instructions of Dzhokhar Dudayev, camps for prisoners of war and civilians were created in Chechnya, sometimes they are called concentration camps. Russian special services hunted Dudayev. Three attempts ended in failure. in Grozny and on the Koran he swore that Dudayev survived the assassination attempt and that on July 5, three months after the liquidation of Dzhokhar, he met with him in one of the European countries. He said that the wounded general was taken from the scene in a car by representatives of the OSCE mission to a safe place indicated by him, that at the moment the president of Chechnya is hiding abroad and "will definitely return when necessary." Raduev's statements had a noisy response in the press, however, at the appointed " hour X» Dudayev did not appear. Once in Lefortovo, Raduev repented that he had said this "for the sake of politics."

In Georgia . It was stated that his preparing to present in front of TV cameras in Turkey shortly before the presidential elections scheduled in the republic in order to destabilize the situation .

In September 1998, in the park named after Dzhokhar Dudayev, which is located in the Vilnius microdistrict Zhverynas, the lines of the poet Sigitas Gyada dedicated to Dudayev were inscribed on it. The inscription in Lithuanian reads: “O son! If you wait for the next century, and, stopping at the high Caucasus, you look around: do not forget that there were men here too, who raised the people and came out to protect the holy ideals of freedom. (literal translation)

On September 12, 1969, Dzhokhar Dudayev married the daughter of Major Alevtina (Alla) Dudayeva (nee Kulikova) and they had three children: two sons - Avlur (Ovlur, "first-born lamb"; born December 24, 1969) and Degi (born May 25 1983), - and daughter Dana (born in 1973). According to 2006 information, Dzhokhar Dudayev has five grandchildren.

Avlur was wounded in February 1995, participating in the battles for Argun (there was a version that he died there), but the former fellow soldier of Dzhokhar, Vytautas Eidukaitis, managed to take him to Lithuania, where on March 26, 2002, Avlur received citizenship in the name of Oleg Zakharovich Davydov (his date of birth was changed to December 27, 1970). Citizenship itself caused criticism in Lithuania itself, because it was issued in one day. Avlur is married and, according to 2013 data, he and his children live in Sweden, where Avlur prefers to distance himself from any publicity as much as possible.

Degi, according to 2011 data, has Georgian citizenship, but also lives in Lithuania, having a residence permit there. In 2004 he graduated from the Higher Diplomatic College of International Relations in Baku and in 2009 from the Technical University in Vilnius. In 2012, he took part in the Georgian show " moment of truth"(Georgian analogue of the American show" The Moment of Truth”) and became the first in the history of the Georgian version who the detector could not catch in a lie. Most of the polls given to him were about his father and his attitude towards Russia:

Leading: Do you feel hatred for the Russian people?
Degi: Not.
Leading: If given the opportunity, would you avenge your father?
Degi: Yes .

He declined to answer the super question, as he was probably confused by the previous one:

Leading: Do you think that Chechen traditions restrict human freedom?
Degi: Yes .

According to 2013 data, he manages the VEO company in Lithuania, specializing in solar energy. In May 2013, Degi was charged with making forged documents. Immediately after his arrest, his mother Alla called what was happening "a provocation of the Russian special services." Degi himself, however, pleaded guilty and was fined 3,250 litas by a court decision in December 2014.

Dana, while still in Russia, married Masud Dudayev and they had four children. In August 1999, they left Russia and lived in Azerbaijan for some time, then moved to Lithuania and then to Turkey, where they stayed until 2010. Then in June of the same year, their family tried to obtain political asylum in Sweden (where Avlur already lived), but failed, as local authorities found many inconsistencies between the documents and the words of the couple. The family tried to appeal against the refusal of the Swedish authorities in the Stockholm court, but in March 2013 he upheld the decision of the authorities. Permission to file an appeal against the court order was also denied to Dudayev. They did not apply to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, despite the fact that they had such an opportunity, because they considered that if they lost, the Swedish authorities would deport them to Russia. In July 2013, Dana left for Germany with two children, and Masud with two others went to the UK (moreover, they crossed the border illegally), where they now live with Akhmed Zakayev. There, Massoud asked the British government for protection, but this was also denied to the family, and the British authorities began to try to deport them back to Sweden. Then the family filed a lawsuit demanding a review of the decision of the UK Home Office, but in June 2015 the High Court of London recognized the decision of the Home Office as legal.

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