February 1, 1992 events. Start of economic reform

Picture of the day in newspaper excerpts and quotations. This day is December 28 - Monday. According to the materials of the newspaper "Izvestia".

"Izvestia" / Founder: Journalistic team "Izvestia" - 1992. - December 28, Monday. - No. 279 (23853). - 8 stripes.

“A new treaty between Russia and the United States may be ready by the new year”- Page 1

“The main actors - US Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleberger, Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev and Russian Defense Minister Pavel Grachev, on the results of the meeting of which depends on whether the START-2 Treaty will be signed at the beginning of the year, have begun negotiations in Geneva.

Much suggests that the task facing the delegations to prepare a treaty for signing before the end of US President George W. Bush's term is quite feasible. Both Washington and Moscow expressed their readiness to meet the time remaining before the change of the American administration. Moreover, Washington considers Grachev's participation in the negotiations as a signal from President Yeltsin that Russia does not intend to delay the conclusion of the treaty.<…>

So, first of all, the talks will touch upon the problem of silos for strategic missiles with multiple warheads, which are called SS-18 in the West. Russia would like to keep some of these silos, which will become vacant after the 154 missiles under the treaty are destroyed.<…>».

"Unpopular measures of the government of Ukraine"- Page 1

«<…>It is noteworthy that the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers spoke on television when the square opposite the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine was already crowded with people, and a spontaneous rally was underway. The workers of several enterprises in Kyiv, including the famous "Arsenal", came to the walls of parliament demanding the repeal of new government decrees in the field of prices. The cost of travel in public transport has increased 10 times, bread has risen in price by 4-6 times, since January a new payment for apartments has been introduced ... Speakers at the rally insisted that the Supreme Council annul the right granted to the Cabinet of Ministers for a while to issue legislative decrees in the field of economy. Saturday's spontaneous rally at the walls of the Ukrainian parliament was the first act of public expression of dissatisfaction with the actions of the government headed by Leonid Kuchma.<…>

The situation with prices in the republic developed in such a way that a huge amount of the most necessary products had to be subsidized from the state budget. If everything is left as it is, L. Kuchma said, then in 1993 subsidies to production would require five trillion karbovanets. And the projected budget revenues next year amount to only two trillion karbovanets. This means that the state would not have a single penny left for pensions and scholarships, for the salaries of doctors and teachers, defense and science, culture and education.<…>».

"Peasants receive 80 billion rubles"- Page 1

“The Russian government decided not to remain indebted to agriculture in 1992 and in the last days of December to send from the budget to the agricultural sector the previously envisaged investments, subsidies, compensations and other payments totaling almost 80 billion rubles.<…>

The point is not only that funds for the development of a new way of life, according to farmers, are still insufficient. At first, state support for peasant farms was provided through the Association of Peasant Farms and Agricultural Cooperatives of Russia (AKKOR), now these funds are supposed to be channeled through state structures, through local budgets.<…>

The share of products grown in peasant farms is also becoming noticeable, for example - more than 3.5 million tons of grain, more than a million tons of potatoes. Of course, many farmers are just getting settled, but 110,000 farms have already sown and harvested crops this year. The financial situation of farmers is now the most acute. But I am convinced that it will only get worse if even those modest budget funds for the development of farming are directed not through farm self-government bodies, but through state structures ...<…>».

“The problems of the CIS are being solved in the Tauride Palace”- Page 1

“On December 28, at 10 am, the second plenary session of the Inter-Parliamentary Assembly of the CIS countries opened in the Great Hall of the Tauride Palace.

Speaker of the Russian Parliament R. Khasbulatov and Chairman of the Petrosoviet A. Belyaev addressed the high assembly with a welcoming speech. The agenda for the next three days of the meeting, which was approved by the Council of Elders, includes eleven issues. The first among them are “On constitutional reforms” and “On the results of agreements on the convergence of national legislations” ...<…>

The Inter-Parliamentary Assembly also intends to consider the issues of the customs service (the project was developed by representatives of Kyrgyzstan), the agreed principles of economic legislation. The agenda includes the adoption of a decision on the printed organs of the assembly ...<…>».

“Frightening forecasts of unemployment have not come true”- Page 1

“As you know, as of December 1, 518,000 unemployed people were registered in Russia. By January 1, no more than 650 thousand are expected. Even the most optimistic of the mass of forecasts - Gaidar's forecast - gave a figure ten times higher.

Recall what scientists and politicians reported about a year ago.

“Recent years have brought problems to the labor market - real unemployment has arisen (experts estimate the number of unemployed at 4-12 million people),” V. Supyan, head of the sector at the Institute for the US and Canadian Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences.<…>

Finally, Ye. Gaidar's forecast: “Unemployment is unlikely to become massive by the end of the year. Six million - yes, but even that is an overestimated figure. However, unemployment will continue to rise.”

So, the predictions did not come true. However, not only the dynamics of the processes in the employment market remains alarming, but also the prospect of mass layoffs looming on the horizon.<…>».

"Eduard Shevardnadze - for the dialogue between Tbilisi and Moscow"- Page 1

“Georgian leader Eduard Shevardnadze said that as a result of military operations undertaken in recent days by Georgian troops, the railway connection with Sukhumi has been restored.

He spoke on the radio. Answering a question about possible negotiations between the military ministers of Georgia and Russia in Moscow, E. Shevardnadze noted that their holding is still in question...<…>».

“A new round of prices is expected in Kazakhstan”- Page 1

“Prime Minister of Kazakhstan Sergei Tereshchenko informed the members of the Supreme Council that the total amount of funds allocated to curb food prices in the republic exceeded 50 billion rubles in 1992.

Only in the fourth quarter, a subsidy was allocated to producers of meat, milk and eggs in the amount of 11 billion. However, it is not possible to rectify the situation with prices ...<…>».

"Holidays" have begun on the stock exchanges- page 2

“Compared to December last year, when there was a rush on the stock exchanges on the eve of price liberalization, this year is ending much calmer.

Business activity has declined. Over the past week on the RTSB, for example, in the food group, only a deal was concluded on sugar. On MTB, the number of transactions also decreased, and the composite price index for the week did not budge. Nevertheless, even without data for the last week, these two exchanges are among the undisputed leaders of the year in terms of turnover: RTSB - about 40 billion rubles, MTB - about 20 billion.<…>».

“Refugees on the Tajik-Afghan border are a problem for two countries”- page 2

«<…>In the immediate vicinity of the border on the side of Tajikistan, there are now about 90,000 refugees. More than 50,000 people have crossed over to Afghan territory, according to the Foreign Ministry. Most of them, in fact, were driven away under the threat of reprisals by militants of forces opposed to the current Tajik government retreating to the adjacent side.<…>

One of the main problems that have arisen in connection with the aggravation of the situation on the border is the return of refugees from Afghanistan home. According to the State Committee for National Security of Tajikistan, special zones are now being created in the state on the opposite bank of the Pyanj for the compact accommodation of forced Tajik migrants. However, providing even a simple subsistence minimum for these people is very difficult.<…>».

“Mikhail Poltoranin: “We are engaged in the organization of the state, and the fourth power should help in this”- page 2

«<…>- The Ministry of Press and Information has turned into a huge monster, a monopolist. It combines a lot of functions: it has thousands of enterprises - printing, ink production, offset plate production, chemical and so on. The Ministry has hundreds of publishing houses. It is the founder and co-founder of many publications, 89 television and radio companies.<…>

So, the ministry retains legal regulation - this is the main thing. In addition, he will have a book publishing activity, a book trade, in order to later release it to the Printing Fund. And the center, which reports to the president, took over the coordination of the media. These are Ostankino, the Federal Television and Radio Broadcasting Service - the third All-Russian television and radio company, ITAR-TASS and RIA news agencies, 89 regional television and radio companies.<…>

...Today, the president has, as it were, retired from economic activity, there is a government and there is a prime minister elected by the congress. The government takes responsibility for economic reforms. The President was released for political work, primarily for the state development of Russia. This is the embodiment of the concept of the Russian state, which the president has. To implement this concept, he must have the tools. One tool is economic reform, the other is political reform. This second task falls on our shoulders.<…>».

"The Party of Labor of Ukraine was established"- page 2

“The founding congress of the Labor Party of Ukraine took place in Donetsk. 14 regions, the city of Kyiv, as well as the Republic of Crimea sent a total of 320 delegates to the congress, and, according to the existing situation, it was entitled to found a new all-Ukrainian party.<…>

The new party, still not really born, immediately came under fire of criticism. They began to reproach her for not seeing the realities of today's life, because both in Russia and Ukraine everything has already been done to establish national currencies, and a return to the ruble is impossible, that borders already exist de facto, that the thesis of "federal land system” of Ukraine is resolutely rejected by the national consciousness as a path leading to the dismemberment of a young independent state.<…>».

“Parliament punishes a deputy and threatens a journalist”- page 2

«<…>The VII Congress of People's Deputies adopted, among others, a decision that passed somehow imperceptibly on the incompatibility of maintaining the status of a deputy with work in the government, including in the positions of deputy. ministers (earlier, only the first heads of ministries and departments resigned as deputy).

Actually, I know only two such deputies - Bela Denisenko and Vladimir Varov, so with a high degree of probability I can assume that the resolution was adopted "under them" - as part of the steady work to bring the deputies into a completely homogeneous state.<…>

On Friday, at the very end of the evening session, when the parliamentarians were already beyond measure excited by the two-hour discussion of the “Georgian issue”, fifteen minutes before the end of the session, one of the deputies got up and suggested discussing the topic, of course, which could not tolerate any delay. The fact is that the day before, journalist A. Cherkizov made a comment on the Ekho Moskvy radio station, and the press center of the Supreme Council immediately distributed his text among the deputies.<…>».

"Scientists warn of the dangers of biological experiments on humans"- page 2

“Alexander Baev, Oleg Gazenko, Boris Petrovsky, Pavel Simonov, Boris Yudin and other well-known scientists called for immediately putting experiments on humans and animals under strict ethical control. The whole world has already done it. Russia is not.

The absence of such control threatens us with new, now biological Chernobyls. Indeed, in terms of the volume of biomedical research, our country occupies one of the first places in the world. It is almost unambiguous to predict a powerful deployment of the microbiological industry in the Russian Federation. And we, in fact, have no limiters that insure us against unpredictable harmful consequences already at the stage of experiments and experiments ...<…>

The authors of the appeal, members of the Russian National Committee on Bioethics, believe that the absence of such a control mechanism in Russia leads to a violation of the Tokyo Declaration of the World Medical Association and the Principles of Medical Ethics, approved in 1982 by the UN General Assembly.<…>».

"GAZ" became a joint-stock company"- page 2

“The largest production association Gorky Automobile Plant has ceased to be a state enterprise - it is registered as an open joint-stock company GAZ.<…>

There is a special Decree of the President of Russia “On the peculiarities of the privatization of the GAZ production association” - a document according to which the staff of the oldest enterprise is entitled to some additional benefits. According to the regulations on privatization, the collective receives at its disposal 25 percent of the so-called preferred shares - "non-voting", another 10 percent of preferential shares (with a 30 percent discount). As for the option - five percent of the shares that should go to the management team, a significant addition has been made here. At GAZ, many thousands of workers are employed in such large divisions as foundry metallurgical production, the production of trucks and cars, tool facilities and others, these are, in fact, “factories in a factory”. Therefore, the heads of these departments are also given the right to buy back shares from the same 5 percent option ...<…>».

"Man of 1992"— page 3

[Nugzar Betaneli, Director of the Institute of Sociology of Parliamentarianism]: “<…>Many still regret the collapse of the USSR: April - 63, August - 69, December - 67 percent. But time reconciles with reality: the number of those who still consider themselves citizens of the USSR decreased from 17 percent in January to 8 percent on December 24. The number of those who “do not feel that we have any kind of state” has slightly increased (January - 5, March - 8, December - 9 percent). Only 1 percent of the respondents feel themselves to be a “citizen of the world”. The majority - January - 66, March - 61, December - 69 percent - feel like citizens of Russia.<…>

Who can be called "Man of 1992" in Russia or in the world? Many - 44 percent - found it difficult to answer this question, 18 - believe that "there is no one like that", however, according to 38 percent of Muscovites, "Person of the Year" is: B. Yeltsin - 17 percent, E. Gaidar - 8 , A. Rutskoy - 3, B. Clinton - 2, 1.5 percent of the "votes" were collected by G. Bush, M. Gorbachev, R. Khasbulatov, N. Nazarbaev, N. Travkin, S. Fedorov, V Chernomyrdin, another 29 names were named 1-3 times. But one of the Muscovites said something that, perhaps, others were embarrassed to say: “The man of the year is myself, because I survived” ...<…>».

“A clash of authorities against the backdrop of the upcoming referendum”— page 3

“Strictly speaking, the 7th Congress of People's Deputies ended with an agreement that introduced a state of emergency in Russia until April 11. Or semi-emergency: "Democracy is suspended" by the ban on referendums, which are part of the set of unshakable and irrevocable rights of a democratic society. The moment was really critical, and the chairman of the Constitutional Court took off his mantle in order to disentangle the "first authorities" who were clinging to each other. Valery Dmitrievich Zorkin, no doubt, became the "man of the year", and at the same time approved the authority of the "third power". It would be quite possible to call this action even a civil feat. But still, the question arises: how much does this action correspond to the law?<…>

We were all spectators of a tragicomic television series called the 7th Congress of People's Deputies. Before that, the VI Congress was held exactly according to the same scenario. And you ask yourself: why do we have some kind of violent parliamentary conflict or shocking of a written speaker can lead to the rejection of a really necessary bill, or even to a change of government? Why “they”, where there are fights and worse in parliaments, everything remains funny or outrageous, but only an episode? Obviously, because the separation of powers created a certain democratic mentality there: it brought up and introduced into the consciousness that there is neither a person nor a body in the state that can “decide everything”. Our consciousness so far accepts it. This is purely Soviet state education plus the legacy of autocratic Russia. And this must be taken into account when organizing a referendum on April 11, on which so many hopes are now placed ...<…>».

“Competition begins in the space communications market”— page 3

«<…>Now the improvement and organization of mass production of ground receiving and transmitting apparatuses are in full swing. They are about the size of a third of the familiar briefcase, and are expected to cost no more than telefaxes. At the first stage, "Gonets" will provide its subscribers with communication in the mode of e-mail, telex, telefax, exchange of computer information. Apparently, this will be the cheapest system of global space communications. In the future, it is planned to add a radiotelephone to it.<…>

Let us emphasize the main thing - not a penny is taken from the budget for new projects. All work is financed by commercial structures. Naturally, not from charity. World experience has shown that every dollar invested in space communications brings about seven dollars of profit. This is for developed countries. And for Russia? Yes, we still have no telephone connection in more than a hundred thousand small settlements.<…>».

"Hostages"— page 3

Subtitle - "Agrarian reform pushed officials and farmers head-on"

“Having not “knocked out” loans for a year, Alexander Bezgodko, a quiet-looking farmer, chained himself to a heating radiator in the regional office of AKKOP and put a knife to his own stomach, threatening to commit suicide. And when the police squad expelled him from the office, the farmer went on a hunger strike. Vladimir Tsvetkov, chairman of the Smolensk ACCOR, hinted in the city newspaper, and then to your correspondent, that Bezgodko, they say, is out of his mind, and therefore you should not inflate a cheap sensation. Anatoly Volosenkov, executive director of ACCOR, expressed himself even more categorically: if the hunger strike ends sadly, there will be one less fool.<…>

When you start to delve into the numbers and nuances, you involuntarily catch yourself on tricky questions. So who is the madman? Who is the projector? Bezgodko (who, by the way, was examined by a psychiatrist and found quite sane) and others like him, who once again believed the authorities? Or the government itself, which in Smolensk is represented by an agrarian general and a KGB officer, pedaling the most complex socio-economic processes without any reason and breeding not full-fledged owners, but beggars, embittered by such reforms?

Paradoxical as it may seem, it seems to me that both officials and many farmers were equally hostages of another revolutionary idea. Only the first fell into this trap thanks to their own, sometimes ignorant ambitions, the desire to flash an exaggerated figure in front of the high Moscow authorities at all costs, and the second has nowhere to retreat: behind many bridges have been burned.<…>».

"French intelligence about the mood in the Russian army"- page 4

“The Russian armed forces, as in the past, have an “imperialist” spirit. The draft military doctrine of Moscow, developed by its high army command, reflected past Soviet concepts. In this draft, in particular, nothing is said about the disappearance of the confrontation between East and West. In addition, there has been no change in the Russian approach with regard to the global concept of security and the role of the military-industrial complex ...

This assessment of the Russian army was given by the Office of Military Intelligence (UVR) of France in its report, published in the magazine "Came de Mars" ...<…>.

According to the "diagnosis" of the UVR, the evolution of the Russian army is slow, and for the most part, its officers are "imperialistically" minded. The new doctrine of Moscow, in his opinion, is designed to serve the interests of the military caste and the military-industrial complex. Because of this, the OIA concludes, such a doctrine cannot but cause concern among the Western powers.<…>».

"Bill Clinton is concerned about the situation in Russia"- page 4

«<…>In an interview with Time magazine, in the first interview since winning the November election, Clinton responded to the question: “Now that your time for taking office is approaching, what is your biggest concern? What could possibly go wrong?” He said, in particular: “The world we live in is very unstable. This is the other side of the miracle brought about by the end of the Cold War. When the world was bipolar, it gave the United States and the Soviet Union a limited ability to contain what we are now seeing, for example, in Bosnia. I am concerned about what is happening in Russia. I think it is highly predictable that there will be disruptions in the reform process.”<…>

It is also noteworthy that in his very brief assessment of events in the former Union, Clinton was almost unanimous with Brent Scowcroft, George W. Bush's national security aide. Scowcroft, who spoke Sunday on NBC's program, pointedly shied away from answering the question of how long Boris Yeltsin's rule in Russia is. But he noted that Yeltsin was facing "increasing difficulties, political and economic," that "incredible inflation is an extremely destabilizing factor."<…>».

“Vouchers appeared in Japan, now they are waiting for perestroika…”— page 7

«<…>... Meanwhile, the current world is more unstable and more prone to shocks than the former world, and the main "source" of new worries is one sixth of the land, formerly called the Soviet Union. So, if we carefully analyze the main accents laid down in various speeches by leading Western politicians addressed to Japan, then a certain “geographical orientation” emerges in the wishes for Tokyo. This is not yet an ultimatum, but already an unambiguous call not to shirk the "game" in the former Soviet direction. Too much depends on the successful outcome of the Russian reforms - Western capitals understand this very well and, in fact, talk about it to the Japanese.<…>

And then two interesting facts: in a recent letter sent by the Japanese Prime Minister to the Russian President, which contained a proposal to resume inter-MFA consultations and go “towards each other”, there was not a word about the problem of territories; in the four interviews the prime minister has just recorded to Japanese television companies on the occasion of the approaching New Year, there is also nothing about the territories, but concern is expressed about the development of the situation in Russia, and the Russian “direction” is singled out as one of the key ones in world politics next year. Accidents in Japan happen too rarely to be repeated twice in a short time - since the Japanese prime minister is shifting the emphasis in a conversation with Russia and about Russia, then hopes for a change in course can be considered serious.<…>».

Bagdasaryan V.E.

October 1993… What is the historical semantics of the events that took place 20 years ago? A direct consequence of what happened was the adoption of a new Constitution. This Constitution banned the state ideology of Russia. In fact, an external ideological project was adopted. The type of non-sovereign model of statehood was affirmed.

At present, judging by public opinion polls, the majority supports the side of the Supreme Council in those events. But if we proceed from the position of the majority, then an appropriate revision of the results of what happened should be carried out. And the following happened...

In 1993, a constitutional coup took place in Russia. The President was at the head of this coup. According to the 1977 Constitution in force at that time, the Congress of People's Deputies was the supreme body of legislative power. He had the right to demand an account from the president and the dismissal of 2/3 of his votes from office. The congress elected the Supreme Soviet - a legislative body that is permanent between its convocations. The head of government (prime minister) could be appointed only with the agreement of the Supreme Council. All these constitutional restrictions in relation to the president were initially able to be bypassed on the basis of the resolution of the Fifth Congress in 1991 on the presentation of "special powers" to BN Yeltsin. But the granted carte blanche expired in December 1992. Taking into account the failure of the ongoing reforms, the further political fate of BN Yeltsin and the elite associated with him was in question.

Realizing this threat, the president already on December 10, 1992, called on his supporters to leave the Seventh Congress. In his address, the president spoke of "the impossibility of working with the Congress of Deputies," refusing to extend its special powers and demanding a change in the head of government. Even then, Yeltsin's first coup policy was undertaken. But she failed. Having retained the quorum, the Congress dismissed the radical monetarist E.G. Gaidar from the post of head of government, appointing instead of him a compromise figure of the former Minister of the Gas Industry of the USSR V.S. Chernomyrdin.

A new attempt at a "non-forced coup" was made by B.N. Yeltsin in March 1993, when the unconstitutional decree "On a special order of government" was signed by the president. But even this approach was blocked by the joint efforts of the Supreme Council, the Constitutional Court, the Prosecutor General's Office, and the Security Council.

Then it was decided to enlist the support of the people, for which a referendum on confidence in the president and parliament was started. It was assumed that due to the control of the media, as well as "the ideological and material assistance of foreign colleagues" Boris N. Yeltsin will be able to get the desired result. However, contrary to reports about the unconditional victory of the Yeltsin course, the referendum did not give an absolute advantage to either side. When counting votes from the number of voters, B.N. Yeltsin was objected to by 58.7% of the people, his reforms were supported by 53.0%, 49.5% spoke in favor of the need for early re-election of the president, and 67.2% of the Supreme Council. If we consider all potential voters (and a referendum, as you know, is an expression of the will of the whole people and should differ procedurally from the next elections), the "successes" of the Yeltsin team already appear as a defeat: only 37.6% of the electorate declared their trust in B.N. Yeltsin , about the support of his policy 34%, for the re-election of the president - 32.6%, the Supreme Council - 41.4%.

The statistics of "invalid ballots" is especially indicative. The most critical position for B.N. Yeltsin was on the issue of re-election of the president. Only 0.5% of the votes were not enough for a negative verdict for him. And it is by this indicator that the largest number of spoiled ballots is recorded. It is noticeably dissonant with all relevant indicators for other items of the survey. And, as you know, one extra badge is enough for the ballot to be invalid. A paradox arose: 58.7% trust the president, but 49.5% demand his re-election.

After all these failures, obviously, the decision is made to resolve the contradictions between the president and the Supreme Council by force. Meanwhile, the Parliament is taking a number of steps, expressing the desire to expand the vector of development outlined by the liberal reformers. Materials on the denunciation of the Belovezhskaya Accords were submitted to the Constitutional Court as an illegal decision of the Supreme Council, which assumed the powers of the Congress or the referendum. The transfer of the Crimean ASSR to Ukraine was also declared illegal. The proposal to ratify the START-2 treaty on the reduction of strategic arms was categorically not accepted as subversive for Russia's security. An attempt is being made to create mechanisms to deprive the liberal Yeltsin team of monopoly over the media. For this purpose, the Federal Council for Ensuring Freedom of Speech in the State Mass Media is being established, and changes are being made to the federal legislation on the press. Everything went to the fact that at the upcoming Tenth Congress of People's Deputies in November 1993, BN Yeltsin was to lose the presidency.

The events that took place exactly one month before that directly indicate the interest of the coup that took place. Parliament was declared the organizer of the conspiracy. BN Yeltsin, in his address of October 6, 1993, spoke of "an armed rebellion planned and prepared by the Supreme Soviet." His goal was nominated in "the establishment of a bloody communist fascist dictatorship in Russia." This is a well-known and even universal tactic of the conspirators - to declare in a conspiracy to prepare a coup those against whom the coup being carried out is actually directed. If today there is a conspiracy to remove the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation from power, then there is no doubt that he himself will be presented according to this scenario by the main conspirator.

The Decree of September 21, 1993 "On a phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation" abolished the current Constitution, dissolved the Supreme Council, called elections for a new parliament and voting on a new Basic Law.

None of the nominated solutions had legal force under the current legislation. The revolution was, in fact, carried out. The matter remained for the small - a technical operation to suppress the supporters of the former state system.

The path of compromises in the upheaval phase can lead to the disruption of the entire technological operation. Apparently, the developers of the technology of Yeltsin's interception of power understood this well. The possibility of any compromise was ruled out in advance. All proposals received, in particular, from the Constitutional Court, the meeting of the heads of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the Russian Orthodox Church on returning to the original pre-conflict situation were rejected by B.N. Yeltsin. The decision of the highest body of power in Russia, the convened extraordinary 10th Congress of People's Deputies, on simultaneous coups of the President and the Supreme Council no later than March 1994, was also ignored.

Today, there is abundant evidence that there was a predetermined plan for the use of military force in Yeltsin's headquarters. It also indicated the timing of the decisive blow - October 3-4. A few days before the bloody events, Minister of the Press M.N. Poltoranin sent a note to the leaders of the media, in which he urged "to treat with understanding the measures that the President will take on October 4." Leadership of the Institute Sklifosovsky received instructions the day before to prepare an additional 300 beds. As early as October 1, airborne units stationed in Moscow received information about a possible shootout and a subsequent assault on the House of Soviets on October 3. So the official version that the presidential forces only repelled the blow inflicted by the supporters of the Supreme Council does not correspond to the reconstructed chronology of the formation of the conspiracy. The action of the crowd of demonstrators at the White House was programmed from Yeltsin's headquarters. Since the beginning of October 3, on the October Square of a mass demonstration, the OMON for some reason has withdrawn its forces. The crowd defiantly, no one interferes. It provokes the use of force. Such a provocation was shots fired from the mayor's office and the Mir Hotel (it housed the operational headquarters of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs). In response, the crowd bursts into the mayor's office and, euphoric with success, heads towards the television center. The official media announced that the militants had seized two floors of the Ostankino complex. The TV broadcast was switched off. And only after the fact of the events it turned out that not a single militant had penetrated the building of the television center. And he couldn't get in. It was the special forces of the division. Dzerzhinsky, while there were no more than 20 armed persons among the demonstrators. It is still not clear who fired the first shot. According to numerous testimonies, it was fired from the side of the Ostankino building, injuring one of the Makashov submachine gunners. The firefight that ensued, conducted mainly from the television center, government armored vehicles and the rooftops of nearby houses, was a simulated battle. By means of an organizational provocation, the Yeltsin team obtained the moral right to shed blood.

Characteristically, the Russian and international democratic public assessed Yeltsin's coup as necessary measures to establish legal order.

When covering the conflict between the branches of power in Russia, the Western media invariably presented B.N. Yeltsin under the marker "legally elected president", "the only legal and popularly elected power", the consumer of information was programmed with the corresponding attitude:

the president is "legitimate", and the deputies of the Supreme Council are illegal. Of course, without the appropriate sanction from the West, B.N. Yeltsin would never have dared to carry out his 1993 power transformation. B.N. Yeltsin himself admitted in his memoirs about the negotiations on the coup scenario with German Chancellor G. Kohl: “I wanted to discuss with him a question of principle for me: if I go to limit the activities of parliament, how ... the West will react to my actions ... He supported me, expressing confidence that the other leaders of the G7 would also understand the tough but necessary measures. The US mandate was probably received by the President of the Russian Federation during his visit to Vancouver in April 1993. Characteristic in this regard are the words uttered by BN Yeltsin in January 1994. during a press conference organized on the occasion of the reception of B. Clinton in Moscow: "We are in the midst of a Russian-American joint revolution." Recognition is exhaustive.

The texts of the Russian media in October 1993 testify to how it is possible to replace the content of the coup by appropriate information methods. One such example is the “letter of the 42nd” published on October 5 in Izvestia - “Writers demand decisive action from the government”:

"... The Nazis took up arms, trying to seize power. Thank God, the army and law enforcement agencies were with the people, they did not split ... These stupid scoundrels respect only strength. So is it not time to demonstrate it to our young, but already, as we again with joyful We were surprised to see that democracy has grown strong enough?... This time we must firmly demand from the government and the president:... All kinds of communist and nationalist parties, fronts and associations must be dissolved... Prosecutors followed, judges patronizing this kind of socially dangerous crime should immediately to be removed from work .... The press organs that incite hatred day after day ... should continue to be closed until the trial ... Recognize as illegitimate not only the Congress of People's Deputies, the Supreme Council, but also all the bodies formed by them (including the Constitutional Court) ... History more gave us a chance to take a big step towards democracy and civilization. chance…!"

The apotheosis of Yeltsin's democracy! This kind of text once and for all, it would seem, should have disavowed the liberal ideology in Russia. The letter is clearly extremist in nature. However, its signatories are the writers' democratic beau monde, cult figures of the new Russia - Ales Adamovich, Anatoly Ananiev, Artem Afinogenov, Bella Akhmadulina, Grigory Baklanov, Zori Balayan, Tatiana Bek, Alexander Borshchagovsky, Vasil Bykov, Boris Vasiliev, Alexander Gelman, Daniil Granin, Yuri Davydov, Daniil Danin, Andrey Dementiev, Mikhail Dudin, Alexander Ivanov, Edmund Iodkovsky, Rimma Kazakova, Sergey Kaledin, Yuri Karyakin, Yakov Kostyukovsky, Tatyana Kuzovleva, Alexander Kushner, Yuri Levitansky, Dmitry Mikhachev, Yuri Nagibin, Andrey Nuikin, Bulat Okudzhava, Valentin Oskotsky, Grigory Pozhenyan, Anatoly Pristavkin, Lev Razgon, Alexander Rekelchuk, Robert Rozhdestvensky, Vladimir Saveliev, Vasily Selyunin, Yuri Chernichenko, Andrey Chernov, Marietta Chudakova, Mikhail Chulaki, Victor Afanasiev.

At the very peak of hostilities on October 4, the radio station "Echo of Moscow" through the mouth of Yu. Chernenko appealed to the authorities with the call "Crush the vermin!" Under the "reptile" understood all the authorities listed in the above document. Congress of People's Deputies, Supreme Soviet, Constitutional Court.

BN Yeltsin's congratulations on the victory from J. Dudayev are also characteristic. Then back in October 1993 they acted as allies. "The Government of the Chechen Republic," D. Dudayev wrote, "approves of your actions to suppress the communist-fascist rebellion in Moscow,

whose goal was to seize power in Russia and drown democracy in blood... Accept, Mr. President, the assurances of my highest consideration."

Of course, in Russia in 1993 there was a constitutional coup, if only because all the actions of BN Yeltsin's team were not constitutional. But if this is so, then the Constitution of 1993, and privatization, and in general everything coming from the government over a twenty-year period, turns out to be illegitimate. Of course, such a formulation of the question contains certain risks. But it is also obvious that the very foundation of the modern state needs to be changed. And for this, one cannot do without stating its initial illegitimacy.

The reforms began with the liberalization of prices in January 1992, which led to the filling of the domestic market with food and industrial goods. However, over the year, prices have increased tenfold. The majority of the population received meager salaries and pensions, and cash savings depreciated. The systems of free medicine, education and science left without state funding were destroyed. Russia is facing unemployment. All this led to mass impoverishment of the population.

"SHOCK THERAPY"

In the post-perestroika transition period (1992-1993), following the political formation of the new government in 1991, the economic and constitutional foundations of the new state structure of Russia are being approved. At the same time, the new leadership of the country saw the main task in consolidating political changes in Russian society. The Russian economy, its constitutional structure had to come into line with the new political system of the country, which meant a transition to a market economy, its demonopolization and privatization, the creation of a class of private entrepreneurs and owners, and the strengthening of the power of the president.

At the Fifth Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (October 1991), B. Yeltsin came up with a program of radical economic reforms, providing for the liberalization of prices and wages, freedom of trade and privatization. Considering the current difficult economic situation, the deputies generally approved the program and even gave the president additional powers to carry it out. On November 6-8, 1991, a government was formed headed by B. Yeltsin and two vice-premiers: G. Burbulis (responsible for political issues) and E. Gaidar (minister of economy and finance, who oversaw economic reform). The government also had an institute of advisers, where the leading role belonged to the American liberal economist D. Sachs.

On January 2, 1992, the first step towards a market economy was taken - prices and trade were liberalized. As conceived by Deputy Prime Minister Ye. Gaidar, this was supposed to return to money the role of a spontaneous regulator of prices and production, to lead to the destruction of the monopoly of intermediaries in the trading network. However, the underestimation of the monopolization of production, as well as the self-removal of the government from control over the formation of prices, led to their uncontrolled surge. In January 1992, prices increased by 1000-1200%, and by the end of the year they had increased by at least 26 times. At the same time, the increase in wages in 1992 occurred only 12 times. The reform did not provide for the indexation of savings deposits of the population, which led to their simultaneous depreciation. The government's hopes for large-scale foreign exchange assistance from the West did not come true either. Under these conditions, the government of Yeltsin-Gaidar was unable to fulfill the promised social guarantees during the implementation of reforms. The policy of "shock therapy", not supported by Western loans and investments, nevertheless continued, and the main goal was to stabilize the financial system, create a deficit-free budget by ending subsidies to unprofitable enterprises and industries, and reducing social payments to the population. The stabilization of Russia's finances was supposed to cause, according to Gaidar, the growth of foreign and domestic investment in the Russian economy.

I.S. Ratkovsky, M.V. Khodyakov. History of Soviet Russia

HUNGER THREAT

The Russian leadership approached the issue of price liberalization in a peculiar situation, the most important features of which were as follows:

— denial by a significant part of the population of the idea of ​​introducing free prices,

- distrust of any measures for social protection and maintenance of living standards,

- anticipation of hunger

- the growth of discontent.

A poll conducted in November 1991 showed that more than half of Russians do not support the transition to free market prices, only a quarter approves of this measure. Only 9% of citizens participating in the survey expect the situation to improve. The characteristic features of the consumer behavior of the population are excessive demand, flight from money ...

The situation with the supply of food to cities in 1991 resembles the tragic realities of 1917. From Novgorod it was reported: "Funds of flour for the second half of the year were allocated 6,500 tons less than the actual consumption of last year. All this forced the introduction of a universally standardized (card) supply of bread to the population, at the rate of 400 grams per capita." Yu. Luzhkov reported in November 1991: "The Moscow government brings to your attention that the supply of food products to the population continues to be critical ... Due to the lack of resources in the amount of 40 thousand tons and the termination of the shipment of animal butter from Ukraine, Estonia, Latvia And Moldova, it is traded periodically, there are no remains of animal butter. Under the union contract, 20 thousand tons of animal butter were purchased from imports. It is necessary to send the entire purchased volume to Moscow ... In January 1992, Moscow may be left without food." Information from the Chita region: "260 g of flour per person has been allocated. This is below the wartime norm, the situation with the provision of bread is critical."

The difference between 1917 and 1991 was in the spirit of the times. In 1917 the world was dominated by the notion that increased state influence over economic life was a good thing. The basis of such beliefs were the social problems generated by the beginning of modern economic growth, industrialization. At the beginning of the 20th century, everyone believed in the beneficialness of direct state regulation: experts, high-ranking officials, and politicians. Without taking this into account, it is difficult to understand why the tsarist government, the Provisional Government, the Bolshevik government, with varying degrees of efficiency and cruelty, pursued a food policy based on the forced seizure of grain from the peasants at prices that did not correspond to market conditions.

Against this intellectual background, V. Lenin's idea of ​​going to the village for bread with machine guns did not seem something exotic. He only brought to its logical conclusion what the qualified specialists of that time in the food business were thinking about.

In the autumn of 1991, when Russia was faced with similar problems of food supply to cities, with the threat of famine, the intellectual atmosphere in the world was different. The belief in the beneficence of state regulation of the economy has ceased to be a symbol of faith. In Russia, the belief that government agencies can effectively deal with the problems facing the country in times of crisis has been undermined by 70 years of state omnipotence. The idea that, faced with a shortage of grain, you can get it by sending armed detachments to regions rich in grain, the government did not seriously discuss. Big cities needed bread. It is impossible to confiscate it. There is no currency to buy it abroad. There is only one thing left: to obtain food by paying a price that will be acceptable to its producers. Actually, this is the essence of price liberalization, a path similar to that taken by V. Lenin in 1921, when he faced the threat of losing power.

As then, the liberalization of prices in 1991 alone did not guarantee a solution to the problem of supplying cities with food. The key question was: will the village sell grain to the city for unreliable, depreciating rubles? It was on this that it depended whether the catastrophic scenario of the events of the Russian Revolution in the early 20th century would repeat itself.

In the autumn of 1991, the Russian authorities decided not to send food detachments to the countryside, but to form a free food market, without guarantees that the money supply could be kept under control, inflation would not reach a level at which grain producers would refuse to sell bread to the city.

In October 1991, we suggested that price liberalization could be delayed until mid-1992, by which time levers of control over money circulation in Russia could be in place. A few days after starting work in the government, having familiarized himself with the picture of the food supply of large Russian cities, he was forced to admit that postponing liberalization until July 1992 was impossible. In this case, by the summer of 1992, we will be approximately where the Bolsheviks were in the summer of 1918. There remained the only possible line in economic policy that would give chances for preventing a catastrophe—price liberalization, reduction of state-controlled spending, and the speedy separation of the Russian monetary system from the monetary systems of other post-Soviet states. It was about the development of events in a nuclear power, the stability of which largely depended on what would happen to the food supply of cities. The decision was one of the most risky in world history.

The materials of the first meeting of the Russian government, formed in November 1991, clearly show that in those days no one knew how to solve an insoluble problem. Hence the hesitations about when and how to liberalize prices, how to combine this with ensuring control over money circulation. It was only clear that the country was in an extreme situation ...

Having abandoned the idea of ​​sending food detachments to the countryside, the government could take only one decision: to introduce market prices for food. As the experience of 1917-1921 showed, if free trade is not hindered, then even with the disorganization of money circulation there are chances that the supply of cities will be satisfactory. Whether it will turn out in practice - no one could know, but there was no other way out. The hope that the market would work was the motive behind the price liberalization decision on January 2, 1992.

Almost everyone understood that this decision would be unpopular. This was confirmed by a survey conducted by VCIOM in January-February 1992. But this decision saved the country. It should be noted that the union leadership, faced with an economic crisis, possessing an army, the KGB, heading a multi-million dollar party, did not dare to liberalize prices. It chose to close its eyes and hope that the situation would resolve itself.

E.T. Gaidar. Troubles and institutions

PRICE LIBERALIZATION AND GAYDAR'S RESIGNATION

Since January 2, prices for the vast majority of goods (with the exception of bread, milk, alcohol, as well as utilities, transport and energy) have been released, and regulated prices have been increased. A 28 percent value added tax has been introduced.

In addition to price liberalization, import restrictions were temporarily lifted and a zero import tariff was set. It was free imports at the beginning of 1992 that played the role of a catalyst in the development of private market trade.

On January 29, 1992, Russian President Boris Yeltsin signed the Decree "On Free Trade". In accordance with this decree, enterprises, regardless of their form of ownership, and citizens were granted the right to carry out trade, intermediary and procurement activities without special permits. The exception was the trade in weapons, explosives, poisonous and radioactive substances, drugs, medicines, etc. All this led to the gradual saturation of the consumer market and the growth of retail stocks.

At the same time, such negative phenomena as a crisis of mutual non-payments of enterprises, a shortage of cash, which caused acute social tension, a decrease in tax revenues to the budget, and inflation, manifested themselves in the country's economy.

In his speeches on the eve of liberalization, Gaidar spoke of an upcoming initial price increase of 200-300%. In fact, in January 1992, their growth compared to the previous month was 352%.

In April 1992, at the VI Congress of People's Deputies of Russia, the government's economic policy was sharply criticized. On April 11, the Congress adopted a Resolution “On the course of economic reform in the Russian Federation”, in which: it noted a number of problems in the economy: a decline in production, the destruction of economic ties, a decrease in the living standards of the population, an increase in social tension, a lack of cash; invited the President of Russia to make significant adjustments to the tactics and methods of implementing the economic reform, taking into account the comments and suggestions.

On April 13, Gaidar announced the resignation of the government, arguing that the resolution adopted at the Congress on the progress of reforms actually means that the deputies do not agree with the economic course pursued by the government, and the additional budget expenditures envisaged by it will not allow this course to be implemented without catastrophic consequences for the economy.

In this situation, a compromise was found: the congress adopted a Declaration on Support for Economic Reforms, in which the norms of the adopted Decree on the course of economic reform were softened.

After the VI Congress, the "Medium-term economic concept of the government" began to be developed, which provided for a decrease in the share of regulated prices and volumes of government purchases, the deployment of mass privatization, bringing energy prices to the global level only within 2 years.

In fact, under pressure from deputies and directors of state-owned enterprises, financial policy has become less stringent. In combination with the seasonality of certain economic processes that is significant for Russia, the unsettled financial relations with the CIS countries, which led to the simultaneous operation of many ruble emission centers, and the fact that the Central Bank of Russia was not controlled by the government, this led to the end of the period of relative financial stability and the development of a new inflationary round at the end of summer - early autumn 1992.

In the fall, the government was again criticized with demands to restore price regulation and increase direct state intervention in the processes taking place in the national economy.

In December 1992, Yegor Gaidar was not approved for the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers by the VII Congress of People's Deputies. After the approval of the head of government, Viktor Chernomyrdin, Gaidar was dismissed.

The activity of Yegor Gaidar is estimated ambiguously. On the one hand, his price reform in January 1992, which effectively meant the abandonment of state regulation of prices for most goods, including essential goods, made it possible to almost instantly fill store shelves that had been completely empty in previous years. However, while maintaining the income of the population unchanged, this led to a catastrophic drop in living standards.

The reformers managed to reduce the state budget deficit and put the Soviet planned economy on the rails of the free market, but the side effect of their actions was hyperinflation and economic crisis.

Experts still debate what caused the collapse of the Russian economy in the early 1990s, the reforms of Gaidar and his supporters, or the decades of ineffective Soviet rule that preceded them.

Today, 1992 is next in line, and the first part will be devoted to the country that was called the Soviet Union on the eve of the New Year holidays and which was finished on the December night of 1991 in Belovezhskaya Pushcha. For some, this geopolitical catastrophe was a tragedy, for others it was a cause for rejoicing. In the West, the gravediggers of the USSR received a standing ovation.

Yeltsin during a speech at a joint meeting of both houses of the US Congress, June 17, 1992 Alexander Sentsov and Alexander Chumichev ITAR-TASS:

Let's see what happened in 1992 on the ruins of a great country.

First Russia.
Together with the political building of the USSR, its entire economic system collapsed overnight. From the first days of January, the country plunged headlong into the "wild market". By a special decree of Yeltsin, the entire population was allowed to trade anywhere and anything without any permits.

Sale of alcoholic beverages from the hands at the Yaroslavl railway station in Moscow. 1992 Stanislav Shaklein, MIA "Russia Today":

Along with street trading, a system of "commercial" shops suddenly flourished, where they traded for foreign currency or at free prices in rubles, which grew tenfold in a matter of weeks.

A variety of goods on the shelves of foreign exchange shops. Moscow, 1992. Sergey Titov MIA "Russia Today":

The exchange rate of the ruble dived irresistibly down all year, turning all the savings of citizens into pennies. From now on, people trusted only Western currency. First of all, "buck".

Muscovites exchange dollars for rubles in one of the local banks on Black Tuesday, September 22, 1992. Alexander Zelimanchenko AP Photo:

The most enterprising citizens went to purchase goods abroad. Tens of thousands of people mastered the new profession of "shuttle workers".

Minsk, 1992. A woman in a bolognese jacket. Photo by RIA Novosti:

The first year of the "wild market" brought impoverishment and famine to Russia. The government was forced to ask the West to provide "humanitarian aid" with food.

"Humanitarian aid" arrived in Smolensk. January 1992:

In addition to problems with food, the country was shaken by interruptions in other essential goods.

Queue at a gas station in Moscow, 1992:

For a quick transition from socialism to capitalism, the government of the Russian Federation announced the start of "voucher privatization." Its main ideologue, Chubais, promised that one voucher would be equal to the cost of two Volga cars.

Privatization. 1992 Alexey Boytsov. RIA News:

From perestroika "cooperators" a young "business elite" of Russia was forming before our eyes, from which Yeltsin's "oligarchs" will soon emerge.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Menatep International Financial Association, 1992:

The government of Yeltsin's "young reformers" did not see the country's economic future without Western investment. In 1992 there were still a few of them, but some of them are very symbolic.

At the site of the future Coca-Cola plant on Novoorlovskaya Street in Novo-Peredelkino, 1992:

The heady "air of freedom" filled the country. Now everything is possible.

Moscow, trading on Pushkin Square, Daniel Biskup, 1992:

All forbidden fruits are now available.

Topless dancing in the cabaret of the hotel "Ukraine", Arnold H. Drapkin, 1992:

A powerful wind of change was felt in everything. Bright, flashy colors, which were associated with complete freedom and looseness, came into fashion.

Fashion models during the show program of fashion designer Vyacheslav Zaitsev, 1992. RIA News:

New stars were lit on the Russian stage.

The long-awaited "spiritual freedom" suddenly showed its wrong side and began to take the most ugly forms.

Fans cheer for the Hitler lookalike at Corrosion of Metal (1992):

1992 was the beginning of the gangster era of the 90s. The time has come for "brigades", "groupings", "shooters", "showdowns", "brothers", "assaults" and "roofs".

Detained bandits from the Uralmash group lie side by side before interrogation (1992):

The population began to arm. Yeltsin issued a decree allowing citizens to buy air and gas pistols, as well as gas sprays for self-defense.

In Russian politics, 1992 passed relatively peacefully, although irreconcilable contradictions between the deputy corps and Yeltsin's presidential power were gradually beginning to mature.
Despite periodic drinking bouts, the latter was still quite capable.

Yeltsin playing tennis, March 1992:

In Nizhny Novgorod, the star of the young reformist governor Nemtsov, who enjoyed special patronage of Yeltsin, was rising.

During a meeting with the administration of GAZ, 1992:

Moscow Mayor Gavriil Popov (right) and Moscow Prime Minister Yury Luzhkov (center) before a swim in Serebryany Bor. Oleg Lastochkin, RIA Novosti, 1992:

In 1992, the descendants of the Romanov dynasty visited Russia for the first time. St. Petersburg, 1992:

Now let's see what was going on in the life of the post-Soviet space, which was getting used to the new abbreviation "CIS". The divorce took place gradually, in 1992 even the general Olympic team was still preserved.

March of the Joint Team at the opening ceremony of the XVI Winter Olympic Games in Albertville. February 8, 1992:

In Ukraine, as in the Russian Federation, the pro-Western political and economic course was headed by the old party apparatchiks, headed by the former secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine L.M. Kravchuk. They seemed to get along well.
Yeltsin severely stopped in 1992 the timid attempts of the Crimea to return to Russia and agreed with Kyiv to divide the Black Sea Fleet "in a brotherly way."

On August 3, 1992, in Mukhalatka near Yalta, the presidents of the two countries, Boris Yeltsin and Leonid Kravchuk, signed an agreement on a phased settlement of the problem of the Black Sea Fleet ITAR-TASS Alexander Sentsov:

The two hottest spots on the territory of the former USSR in 1992 were Tajikistan and Transnistria.

The first was a civil war.

A rally on Shahidon Square in Tajikistan. Ratushenko. RIA Novosti, 1992:

Protesters on Shahidon Square in Dushanbe, Ratushenko, RIA Novosti, 1992:

Russian troops are evacuating the residents of Nurek. Tajikistan, Nurek, November 4, 1992. Khamelyanin Gennady. TASS photo chronicle:

In Transnistria, a long-brewing conflict has entered a hot phase.
On the night of March 1-2, 1992, a car with Dubossary policemen was shot from an ambush. On March 2, a special detachment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Moldova attacked a regiment of the Russian 14th Army stationed near the village of Cocieri. On April 1, a unit of the Moldovan police entered Bender, accompanied by two BTR-70 armored personnel carriers. The police made an attempt to disarm the Transnistrian guards. On June 19, 1992, regular units of the Moldovan army and armored columns of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were sent to Bendery. Bloody battles began in Bendery. On June 20, Moldovan troops reached the Bendery bridge across the Dniester. The assault on the city executive committee, defended by Pridnestrovians, began. The Moldavian forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs unsuccessfully tried to storm the location of the 14th Army in the city of Bendery. An explosion occurred at the location of the Russian regiment, which claimed the lives of 26 soldiers. Meanwhile, volunteers from the 14th Army, many of whom had local families, defected to the Transnistrian side. They, together with the Cossacks, guardsmen and militias, broke into Bendery and drove the Moldavian troops out of most of the city.

Defenders of Bender. I. Zenin, RIA Novosti, 1992:

Conflict in Transnistria. In the city of Bender. I. Zenin, RIA Novosti:

In the same 1992, the Transnistrian conflict was frozen with the mediation of Russia. On August 1, 1992, the disengagement of the armed formations of the conflicting parties was completed.

Russian President Boris Yeltsin and Moldovan President Mircea Snegur at the signing of an agreement on measures to resolve the conflict in Transnistria. Alexander Makarov:

The Karabakh conflict also continued.
Military operations in the Martakert region of Nagorno-Karabakh. R. Margasarian. RIA Novosti, 1992:

The Chinese have long noticed that periods alternate, intricately intertwining characteristics. They compiled their knowledge into a treatise known as the Chinese Zodiac. To understand its nuances, let's look at an example. Here, 1992 - what animal? How is it characterized and, most importantly, different from others? How does it affect people born during this period.

1992 - the year of whom according to the horoscope?

Let's start with the fact that the Chinese horoscope forms a combination of twelve animals with four elements. But that's not all. Further, any sign obtained from this plexus is painted with a certain color, giving the period additional features. So, if we consider the year 1992, what animal, elements and colors it is, we will get the answer: Monkey, water, black. There are only three signs. But these are the key symbols, starting from which all other characteristics for 1992 are created. The eastern horoscope allows you to describe those who were born during this period, what it will bring to other people, how to spend it, and so on. Let's look at the gifts and pitfalls of the year.

Characteristics of personalities

The monkey gives its own features to those whose dates of birth include 1992. Whatever animal you take, there are universally recognized characteristics of it. So, the monkey in our imagination is associated with cunning, energy, some
naivety.

To a certain extent, people who were born during this period adopt such qualities. Only they are amplified by the element of water, as the Chinese horoscope speaks. 1992 gave the world purposeful individuals (this is not from a monkey), restrained and very talented. They are friendly, have every opportunity to become the soul of the company. They treat professional activities responsibly, perform their duties quickly, skillfully, observing deadlines and norms. Appreciate knowledge. They study all their lives, sparing no time and energy. The horoscope claims that there are no other people who are so able to achieve goals, like those who gave life to 1992. What animal horoscope can compete with such extraordinary characteristics? But not everything is so wonderful. These people also have negative traits (like everyone else).

What should these individuals be afraid of?

It is clear that 1992, no matter what kind of monkey it may be, will throw some not the most pleasant "gifts" into the character of its "offspring". The most difficult thing to overcome is the rejection of criticism. This is where the negative simian traits come into play. A person believes that he is an authority for himself. There is no other opinion for him. Therefore, he can only treat favorably those who support him. Criticism is perceived as a personal insult. How so, he knows better what to do! Therefore, the answer to the question: "1992 - the year of which animal?" can be supplemented with such a characteristic: smart, but irreconcilable.

By the way, they have the right to do so. Since the responsibility for their decisions on other people's shoulders do not shift.

About compatibility

It is impossible to consider and not touch on the issue of his interaction with others. When you ask yourself the question of what kind of monkeys 1992 is, compatibility comes to one of the first places. The fact is that it is complex and multifaceted. Abstractly, it can be represented as a metallic black river, powerfully flowing along its course. How to interact with such a person? What can be done to prevent this directed flow of meaningful energy from being crushed by its inexorable force? The Chinese believe that these people should be considered as promising relationships with the Horse and the Rat. Alliances with the Tiger, Ox or Dog can become very problematic. And another question about 1992, which animal (compatibility is meant) does he not tolerate? Who won't get along with at all? It turns out that there are none. The Black Monkey, fortified by the element of water, makes a person flexible enough. He more or less gets along with everyone, although intimacy can only be deep with the above
signs.

About the profession

It is believed that there is no such specialty or area of ​​\u200b\u200bactivity where success would not await these Monkeys. The fact is that the mind in them is combined with dexterity and cunning. They can be great advertisers. Especially in this Internet age. If perseverance is brought up in the character of this person, then all other natural data will be enough for him to build a career in diplomacy. He is smart, while his intellect is flexible, striving for constant self-improvement (from nature). These Monkeys have innate artistic abilities that they do not realize until old age. It is perfectly normal for them to play different roles. Children born during this period should be aimed at a career where they will have to constantly move, learn new things, otherwise they will “waste”.

About communication

A very important point is how a person knows how to build a conversation and generally contacts with others. Those whose year of birth fell on Monkeys are masters of communication. And it's not even that they perfectly convey their thoughts and perfectly listen to the interlocutor. They still have a perfect memory, which helps them in establishing contacts. They always know how to remind themselves of themselves with a congratulatory card or a thought expressed on the topic. They are hindered by arrogance, which must be overcome. The fact is that the Monkey can at one moment, under the influence of his mood, destroy everything that he has been working on for a long time and painstakingly. You can't glue what's broken with regret. You will have to start your work over again. And you just had to hold your tongue so as not to offend a significant person.

How will their life turn out

In childhood and adolescence, these people are real lucky ones. They succeed. They get as much affection and attention as necessary for harmonious development. Difficulties overtake these Monkeys in the middle of the road. At this time, chaos is possible associated with the device of personal life or career. And it's not about them. It is simply necessary to solve certain tasks related to spiritual growth. At this time, these people need help. They themselves will not guess to ask for support. Their old age will be quiet and calm. The Chinese horoscope warns that they may die in a foreign land, far from loving hearts.

What kind of parents are they?

For children, people who were born under the sign of the Water Monkey are slightly indifferent. This applies to both men and women. No, they will not throw their offspring to grandmothers, but they will not shake over them, touched by every step. It is best for them to perform parental functions based on friendship. Then you can build strong partnerships with children, do not lose their affection and love. Monkeys are generous but selfish. They need to recognize and accept this trait of their character. But, despite some aloofness, their offspring are very proud of their parents, often becoming their right hand in the family business.

Special Features

Naturally, the Monkey gives his wards a zest, without which they could not get what raises many of them to the peak of fame (to one degree or another). This feature is magnificent, subtle. Their jokes are so refined and charming that a lot of people fall under. Sometimes this humor becomes malicious, turning into causticity. But friends forgive, and Monkeys are not inclined to pay attention to everyone else. Moreover, mental creativity, expressed in humor, helps their professional activities.

Often, with a virtuoso pun, they can earn more than years of painstaking work. Women born under the sign of the Water Monkey are endowed with the charm of harmonious maturity. They immediately pay attention, trying to "look into the soul." There is a certain magnetism in these seemingly modest girls.

If a person born in 1992 appeared in the circle of your acquaintances, then take a closer look at this still young person. Most likely, it will seem to you that this is a quiet and hard worker, who is destined to spend his whole life in the shadow of someone else's glory. It's not like that at all. It's just that these people are not inclined to open up to everyone they meet. The time has not yet come when their main goal will begin to take on visible features. Rest assured, they are already working on it. If you manage to get into their trustees, you can eventually receive dividends that are not inferior in size to those paid by large corporations. It is worth enduring their obsession and sometimes annoying causticity. The heyday of these personalities will be in 2020, that is, it will coincide with the time of Russia's prosperity!

So, having dealt with 1992, we can draw the following conclusion. This is a period ruled by the Black Monkey, which is under the influence of water. This sign is complex and multifaceted. People who were lucky enough to fall under his influence will live a bright and eventful life.